Chapter CLIX: To Theodore Vitus.36 (13)

Nicolas[334] has at length returned from England, having been detained for eleven days by head winds, and afterwards tossed about by so severe a tempest, that he scarcely escaped shipwreck. He reports that he was so kindly and affectionately received, that I have good reason to congratulate myself that my labour was spent to the best advantage. After having delivered my letter to the Duke of Somerset, and having said that he had another also for the King, the Duke himself undertook the duty of presenting it, and on the following day set out for the Court. If I am not deceived, the work not only greatly pleased the Royal Council, but also filled the King himself with extraordinary delight. The Archbishop of Canterbury informed me that I could do nothing more useful than to write to the King more frequently. This gave me more pleasure than if I had come to the possession of a great sum of money. In the present state of the kingdom, many things are still to be desired. Among other evils that are incurable until the King shall have attained his majority, there is this one: that all the revenues of the Church are devoured by the nobles, and they are meanwhile hiring for a miserable pittance, worthless men to discharge the duties, or at least occupy the position of pastors. I nevertheless will not cease to goad the whole of them. I did not allude to the death of Bucer, lest I should open my own wound afresh.[335] For when I reflect how great a loss the Church of God has sustained in the death of this one man, I cannot but feel the deepest anguish. He would have been of great advantage to England. I was expecting more from his future writings, than anything he had hitherto performed. In addition to this, the Church is now destitute of faithful teachers. Vadian had very great influence among the Swiss.[336] The Lord has taken him away. Osiander is absolutely mad.[337] Let us take courage, however, until we shall have finished our course and reached the goal. One thing I fear, that while holding a place among the runners, I may set an example of slowness. Yet I am not a little comforted by this, that you, who have outstripped all others, extend to me so much pardon and mild indulgence. It is sufficient, if, not led away by the unsettled wanderings of others, we hold on in the right way; even although some get far ahead of us, and others lag a great way behind. As for our old friend with the new face,[338] I shall for my part be careful to encourage him, as you urgently advise, and shall give my colleagues a hint to do the same. But believe me, he manifests no sincerity. I surmised from the first what he was wishing to be at. I concealed that I had detected it; kept my hand on it, as it were. He patronizes, as he used to do, persons given over to shameless pleasures. He is in like manner given to defend bad causes. His arrogance and ferocity are in no degree abated. His cohort runs riot more at will than ever. However, I shall so conduct myself, that he will easily perceive that I am heartily reconciled to him. You have heard, I suppose, what a mournful procession they lately made: and yet so shameful a butchering of a most distinguished citizen has not restrained their wantonness. As to Christopher's asking me to attend their suppers, I have, hitherto, indeed, refused none of them: but when the duties were intrusted to Ambard Corné, he, by his procrastination, broke in upon the established order. I am, in the meantime, much occupied with foreigners, who daily pass through this place in great numbers, or who have come hither to take up their abode.[339] Among others, the Marquis de Vico, a Neapolitan, arrived lately. Another will follow by and by. Should you pay us a visit next autumn, you will find our city considerably increased--a pleasing spectacle to me, if they do not overwhelm me with their visits. Viret was here lately, but he went off sooner than I could have wished. There is already open war between the Pontiff and the French.[340] There is a rumour, that all the Cardinals who sided with the King, have fled from Rome. If the Emperor is to be involved in this war, he will be forced to give some relief to Magdeburg, and those places allied with it. Adieu, most upright brother; salute my friends earnestly, both your colleague and the other fellow-ministers. Ours also send kindest regards to you, viz., my colleagues, Normandie, Budé, Trier, Saint Laurent, the two Colladons, and my brother. May the Lord long spare you to us; may he shine on you with his Spirit, bless your holy endeavours, and watch over the Church committed to your care!--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._ Opera, tom. ix. p. 240.]

[334] Nicolas des Gallars.

[335] In a letter to Calvin of the 25th May preceding, Farel gave
eloquent expression to his sorrow at the death of Bucer:--"I have
at length received the last letter of the pious Bucer. What a
spirit! How calmly he sunk down! We must mingle joy with our sorrow,
inasmuch as our friend has gone up to God."--Library of Paris.
_Recueil Historique de France_, tom. xix.

[336] A man of distinguished learning, an accomplished statesman,
and an able negotiator, as well as a theologian, and an admirable
poet, Joachim Vadian left as wide a blank in the political councils,
as he did in the churches of his country. He had been elected eleven
times to the office of Burgomaster of Saint Gall.--See Melchior
Adam, _Vitæ Medicorum Germanorum_; and the _Theatrum_ of Pauli
Freheri, tom. ii. pp. 1231, 1232.

[337] An allusion to a recent work of Osiander's _On Justification_,
which gave rise to keen controversy in Germany.--See the
Correspondence of Calvin with Melanchthon in 1552.

[338] By all appearance Amy Perrin.

[339] The number of refugees daily increasing at Geneva, permission
was grantod them to assemble together for public worship in their
own languages. English was preached at the Auditoire, Italian at the
College, Spanish at Saint Gervais, and Flemish in Saint Germain. The
unity of the Spirit shone through the diversity of languages.--Spon
and Picot, _Histoire de Genève_.

[340] The Pope and the King of France were at that time engaged
in a struggle about the town of Parma, which the former wished to
plunder, and the latter to defend in behalf of Ottavio Farneso. Tho
Emperor was not slow in joining the cause of the Pope, and peace was
not concluded till the following year.

CCLXXX.--TO A FRENCH GENTLEMAN.[341]

[341] This letter without an address, was written to a friend,
perhaps to one of the members of the family of Beza in France,
during an illness which endangered his life, in 1551, and which
called forth from the Reformer the most touching testimonies of his
affection.

Sickness of Theodore Beza--Calvin's grief.

_30th June 1551._

When the messenger presented himself with your letter to Beza, I was seized with fresh alarm, and, at the same time, weighed down with a load of grief. For I was informed, the day before, that he had been seized with the plague. I was therefore not only troubled about the danger he was in, but from my very great affection for him I felt almost overpowered, as if I was already lamenting his death; although, indeed, this grief did not rise so much from private regard, as from my public anxiety for the prosperity of the Church. Indeed, I were destitute of human feeling, did I not return the affection of one who loves me with more than a brother's love, and reveres me like a very father. But the Church's loss afflicted me more deeply, when I pictured a man, of whom I had so very high expectations, suddenly snatched away from us by death, at the very outset of his career--a man whose gentle disposition, polished manners, and native candour, had endeared him to all good men. Should you ever happen to make a secret and hasty journey hither--which I am very anxious you should--you will find him far superior in those respects to anything I have stated. I trust that melancholy foreboding is far distant, of an event which you say would be an irreparable loss to you. Your coming would be the more desirable, as he was very anxious to see you when he left. What should we delight in but Christ? Yet I confidently trust that the life of the man will not be denied to our prayers. For although he has not yet escaped danger, yet yesterday's messenger brought us more hopeful accounts of him. To-morrow I hope to hear what will remove all doubt. Adieu, distinguished sir, and take in good part this voluntary service of mine, seeing I write with so much familiarity to one with whom I am not acquainted. May the Lord guide you by his Spirit, and shield you by his protection!

[JOHN CALVIN.]

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._ Opera, tom. ix. p. 60.]

CCLXXXI.--To the Duke of Somerset.[342]

[342] See the letter to the King of the month of January, p. 299.
The ministor, Nicolas des Gallars, charged to present to the King
the letter and the Commentaries of Calvin, had met with the most
flattering reception at Court.*

*See Calvin's letter to Farel, p. 311, ante.

Protestations of attachment--reforms required in the Church of
England--squandering of the revenues of benefices and of the
universities.

FROM GENEVA, _this 25th July 1551_.

MONSEIGNEUR,--I know not how to thank you enough for the kind reception which my messenger has met with from you, not merely in that you have been pleased to take the trouble of offering my books to the King, but for all other proofs of the singular friendly affection which you have hitherto graciously shown me. As for the youth whom you have taken into your service, I should not have had the boldness to write to you about him, had I not thought, as was generally expected, that he was likely to turn out remarkably well. But so much the more am I obliged to you, since I find that my recommendation has been of use in this quarter. As however all that I could write would be but very feeble compared with what is in my heart, and what your benefits deserve, I prefer to desist from further comment on them. Only I pray you, Monseigneur, to consider me so wholly yours, that had I any way of doing you service, it would not be my fault if you lacked proof of more good-will than I know how to express. I would have made these excuses to you sooner, or rather these thanks, if it may please you to hold them such, had it not been for the desire which this gentleman had, himself to present my letter to you. And in this also, I can perceive the friendship you are pleased to show towards me, since those who well deserve to have access to you, hope to be the more welcome by means of my letters.

Nevertheless, Monseigneur, I shall not cease to commend to your attention that which is of itself dear and precious enough to you. It is, that you provide and take heed that God may be faithfully honoured and served; above all, that better order be established in the Church than heretofore. Albeit it may not be easy to obtain people specially qualified to discharge this office; yet, from what I hear, there are two great hindrances against which it would be essential to provide. The first is, that the revenues of the universities which have been founded for the maintenance of scholars, are ill distributed; many being thus supported who openly profess to resist the Gospel, so far are they from affording any hopes of upholding that which has been there built up with great pains and labour.

The second evil is, that the revenue of the cures is diverted and wasted, so that there is not wherewithal to support worthy men who might be fit to discharge the office of true pastors. And thus ignorant priests are installed, who bring in great confusion. For the character of individuals begets a great contempt of the word of God; and thus whatever their authority, they cannot exercise it. I pray you, therefore, Monseigneur, to advance and improve the Reformation, and so give it permanence; be pleased to exert all your might in correcting this abuse. I quite believe that it has not been your fault that matters have not been better regulated in the first instance. But since it is very difficult all at once to organize an establishment as well as might be desirable, it only remains that we persevere, so as to perfect in time what has been well begun.

It ought not to be ill taken by those who at the present time derive profit from Church property, that the pastors be adequately supported; seeing that every one ought to strive to support them out of his own private means, were there no public ones. It would even be to their own advantage to discharge themselves of this debt, for they cannot expect to prosper while defrauding the people of God of their spiritual pasturage, by depriving the churches of good pastors. And on your part, Monseigneur, I have no doubt, when you have faithfully laboured to reduce these matters to order, that God will the more multiply his blessings upon you. But since I feel assured that you are so well inclined of yourself that I need not longer to exhort, I shall conclude, after having besought our good Lord, that it may please him to guide you always by his Spirit, to increase you in all well-doing, and to cause his name to be more and more glorified by you. Even so, Monseigneur, I do commend me very humbly to your gracious favour.

JOHN CALVIN.

[FR. COPY.--_Library of Simler, Coll. of Simler._ Vol. 75.]

CCLXXXII.--TO VIRET.

Reply to the attacks of Pighius, and of George of Sicily.

[GENEVA,] _15th August 1551_.

I regret the postponement of the Council, now when it is too late. Send for me, however, when you think fit; although it will be much more convenient, in another respect, for you to come to us. I send you the ravings of George of Sicily, which the Italian brethren wish me to refute.[343] I have declined, however, as there would be no end to replies if every single dog of that sort were to be silenced by a special treatise. It is better, therefore, that many do not deem it worthy of a reply. If I ever find leisure, I should prefer executing what I undertook years ago. By replying to Pighius, I shall put a stop to the barking of others. I have nothing to say regarding Matthaeus at present, except that, if while presenting the brethren with his work, he at the same time warn them of its dangers, I hope they will find it agreeable. We can discuss the rest better when we meet. Adieu, most worthy and upright brother. Salute your wife and little daughters, also your colleague, Ribet, and the rest of the brethren. You may tell Hotman, that I gave a willing audience of two or three hours to a fellow-citizen of his, but I fear I was not of much service to him. He is too much puffed up with stolid self-assurance, for anything to make an impression on him.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

[343] Calvin published his treatise, _De Æterna Dei
Praedestinatione_, during the following year, in reply to certain
attacks directed against this doctrine by an Italian Doctor named
George of Sicily, and the German theologian, Albert Pighius, whom
he had already assailed in 1543.--(See vol. i. p. 371 of the
present Collection.) Little is known regarding George of Sicily.
Suspected by the Catholics on account of his professing certain of
the Reformed doctrines, and by the Protestants from his holding
certain heterodox opinions, he was disclaimed alike by both of
those Churches, and ultimately fell a victim to the Inquisition, at
Ferrara.--_MSS. of the Library of Ferrara._

CCLXXXIII.--TO THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL.

Arrest of a minister from Neuchatel in France--steps for
obtaining his release.

GENEVA, _5th September 1551_.

When the melancholy tidings reached this place that Hugues,[344] with five other brethren, and a lady of rank, had been seized in the neighbourhood of Maçon, we at once resolved to inform you of it, that you might at least aid them with your prayers. For there is no use, in my opinion, in troubling ourselves with the French at present. We know they have a judge who is merciful as well as just. Textor is here, and is unremitting in his endeavours among [his] friends. If the matter proceeds farther, I shall inform you of it; only keep your mind at ease for a few days; for another messenger brought word to-day, that when he left they had good hopes of a speedy release. Adieu, most excellent brethren, very dear to me. May the Lord be ever present with you, to guide you all by his Spirit. We are desirous of commending the Church of Lyons to you, which indeed is uncalled for.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[344] Notwithstanding the interested advances made by the King of
France to the Swiss Cantons, and despite his alliance with the
Protestants of Germany, the persecutions did not terminate in
France. A minister of the district of Neuchatel, originally from
the neighbourhood of Mans, named Hugues Gravier, having undertaken
a journey to his native country, was arrested at the bridge of
Maçon, and, after a long imprisonment, condemned to the flames,
notwithstanding the intervention of the Seigneurs of Berne in his
behalf. He submitted to this cruel torture at Bourg-en-Bresse,
with wonderful firmness; and his death, says the historian of the
_Martyrs_, was the means of forming a nursery of the faithful
throughout the entire neighbourhood.--_Hist. des Martyrs_, p. 234,
anno 1552. _Hist. Eccl._, p. 86.

* * * * *

My dear Farel, I do not ask pardon for my slothfulness, as if I had rather abstain from writing you, but that you may the sooner hasten hither that we may have a conversation. Adieu, again and again.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

CCLXXXIV.--TO BULLINGER.[345]

[345] The new opinions made every day fresh progress in France,
in spite of the rigour of the edicts, and the severity of the
judges. Inspired by the evil spirit of Cardinals Tournon and
Lorraine, the King resorted to measures of great cruelty. _The
Edict of Chateaubriand_, issued on the 27th of June 1551, declared
Protestants amenable at once to ecclesiastical and civil tribunals,
so that if absolved by the jurisdiction of the one, they were liable
to condemnation by that of the other! This was a violation of the
laws of the most ordinary justice; but at a time when the Emperor,
aided by the heretic Maurice of Saxony, was attacking the Pope, the
King of France could not give too strong a pledge of his orthodoxy.
The blood of the disciples of the Gospel flowed like water, to
expiate the alliance of this persecuting monarch with the Lutherans
of Germany.--Haag, _France Protestante_, Introduction, p. x.

Edict of Chateaubriand, in France--attacks on Calvin in Geneva.

GENEVA, _15th October 1551_.

My slowness in writing to you is owing to the want of messengers. For I do not care for sending a letter which may have lost its interest by being so long in reaching you. When Beza undertook to see my letter delivered to you without delay, I was unwilling to neglect a duty in which I must confess I am too remiss. I do not know how matters are moving in England. The matrimonial alliance with France does not, in my opinion, forebode so much good as many seem to think. Would, at least, that it might mitigate somewhat the fury of his father-in-law.[346] For in order to gain new modes of venting his rage against the people of God, he has been issuing atrocious edicts, by which the general prosperity of the kingdom is broken up. A right of appeal to the supreme courts has hitherto been, and still is, granted to persons guilty of poisoning, of forgery, and of robbery; yet this is denied to Christians: they are condemned by the ordinary judges to be dragged straight to the flames, without any liberty of appeal. It has been decreed, that the friends of those whose lives are at stake must not dare to intercede for them, unless they wish to be charged with patronizing heresy. The better to fan the flames, all informers are to receive the third part of the goods of the accused. Should any judge appear too remiss, he is liable to a penalty. The King's chancellor is to guard against admitting such to public offices, or any who may have, on any occasion, been open to the slightest suspicion. No one, besides, can hereafter occupy the place of a judge, unless he be hostile to Christ; and whosoever would aspire to a public office, must furnish abundant evidence of being obsequious sons of the Church of Rome; and should any one [gain office] by deception, a penalty attaches to those who recommended him. A penalty is imposed, besides, on all citizens who may, by their suffrages, have raised to the magistracy, any individual known to hold, or suspected of holding, the Lutheran doctrines. The Supreme Council is bound by law to compel any of their number, who may seem to have a leaning to our doctrines, to clear himself by oath. All are commanded, with more than usual earnestness, to adore the breaden god on bended knee. All parsons of parishes are commanded to read the Sorbonne articles every Sabbath for the benefit of the people, that a solemn abnegation of Christ may thus resound throughout the land. The goods of all who have migrated to us are to be confiscated, even although they should be sold, or in any way disposed of, previous to their departure, unless the authorities have been duly apprised of the sale before their departure was contemplated. Geneva is alluded to more than ten times in the edict, and always with a striking mark of reproach. But indeed every place of dissent from the See of Rome is referred to. This ferocity is necessary, in order that the direst confusion may follow. The flames are already kindled everywhere, and all highways are guarded lest any should seek an asylum here. If any opportunity occurs, we must spare no pains to alleviate the sufferings of our brethren. I would already have been on my way to you, for the purpose of holding a consultation, had I not been excluded access to you, at present, by your entreaties. Nevertheless, I beseech you, in the name of Christ, that you keep an attentive lookout in all directions; but I do not see what assistance is to be expected from those who sit down so securely amid their own dangers. How ominous! The sword is whetted for our throats, and we, who are all brethren, seek to avoid a consultation! With these warnings, it becomes us to accustom ourselves to fix our regards on heaven. How I fear we may, by and by, suffer a heavier punishment for this our inactivity than could be wished! In truth, I am not astonished that they are so slow in checking the insult of the enemy, when they take worthless villains to their bosom, by whom the Church is torn and wounded, and exposed to the ridicule of her enemies. A certain Dominican, a minister of the word in a neighbouring village, has emerged from the mud under evil auspices.[347] He bawled out openly in the assembly that he had a dispute with me and the Church of Geneva; and this without the least provocation. Not content with that, he brought forward a paper filled with foul accusations, in which I was bitterly reviled for more than twenty times. On the matter being known, he was sent home. Emboldened by impunity, any satellite of the Council of Trent insults me now with equal ferocity. This is the communion of the Church which we daily profess. I omit other matters equally dishonourable, which I endure, not without sadness; although I am not so much moved on my own account, as on that of the public; for I see clearly that such a breaking up of all orderly discipline, so foreign to Christianity, cannot stand for any length of time.

[346] There were at that time proposals of marriage between the
young King Edward, and Elizabeth of France, daughter of Henry
II., but the negotiations relative to that match wore without
result.--Burnet, _History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 282,
(Nares' Edition.)

[347] Calvin, referring to the same circumstance in a letter to
Viret, (Aug. 1551,) expressed himself thus:--"An ignorant monk, from
an obscure village, disparaged me. A ridiculous affair. He was a
demagogue, who from the front of the platform, bawled out that we
were worse than the Papists, and brought forward a paper before the
Consistory, written by himself, in which he accused me, by name, of
teaching what was false and contrary to the word of God; called me
an impostor; babbled out that those who agreed with me held impious
opinions," &c.--(_Calv. Opera_, vol. ix. p. 61.) From these last
traits, we recognize the same obscure individual, who made bold to
bring forward such accusations against Calvin, and whose disputes
with the Reformer were soon to acquire a sad notoriety over all
Switzerland. This man was Jerome Bolsec!--See the following letter.

Adieu, very excellent and highly revered brother. May the Lord guide you ever; may his blessing rest on your pious endeavours, and may he shield you by his protection!

Salute Theodore, Pellican, Gualter, and the rest of the brethren earnestly in my name.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, a.]

CCLXXXV.--TO THE MINISTERS OF SWITZERLAND.[348]

[348] At a general meeting, held October 16, 1551, the minister
of Jussy, Jean de Saint André, in preaching from the words of St.
John, (viii. 47,) "He that is of God heareth God's words ...," took
occasion to develope the doctrine of eternal election, declaring
that "those who are not regenerated by the Spirit of God, continue
in a state of rebellion even to the end, because obedience is a
gift accorded only to the elect." He had scarcely finished speaking
when one of the hearers rose up, and pronounced this doctrine false
and impious, accompanying his discourse with coarse abuse of those
who make God the _author of sin_, and exhorted the people to guard
against this new doctrine as a detestable piece of folly. This man
was the old Carmelite monk, Jerome Bolsec, a physician, preacher,
and poet, who, wandering by turns in France and Italy, had retired
to Geneva some months previously, where he had already frequently
attacked the doctrines of Calvin. Unnoticed in the crowd, the
Reformer, whom Bolsec had thought absent, immediately rose up,
and by a succession of testimonies borrowed from the writings of
Augustine, eloquently refuted his adversary. Arrested on account of
the temerity of his language, and interrogated by the magistrate,
Jerome refused to retract, and was thrown into prison. The case was
brought before the Council, where he boldly maintained his opinion,
adding, besides, that many of the Swiss ministers shared in his
sentiments. Before pronouncing a judgment, which the ministers of
Geneva earnestly desired, the magistrates wrote concerning the
subject to three Reformed towns, namely, Zurich, Berne, and Bâle,
furnishing them with a list of the errors of Bolsec, and asking
their advice as to how they should treat him. See the _Registers of
the Council_, Oct. 1551; Gautier, _Manuscript History of Geneva_,
and Ruehat, tom. v. p. 456.

Statement of the controversy with Bolsec regarding Election.

GENEVA, [_October 1551_.]

There is one Jerome here, who, having thrown off the monk's cowl, is become one of those strolling physicians, who, by habitual deception and trickery, acquire a degree of impudence which makes them prompt and ready in venturing upon anything whatever. He made an attempt, eight months ago, in a public assembly of our church, to overthrow the doctrine of God's free election, which, as received from the word of God, we teach in common with you. Then, indeed, the impertinence of the man was regulated by some degree of moderation. He ceased not afterwards to make a noise in all places, with the intention of shaking the faith of the simple in this all-important doctrine. At length he openly disgorged what poison was in him. For when one of our brethren, not long since, was expounding, after our ordinary custom, that passage in John where Christ declares that those who do not hear God's words are not of God; he remarked that as many as have not been born again of the Spirit of God, continue in a state of stubborn resistance to God, even to the end, inasmuch as the gift of obedience is peculiar to the elect of God, on whom it is bestowed. That worthless wretch rose up, and affirmed that the false and impious opinion, that the will of God is the cause of all things, took its rise during the present century from Laurentius Valla; but that in this he acted wrongly, for he charged God with the blame of all evils, and falsely imputed to him a tyrannical caprice, such as the ancient poets fancifully ascribed to their Jove. He then took up the second head, and affirmed that men are not saved because they have been elected, but that they are elected because they believe; that no one is condemned at the mere pleasure of God; that those only are condemned who deprive themselves of the election common to all. In dealing with this question, he inveighed against us with a great deal of violent abuse. The chief magistrate of the city, on hearing of the matter, imprisoned him, especially as he had been tumultuously haranguing the common people not go allow themselves to be deceived by us. On being brought before the Senate for trial, he proceeded to defend his error with no less obstinacy than audacity. He, moreover, made it his boast that a considerable number of the ministers of the other churches sided with him; on which we requested the Senate not to give its final decision until, having heard from your church, it should ascertain how this worthless wretch had wickedly abused your name by making you sanction his error. Overcome by shame, he at first did not decline the decisions of the churches, but began to jest about having good reason to mistrust you from your familiar intimacy with our brother Calvin. The Senate, however, according to our request, resolved upon consulting you. Besides, and in addition to this, he was implicating your church. For while denouncing Zwingle above all others, he said that Bullinger was of precisely the same opinion with himself. He has craftily watched for a handle of discord among the Bernese ministers. We are really anxious to have this plague so removed from our church, that it may not infect our neighbours when we have got rid of it ourselves. Although it is of very great importance to us and to the public tranquillity, that the doctrine which we profess should meet with your approval; yet we have no reason to entreat your confidence in many words. The _Institutes_ of our brother Calvin, against which he is especially directing his attacks, is not unknown among you. With what reverence and sobriety he has therein discussed the secret judgments of God, it is not for us to record: the book is its own bright witness. Nor in truth do we teach anything here but what is contained in God's holy word, and what has been held by your church ever since the light of the Gospel was restored. That we are justified by faith, we all agree; but the real mercy of God can only be perceived when we learn that faith is the fruit of free adoption, and that, in point of fact, adoption flows from the eternal election of God. But not only does this impostor fancy that election depends upon faith, but that faith itself is originated as much by man himself as by divine inspiration. There can be no doubt, on the other hand, that when men perish, it must be imputed to their own wickedness. But by the case of the reprobate whom God, from his own mysterious counsel, passes by and neglects as if unworthy, we are taught a striking lesson of humility. Yet such is this Jerome, that he will not admit that God does anything justly unless he has palpable evidence of it. In fine, this much is fixed and conceded by us all, that when man sins, God must not be regarded as having any share in the blame, nor that the word sin can in any sense be applied to him. Yet this does not hinder him from exercising his power, in a wonderful and incomprehensible way, through Satan and the wicked, as if they were the instruments of his wrath, to teach the faithful patience, or to inflict merited punishment on his enemies. This profane trifler cries out that we bring an impeachment against God when we allege that he governs all things by his providence; destroying, in short, in this way, all distinction between causes as remote and concealed, on the one hand, and as near and patent on the other; rendering it impossible to regard the sufferings to which holy Job was subjected as the work of God, but that he may be held as equally guilty with the Devil, the Chaldeans, and the Sabæan robbers. Our mutual relationship, therefore, demands that you will not consider it troublesome to uphold and maintain, by your countenance, that doctrine of Christ which has been outraged by the profanity of a wanton and ill-disposed man. As we confidently trust that you will do this gladly and of your own accord, we consider it useless to ply you with anxious and earnest requests; and, on the other hand, should our services be at any time of advantage to you, you will ever find us prepared to discharge every brotherly duty.--Adieu, most beloved and esteemed brethren. May God guide you by his Spirit, bless your labours, and defend your Church!

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._ Opera, tom. ix. p. 63.]

CCLXXXVI.--TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.[349]

[349] This is Calvin's last letter to Myconius. Struck by apoplexy
while in the pulpit of the Cathedral of Bâle, a few days before
the Easter festivals of 1551, Myconius never rallied, till he was
carried off by the plague in October 1552, in the sixty-fourth year
of his age. His bereaved widow survived him only a few days. Simon
Sulzer succeeded him in the office of _Antistes_ which he had filled
during more than ten years with moderation and wisdom.--See Melch.
Adam, _Vitæ Theol. Germ._, p. 224; Ruchat, tom. v. p. 468.

Recommendations regarding the dispute with Bolsec--request on
behalf of the Protestants of France.

LAUSANNE, _November 1551_.

I am compelled to dictate these few lines, being confined to bed with a severe headache. The person who is to deliver my letter to you is my brother's father-in-law. He will, therefore, communicate to me faithfully anything with which you may intrust him. Although in so just and sacred a cause I trust there will be neither difficulty nor delay, yet, as you have especially to do with the general answer of the brethren, I beseech you particularly, and Sulzer also, to undertake the whole matter.[350] Our Senate, indeed, took a correct enough view of the case, but it is of great importance to have the mind of your church as well as of our own.

[350] Alluding to the reply expected from the ministers of Bâle,
concerning the case of Bolsec. See the preceding letter.

There is another thing, also, which I am exceedingly anxious to obtain from you and the rest of the brethren; but as there is no need for pressing you on the matter, it will be sufficient for me to give you a hint of it. Edicts worse than atrocious have lately been published by the King of France, in which all manner of cruelties are employed for the extinction of whatever spark of manliness there is in the kingdom.[351] Not only has he increased the rage of those judges and officers who previously, in most instances, went farther than they should, but if any are more moderate than the rest, they are compelled by violent threats to shed, like very gladiators, the blood of the innocent. The flames have been kindled already in very many places. There is one mode, perhaps, by which his fury may be somewhat appeased: Were those of the Swiss who profess the sound and pure doctrine of the Gospel to intercede, perhaps, during those commotions of war, their authority might carry the more weight. As the cause is a just one, and worthy also of your compassion, I shall say no more, convinced as I am that it will be to you an object of the deepest interest. Adieu, brother, worthy of my heartfelt reverence. Salute all your friends and fellow-ministers. May the Lord guide you by his Spirit, and protect you by his power!--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

[351] See letter, p. 319.

CCLXXXVII.--TO CHRISTOPHER FABRI.[352]

[352] "To Mons. Christopher Fabri, minister of the Word of God in
the Church of Neufchatel."

The theologians of Bâle were the first to communicate their
sentiments regarding the case of Bolsec. In a letter dated 28th
November, they openly acknowledged the doctrine which was the
occasion of the dispute. They regarded election as "the effect
of a secret cause, known to God alone, and which man should not
attempt to fathom." So far as Bolsec himself was concerned, they
were inclined to treat him with indulgence, deceiving thereby the
hopes of the Reformer, who desired a triumphant condemnation of his
adversary.

Calvin's dissatisfaction with the reply of the ministers of
Bâle, and the conduct of Monsieur de Falais regarding the affair
with Bolsec.

_November 1551._

I shall attend to your orders. Would that we could obtain our wishes! The ministers of Bâle have replied. We have found by experience how little advice they can give us. Myconius approaches the matter with a certain coldness. There is no use, as you say, in his taking credit to himself for wisdom from his hesitancy. Yet Sulzer writes just as if it would be satisfactory. The Senate had sent their own messenger a short time before. I fear they will repeat the same old song. But if the men of Berne and Zurich go prudently about the matter, we need not take it to heart; for all depends on this, lest he may have been admitted to the Bernese district. I am so much ashamed at De Falais, that I can scarcely bear to be taunted about his fickleness.[353] If your reply reach us in time, it will assist us not a little. Adieu, very worthy and very dear brethren. I could not find a messenger up to the present moment. My dear Fabri, I now at length discharge your orders to me. I have not had an opportunity of writing you since the brethren determined upon what kind of testimony should be given to Heroldus. I have been as moderate as I could. Adieu again. Convey my best regards to your friends.--Entirely yours,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

[353] In the theological disputes between Calvin and Bolsec, M.
de Falais declared himself in favour of the latter, from whom he
received medical advice. He had even written a letter to Bâle in his
behalf.

CCLXXXVIII.--TO FAREL.

Recommendation of a schoolmaster--complaints against the
ministers of Zurich.

GENEVA, _8th December 1551_.

There is little need for my commending the bearer to you, as he is, in my judgment, sufficiently known and approved by you. It is no ordinary proof of his piety and modesty when I state, that not only did he come down to this quarter willingly, but came forward even with eagerness, when I was almost prevented, through bashfulness, from asking him to undertake the matter. Nor have I any doubt but that he will discharge any duty imposed upon him, faithfully and with care. But the fact of his being regarded, by competent judges, as a learned and skilful physician, will perhaps go farther with your men. Were he not known among you, I should give ampler testimony in his favour. I only trust that your school may furnish him with pupils worthy of his position as a moderately learned master.

I complained lately of the theologians of Bâle,[354] who, as compared with those of Zurich, are worthy of very great praise.[355] I can hardly express to you, my dear Farel, how much I am annoyed by their rudeness. There is less humanity among us than among wild beasts. What would happen if we were not surrounded with enemies? What marvellous dulness is it, that when three or four churches are driven together into a corner, they do not recognize each other! In truth, this is worse than dishonourable, because groundless rumours are circulated, by which any brother who may be within the bounds is hindered from showing us any sympathy. The Senate did not consider the pastors worthy of being written to, but to heighten the insult, they limited their communication to the magistrates. Should you be displeased with the general letter of the men of Zurich, let me tell you, that Bullinger's private letter to me was not a whit better, although it is preferable that you should read it and judge for yourself. It is not fair that I should be troubled with his trifles, while he is, at the same time, looking down on our wants with supreme contempt. You will pardon me, therefore, if you do not obtain what you asked regarding the translation of his book. Adieu, very dear brother. May the Lord Jesus guide you, and watch over you continually, together with your brethren and the church! Salute Christopher and the rest in my name. Michael will remain here till the end of the week.--Yours truly,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. Copy._--_Eccl. Archives of Berne_, vol. vi. p. 171.]

[354] See the preceding letter, p. 327.

[355] The theologians of Zurich, like those of Bâle, did not
hesitate to profess adherence to the doctrine attacked by Bolsec.
"Jerome," said they, "deceives himself and wrongs Zuingle, if he
believes that the latter taught that God himself was the cause of
man's sinning; for if he appeared to teach something similar to
that in his book on _The Providence of God_, we must, at the same
time, consult his other writings, where he has plainly established
that sin comes by no means from God, but from human corruption and
voluntary wickedness." Addressed to the Councils of Geneva by an
oversight which the ministers of that church seemed keenly to feel,
the answer from Zurich did not appear to Calvin to be a sufficiently
explicit condemnation of his adversary. See the letter to Bullinger
of January 1552.

CCLXXXIX.--TO LELIO SOCIN.[356]

[356] Lelio Socin, founder of the celebrated sect which bears his
name, was born at Sienna of a distinguished family: his father,
Mariano Socin, a professor in the University of Bologna, was one
of the most learned jurisconsults of his age. Of a bold and active
mind, which found pleasure in the most subtle speculations, and
which would not stop short of the interpretation of mysteries,
Lelio left his native country in 1548, and joined the Reformers of
Switzerland and Germany, whose friendship he won by the politeness
of his manners, the purity of his life, and his zeal for learning.
He resided by turns at Zurich and Wittemberg, and was not slow,
by correspondence or conversation, to express his doubts on the
common doctrines, which he skilfully advanced rather in the form
of questions than as opinions which he was prepared to maintain
and to teach. He was beloved by Bullinger, who did not suspect the
heterodoxy of his beliefs, and who wrote to Calvin regarding him, "I
restrain as far as I can this man's curiosity;" and Calvin himself,
after having repeatedly broken off correspondence with Socin, could
not forbear renewing it, and giving a friendly reply to the doubts
which he had expressed on the resurrection, baptism, the trinity,
&c. (Calv. _Opera_, tom. ix. pp. 51, 57, 197.) The letter, which
is published here for the first time, throws valuable light on the
relation of the Reformer to the founder of a sect to which even
Socin himself was yet a stranger, and whose doubts were afterwards
to be set up as dogmas by his disciples. Lelio Socin died in 1562,
before he had completed his thirty-seventh year.--M'Crie, _Hist. of
Ref. in Italy_, _passim_.

Refusal to reply to the curious questions proposed to him by
Socin.

[1551.]

You are deceived in so far as you entertain the impression that Melanchthon does not agree with us on the doctrine of predestination. I only said briefly that I had a letter written by his own hand, in which he confessed that his opinion agreed with mine. But I can believe all you say, as it is nothing new for him to elude in this matter, the better to rid himself of troublesome inquiries. Certainly no one can be more averse to paradox than I am, and in subtleties I find no delight at all. Yet nothing shall ever hinder me from openly avowing what I have learned from the word of God; for nothing but what is useful is taught in the school of this master. It is my only guide, and to acquiesce in its plain doctrines shall be my constant rule of wisdom. Would that you also, my dear Lelio, would learn to regulate your powers with the same moderation! You have no reason to expect a reply from me so long as you bring forward those monstrous questions. If you are gratified by floating among those aërial speculations, permit me, I beseech you, an humble disciple of Christ, to meditate on those things which tend towards the building up of my faith. And indeed I shall hereafter follow out my wishes in silence, that you may not be troubled by me. And in truth, I am very greatly grieved that the fine talents with which God has endowed you, should be occupied not only with what is vain and fruitless, but that they should also be injured by pernicious figments. What I warned you of long ago, I must again seriously repeat, that unless you correct in time this itching after investigation, it is to be feared you will bring upon yourself severe suffering. I should be cruel towards you did I treat with a show of indulgence what I believe to be a very dangerous error. I should prefer, accordingly, offending you a little at present by my severity, rather than allow you to indulge unchecked in the fascinating allurements of curiosity. The time will come, I hope, when you will rejoice in having been so violently admonished. Adieu, brother very highly esteemed by me; and if this rebuke is harsher than it ought to be, ascribe it to my love to you.[357]

[_Lat. copy._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

[357] This letter, without a date, appears to us to belong to the
last months of the year 1551. Lelio Socin was living at that time at
Wittemberg.--M'Crie, _Hist. of the Ref. in Italy_, p. 430.

CCXC.--To Bullinger.[358]

[358] The magistrates of Geneva, after having received the advice
of the leading Swiss Churches,--which were unanimous alike in
their recognition of the doctrine of election, and in soliciting
indulgence for Bolsec,--proceeded with the trial of the prisoner,
who, having refused to retract his opinions, was solemnly banished
on the 23d December 1551, for having persisted in an obstinate
despisal of the judgment of the Churches to which he had promised
submission.--(_Registers of the Council_, Dec. 1551. Spon and Picot,
_Histoire de Genève_.) Calvin did not wish the sentence to be more
severe, although he counted on the Swiss Churches taking a more
energetic course, and in the ardour of his zeal for what he regarded
as sound doctrine, looked upon all hesitation and all weakness as a
cowardly abandonment of the truth.

Thanks for the zeal manifested on behalf of the faithful in
France--Complaints of the conduct of the Ministers of Zurich in
the affair of Bolsec.

GENEVA, _January 1552_.

You have clearly shown yourself to be what you have always been, by your unremitting endeavours to mitigate the rage of our Pharaoh, and aid our unfortunate brethren. I cannot forget how strenuously and faithfully you have always devoted yourself to this cause. Still, I have good reason to fear that little has been gained by our letters: for the courtiers to frustrate them is nothing wonderful. Indeed, I lately learned as much, in a quiet way, from the royal ambassador when he was here. We would require to send some one, therefore, if we wish to be of any use. The matter was taken up at Baden, I understand, but their deliberations probably came to naught. So confident am I of your watchful attention and faithfulness, that I consider it unnecessary for me to stimulate you by a single word.

Would that we were so well satisfied about another matter, that we could tender our thanks to you and your colleagues without any qualification. Inasmuch as we experienced--not without severe pain--considerably less support from you than we had anticipated, I prefer bringing my complaint candidly before you, rather than nourish my displeasure by keeping it to myself. You write that you were astonished why we, annoyed by a vile and impious wretch, should ask your opinion of a doctrine which he was falsely attacking. In this impression you have been greatly mistaken, for when he accused us of holding impious doctrine, we deferred to your judgment out of respect to you. I fail to see why this should annoy you. I certainly did not think you would consider any amount of labour burdensome, which should bring so very great relief to your brethren. You say that it is a serious matter to give an unqualified approval of disputations, especially when they turn upon a matter which, in the reader's judgment, might be handled to better purpose in some other way. And yet, I have never supposed, nor do I yet believe, that you belong to the number of those who are so well pleased with their own performances, that they cannot peruse without aversion anything executed by another; nor, in truth, did I propose dictating a formula to you, to which we desired your unqualified assent. It was enough, and more than enough, to have your approval of a doctrine which we held to be found in the word of God, nor was it our object to discuss it with skill and acuteness; so far from that, the matter, when stripped of all artifice, shows that we wanted nothing more than that by refuting the man's wicked calumnies, you should bear testimony to our teaching only what was drawn from the pure fountain of God.