Chapter CLIX: To Theodore Vitus.36 (11)

Among the numerous French refugees whom persecution led yearly to
Geneva, there were none more distinguished than the members of the
Colladon family, originally from Berry, where they occupied an
eminent position, and are reckoned, even in our own day, among the
number of the Genevese aristocracy. Nicolas Colladon, to whom the
letter of the Reformer is addressed, was the son of Leon Colladon,
the celebrated parliamentary advocate of Bourges, who, with his
brother Germain, retired to Geneva in the early part of the year
1551. Long initiated in evangelical doctrine, Nicolas Colladon
continued to exercise those pastoral functions in his adopted
country, which he had previously performed in Berry. In 1564 he
was made Principal of the College of Geneva, and in 1566 succeeded
Calvin himself in the chair of theology, without ceasing to
discharge his pastoral duties with a zeal which, during the plague
of 1570, found a perilous opportunity of signalizing itself. He
spent the last years of his life in the Canton de Vaud. The precise
date of his death is not known.--Senebier, _Hist. Litt._, tom. i. p.
398. Galiffe, _Notices Généalogiques_, tom. ii. p. 566; and Haag,
_France Protestante_, Art Colladon.

Settlement of the Colladon family at Geneva.

_12th May 1550._

I have at present no other reason for writing you than that I thought it absurd that a messenger, sent with difficulty hither from so intimate a friend, and on business well known to me, should return without a letter from me. I was afraid, also, at the same time, lest your brother should entertain unpleasant suspicions should he hear that I had been altogether silent. My friend Laurent at present declines the journey to which you urge him; his excuse is brief, but such as we both hope will abundantly satisfy you. I will only add this from him, that he was as far as possible from seeking any excuse for not visiting you. I assure you that his inclination is in no respect altered; but having seriously pondered the whole matter, I dare not advise him to leave his home at present. It is well, however, that those with whom you invited him to confer are disposed to entertain a removal.[278] And, indeed, they can accomplish nothing in this affair without coming to us. For as the girl is engaged in marriage here,[279] it would be too hazardous for them to remain at home. It will be your duty, therefore, to urge them to collect their baggage, and prepare for the journey. This may at first sight appear ridiculous, as if, in a matter so difficult and perplexing, I fancied everything was easily managed. I am not so inexperienced, however, as to be ignorant of the obstacles, embarrassments, and delays with which you must struggle. This only I wish, since the matter admits of no delay, that you would exert yourself vigorously in discharging your duty.

[278] In allusion to the various members of the Colladon family, who
were contemplating a removal to Geneva.

[279] Anne Colladon, the sister of Nicolas, was on the point of
being married to Laurent de Normandie. See Note 1, p. 217.

Adieu, beloved brother in the Lord. Salute your relatives kindly in my name, both the father and all the families. May God direct you with the Spirit of wisdom and fortitude; may he be present with you and further all your pious efforts! Amen.--Yours,

CHARLES PASSELIUS.

[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

CCLXII.--TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.[280]

[280] Three years after the death of Gruet, beheaded for the crime
of rebellion and of blasphemy, (see the note p. 226,) there was
discovered in a garret of his house a writing in his own hand, of
twenty-six pages, which was brought to the magistrates of Geneva.
These latter submitted the document to Calvin, who drew up his
opinion in the Memorial which we here reproduce, as an undeniable
evidence of the religious doctrines and the morals professed by some
of the chiefs of the Libertin party.

The writing in question was condemned, the 23d May 1550, as being
full of the most detestable blasphemies, and was burnt by the hand
of the hangman in front of the house of Gruet.

Notice of a publication attributed to Gruet.

[_May 1550._]

Seeing that it has pleased Messieurs to ask my opinion regarding the book of Gruet, it appears to me, that in the first place, they ought in regular judicial form to identify the handwriting, not so much for the condemnation of the individual, who is quite enough condemned already, as for the consequences which may ensue; as well in order that it may not be thought that they have been lightly moved on account of an uncertain book, as for the sake of adherents and accomplices.

That being done, I think that the suppression of the book itself ought not to appear to be for the sake of burying it out of sight, but be accompanied by a testimony that they had looked upon it with such detestation as it deserved, and that it was done for the sake of example only.

It is true, that seeing we ought to abstain from all filthy communication, and that nothing of that kind ought to proceed out of our mouth,--such blasphemous and execrable speeches ought not to be repeated, as if we had no horror of them at all; but, in obedience to the rule which our Lord has given in his law, it is for the common weal that faithful magistrates specially define the impieties which they punish. Besides, Messieurs are well aware how necessary it is, for many reasons which I leave for them to consider, although God's ordinance regarding it ought to be all-sufficient for us.

The form, under correction, which we should recommend, is that there should be a preamble or narrative something like what follows:--

That whereas, in such a year, and on such a day, Jacques Gruet, as well on account of hideous blasphemies against God, and mockery of the Christian religion, as because of wicked conspiracy against the public state of this city, mutinies and other crimes and malpractices, had been condemned to such a punishment, it has since come to pass that a book has been found in his own handwriting, as has been ascertained upon sufficient evidence, in which are contained many blasphemies, so execrable, that there is no human creature who ought not to tremble at the hearing of them, and wherein he makes a mock at the whole of Christianity, so far as to say of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God and King of Glory, before whose majesty the devils are constrained to bow down themselves, that he was an idle beggar, a liar, a fool, a seducer, a mischievous wicked person, an unhappy fanatic, a clown full of vain-glorious and wicked presumption, who well deserved to be crucified; that the miracles which he had performed were nought but sorceries and apish tricks, and that he deemed himself to be the Son of God, in like manner as the Hierarchs weened themselves to be in their Synagogue; that he played the hypocrite, having been hung as he deserved, and died miserably in his folly, a thoughtless coxcomb, great drunkard, detestable traitor, and suspended malefactor, whose coming into the world has brought nothing but all sorts of wickedness, disaster, and confusion, and every sort of reproach and outrage which it is possible to invent:

He has said of the Prophets, that they have been only fools, dreamers, fanatics; of the Apostles, that they were rascals, and knaves, apostates, dull blockheads, brainless fellows; of the Virgin Mary, that it is rather to be presumed that she was a strumpet; of the law of God, that it is worthless, like those who have framed it; of the Gospel, that it is nothing but falsehood; that the whole of Scripture is false and wicked, and that there is less meaning in it than there is in Æsop's fables, and that it is a false and foolish doctrine:

And not only does he thus villanously attack our holy and sacred Christian religion, but he also renounces and abolishes all religion and divinity, saying that God is nothing, representing men to be like to the brute beasts, denying eternal life, and disgorging execrations, the like of which ought to make the hair stand up upon the head of every one, and which are of such rank infection as to bring a whole country under the curse, so that all people of every degree, having any sound conscience at all, ought to ask pardon of God that his name has been thus blasphemed among them.

In conclusion, it appears to me that sentence ought to be given in such or similar form as follows:--

That whereas the writer of the said book has been, by judicial sentence, condemned and executed, yet, in order that the vengeance of God may not abide upon us for having suffered or concealed such horrible impiety, and also as an example to all accomplices and adherents of a sect so infectious and worse than diabolical, even to shut the mouth of all those who would excuse or cover such enormities, and to show them what condemnation they deserve, Messieurs have ordained ... &c....

The sooner this is done the better, for already this unhappy book has been too much in the hands of these gentlemen....

[_Fr. orig. autogr.--Coll. of the Chevalier Engard at Geneva._]

CCLXIII.--TO MELANCHTHON.[281]

[281] The proclamation of the _Interim_ plunged Germany into a state
of extraordinary confusion. Some towns were so bold as to present
remonstrances to the Emperor, and protested against an arbitrary
edict, which reprobated alike the partisans of the ancient worship
and those of the new. But their voice was not heard, and the
greater number of the towns submitted. There were even theologians
compliant enough to legitimize this submission. Of this number
was Melanchthon, who, by his virtues and his knowledge, deserved
the first rank among the Reformed doctors, but who, deprived now
of the manly exhortations of Luther, and led away by an excessive
love of peace, and by the natural weakness of his character, was
making concessions which cannot be justified. Led by his example,
and seduced by the artifices of the Elector Maurice, the Assembly
of Leipsic declared that in matters purely _indifferent_ we ought
to obey the orders of our lawful superiors,--a dangerous principle,
which applied to ceremonies, and led to the revival of the grossest
and most pernicious errors of the Romish Church. Melanchthon
himself wrote a great number of the letters of Αδιάφορος
[indifferent], in support of this doctrine, and his weakness
drew down upon him the most violent reproaches from the zealous
Lutherans, who accused him of being an accomplice of the enemies of
the Gospel.--Sleidan, book xxii.; Robertson, book x. Moved by this
sad news, Calvin did not hesitate to blame Melanchthon in a letter
addressed to him, in which respect and affection are joined to a
just severity.

Controversies excited in Germany by the establishment of _the
Interim_--Brotherly reproofs.

[_18th June 1550._]

The ancient satirist once said,--

"Si natura negat, facit indignatio versum."

It is at present far otherwise with me. So little does my present grief aid me in speaking, that it rather renders me almost entirely speechless. Besides, as I cannot express in words how my mind is affected, being overcome with merely thinking on the subject on which I am about to write, I am almost struck dumb. I would have you suppose me to be groaning rather than speaking. It is too well known, from their mocking and jests, how much the enemies of Christ were rejoicing over your contests with the theologians of Magdeburg.[282] They certainly presented a foul and abominable spectacle, as well to the Lord and the angels, as to the whole Church. If no blame attaches to you in this matter, my dear Philip, it would be but the dictate of prudence and justice, to devise a means of curing the evil, or at least of somewhat mitigating it. Yet, forgive me if I do not consider you altogether free from blame. And from this you may conjecture how severe the judgments of others are concerning you, and how offensive and unpleasant their remarks. In the mean while, let it be well understood, that in openly admonishing you, I am discharging the duty of a true friend; and if I employ a little more severity than usual, do not think that it is owing to any diminution of my old affection and esteem for you. Although for me to offend by rude simplicity, rather than bespeak by adulation the favour of any man, is nothing uncommon or new to you. I also feel, on the other hand, less anxiety about your taking it amiss to be reproved by me when I have just cause for displeasure, inasmuch as I am well aware that nothing gives you greater pleasure than open candour. I am truly anxious to approve all your actions, both to myself and to others. But I at present accuse you before yourself, that I may not be forced to join those who condemn you in your absence. This is the sum of your defence: that provided purity of doctrine be retained, externals should not be pertinaciously contended for.[283] And if it be true that is confidently asserted everywhere, you extend the distinction of non-essentials too far. You are not ignorant that the Papists have corrupted the worship of God in a thousand ways. We have put up with corruptions which were barely tolerable. The ungodly now order these same things to be restored, that they may triumph over a down-trodden gospel. And if any one does not hesitate to oppose this, will you not ascribe it to pertinacity? Every one knows how this is opposed to your modesty. If you are too facile in making concessions, you need not wonder if that is marked as a fault in you by many. Moreover, several of those things which you consider indifferent, are obviously repugnant to the word of God. Perhaps there are some who insist too positively on certain points, and, as usually happens in disputes, make offensive attacks upon some things which have little harm in themselves. Truly if I have any understanding in divine things, you ought not to have made such large concessions to the Papists; partly because you have loosed what the Lord has bound in his word, and partly because you have afforded occasion for bringing insult upon the Gospel. At a time when circumcision was as yet lawful, do you not see that Paul, because crafty and malicious fowlers were laying snares for the liberty of believers, pertinaciously refused to concede to them a ceremony at the first instituted by God? Accordingly, he boasts that he did not yield to them, no not for a moment, that the truth of the Gospel might remain intact among the Gentiles. In our day, indeed, the enemy has not troubled us about circumcision, but that they may not leave us anything pure, they are tainting both doctrine and every exercise of worship with their putrid leaven. As for the theologians of Magdeburg, you say that they were only raising disputes about a linen vesture. I do not see the force of this. I certainly think the use of the linen vesture, with many other fooleries, has been hitherto retained as much by you as by them. And, indeed, good and pious men everywhere deplore that you should have countenanced those corruptions which manifestly tend to destroy the purity of all doctrine, and to undermine the stability of the Church. Lest you may perhaps have forgotten what I once said to you, I now remind you of it, namely, that we consider our ink too precious if we hesitate to bear testimony in writing to those things which so many of the flock are daily sealing with their blood. I spoke thus, indeed, at a time when we seemed to be farther out of the reach of missiles [than at present]. And seeing that the Lord led us forth into the arena, it became us on that account to strive the more manfully. Your position is different from that of many, as yourself are aware. For the trepidation of a general or leader is more dishonourable than the flight of a whole herd of private soldiers. Accordingly, while the timidity of others may be overlooked, unless you give invariable evidence of unflinching steadfastness, all will say that vacillation in such a man must not be tolerated. You alone, by only giving way a little, will cause more complaints and sighs than would a hundred ordinary individuals by open desertion. And, although I am fully persuaded that the fear of death never compelled you in the very least to swerve from the right path, yet I am apprehensive that it is just possible, that another species of fear may have proved too much for your courage. For I know how much you are horrified at the charge of rude severity. But we must remember, that reputation must not be accounted by the servants of Christ as of more value than life. We are no better than Paul was, who held fearlessly on his way through "evil and good report." It is indeed a hard and disagreeable thing to be reckoned turbulent and inflexible,--men who would rather see the whole world in ruin, than condescend to any measure of moderation. But your ears should have been deaf to such talk long ago. I have not so bad an opinion of you, nor will I do you the injustice, to suppose that you resemble the ambitious, and hang upon the popular breath. Yet I have no doubt but that you are occasionally weakened by those goadings. What? Is it the part of a wise and considerate man to rend the Church for the sake of minute and all but frivolous matters? Must not peace be purchased at any tolerable amount of inconvenience? What madness is it to stand out for everything to the last, to the neglect of the entire substance of the Gospel! When lately these and similar remarks were circulated by designing men, I thought and perceived you to be more influenced by them than you should have been; accordingly, I open my mind candidly to you, lest anything should mar that truly divine magnanimity, which, in other respects, I know you to possess. You know why I am so vehement. I had rather die with you a hundred times, than see you survive the doctrines surrendered by you. Nor do I say this as if there was danger lest the truth of God made known by your ministry should come to nought, or as if I distrusted your steadfastness; but simply because you will never be sufficiently solicitous lest the wicked obtain an occasion of cavilling, which owing to your facileness they eagerly snatch at. Pardon me for loading your breast with these miserable, though ineffectual groans. Adieu, most illustrious sir, and ever worthy of my hearty regard. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit, and sustain you by his might; may his protection guard you. Amen.[284] Salute, I entreat you, any of my friends that are near you. A great number here respectfully salute you. Multitudes, to avoid idolatry in France, are making choice of a voluntary exile among us.

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Coll. of M. Troncliin at Geneva._]

[282] The town of Magdeburg, then besieged by the army of the
Elector Maurice, persisted in rejecting the _Interim_, and the
theologians of that Church flooded Germany with pamphlets, in which
Melanchthon was not spared. The Burghers of Magdeburg, put under the
ban of the empire, sustained a long siege, and did not submit till
the following year.--Sleidan, book xxii.

[283] In a reply to Flacius Illyricus, who maintained that,
rather than tolerate the restoration of the Popish ceremonies,
he would plunder and destroy the Churches and stir up the
people,--"_vastitatem faciendam in templis, et metu seditionum
terrendos principes_." Melanchthon advocated _immovable
steadfastness in doctrine, submission in everything else_.--"_In
ceremoniis tolerandam aliquam servitutem, quæ tamen sit sine
impietate._"--Melch. Adam. _Vita Melanchthonis_, p. 344. But was it
possible to submit to the Church of Rome without deserting sound
doctrine?

[284] This letter is without date. We discover the date, however, in
a letter of Calvin's to Valentin Pacaeus, a doctor of Leipsic, of
18th June 1550, where we meet with these words:--"I make no mention
of M. Philip, as I am writing specially to himself."--Calv. _Opera_,
tom. ix. p. 54.

CCLXIV.--TO VIRET.

Hope of an early visit from Viret--projected excursions in the
neighbourhood of Geneva.

GENEVA, _22d July 1550_.

When some one or other informed me lately that you intended coming here in a short time, I snatched eagerly at the intelligence, just as if you had been bound to come by a previous agreement. If you do think of coming, I beseech you, again and again, to stay a Sabbath with us, for you could not have a better opportunity during the whole year. You will deliver a discourse in the city on the morning of the Lord's day. I shall set out for Jussy; you will follow me after dinner, and we shall proceed thence to M. de Falais'.[285] Leaving him again, we shall make a hasty passage to the opposite side,[286] and rusticate till Thursday with Seigneurs Pommier and De Lisle. On Friday, if you choose to make an excursion to Tournet or Belle Rive, you will have my company also. You need not be afraid of any unpopularity, for matters have calmed down somewhat, as you will hear. See you do not disappoint me. Certainly many here are expecting you.

[285] See note 2, p. 175. M. de Falais lived during the summer in
a country-seat, situated at Veigy, a small village of Savoy, a few
leagues from Geneva.

[286] On the opposite bank of the lake, where rises the delightful
eminence of Chambesy, crowned at the present day with beautiful
villas.

Adieu, again and again, until you come. Salute the brethren, and your wife and little daughters at home. May the Lord Jesus keep you all and watch over you.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

* * * * *

You will give the letters to M. Yergerio, to be delivered to Zerkinden and Haller.

[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

CCLXV.--TO FAREL.

Opinion regarding Vergerio--intelligence regarding Bucer--letter
to Melanchthon--disputes with Berne--literary publications of
Calvin.

_July 1550._

Although I have not been able to secure a messenger for a long time, who might convey my letter to you with convenience and safety, yet I must really confess that I am ashamed of my long delay. But you will readily excuse me; and I can with truth declare, that I would gladly have written you on different occasions had I been able sooner to find a messenger. It is not expedient for us, in my opinion, to be anxious about our exculpation with the people of Zurich, lest some groundless suspicion should steal in upon them. We shall see by and by whether they have any faith in those clouds of theirs. Defence will be easy then. Let us in the meantime cherish our unanimity. Vergerio, Bishop of Pola,[287] is here at present; he will not return to the Grisons, however. I think Viret wrote you concerning him. He came by Lausanne, and spent a few days in familiar intercourse with the brethren. There is much that is praiseworthy about him; and I hope that he will be steadfast in the right path. As I knew he passed through Zurich, I endeavoured to elicit from him whether he had heard of aught unfavourable there. I could not scent out anything, however. We should therefore keep quiet, unless a better opportunity presents itself. Those who come from England, say that matters get on well there. I have heard nothing of Bucer, except that he seems rather pliant to some.[288] There is a fixed opinion in the minds of many regarding him which is not easily rooted out. It is not unlikely that the good man feels annoyed by this prejudice. And whether he affords any occasion for it or not, I cannot tell. We shall have some word soon. No change has taken place in Saxony as yet. Should you feel disposed to spend a quarter of an hour, perhaps, in reading an epistle in which I discuss [the question] of ceremonies, you will find a copy of it enclosed. I have written to Melanchthon also in almost the very same strain, but, owing to my negligence, it turns out that I do not possess a copy of it.[289] Should you also be inclined to look into those points on which I recently advised the Protector of England, I have sent that [document] also. Would that time had allowed me to seek your advice, rather than show you what I have now done regarding the matter. The Collector of Finance[290] of the French king, who was in prison, has cost us no further trouble. The Bernese ambassadors, lately sent in his behalf, were of some use, though of less than I could have wished. They succeeded, however, in quieting the mind of the king. Five or six days after there comes a most polite letter, in which the king returns us his thanks, and courteously asks us to release the captive. This was done. By the wonderful goodness of God, we are now freed from a source of anxiety which often robbed me of my sleep. That new impost which the Bernese are exacting,[291] annoys us sadly. We are resolved not to pay it. We wish it tried at law; our opponents wish us to bow to their authority. Thereupon one evil rises out of another. Moreover, this awkward circumstance attends it, that I dare not refuse my advice to those soliciting it. I commenced Genesis seven days ago; may it be auspicious! In the meantime Isaiah is called to press.[292] The printers are at present busy with Paul, but I fear they have been longer of beginning than they should.[293] If it be not out in nine days hence, it will have other companions, for I hope that the book _De Scandalis_ and the _Canonical Epistles_ will be printed during the coming winter. Adieu, most upright brother, ever to be revered by me in the Lord. Salute earnestly your family and all the brethren. May the Lord watch over you all and guide you by his Spirit!

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a._]

[287] Paolo Vergerio, one of the missionaries of Reform in Swiss
Italy. Born of an illustrious family of Istria, he had successively
studied law and oratory, was made Bishop of Istria, and discharged
the duties of Pope's legate in Germany. He became a convert to
the Gospel through conversations with Melanchthon, abandoned his
diocese, and retired among the Grisons. He died in 1565.

[288] There is a beautiful letter from Bucer to Calvin, [Calvini
_Opera_, tom. ix. p. 58,] dated from Cambridge, and containing
curious details regarding the religious state of England. We find
this passage in it relative to the young King Edward VI.,--"Increase
in prayer in behalf of the most serene King, who is making quite
wonderful progress in pious and literary studies."

[289] See the preceding letter.

[290] We find no allusion to this fact in the Registers of the
Council of that year. But Ruchat mentions, after Roset, the arrest
of one Jean Baptiste Didaco, Receiver-General of Finance at Rouen,
who, having been imprisoned at Geneva at the impeachment of one of
his domestics, was released at the request of the King of France,
and of the Bernese, after three months' imprisonment.--Ruchat, tom.
v. pp. 311, 313.

[291] The nature of this tax is not known; it was set on foot in
the localities belonging to the ancient territory of the Chapter
of Saint Victor, and shared between the jurisdiction of the two
republics.

[292] _Commentarii in Iesaiam Prophetam._ In fol. Geneva, 1550. A
work dedicated to the King of England.

[293] _In omnes Pauli Epistolas atque etiam in Epistolam ad Hebraeos
Commentarii._ In fol. Geneva, 1550. With a preface by Theodore Beza.

CCLXVI.--TO WILLIAM RABOT.[294]

[294] The title:--To William Rabot, "Dictus a Salena" of Avignon.

It appears from a letter of Rabot's to Calvin, preserved in the
Library of Gotha, that, exiled from his native country from
conscientious motives, this young man was then engaged in the
study of law at the University of Padua, in company with a number
of gentlemen, among others Charles de Jonvillers, Francis and
Louis de Budé, &c. Their studies were intermingled with religious
discourses, which contributed to the spread of the Gospel in certain
distinguished families, among which we remark that of Contarini,
originally of Padua. The increasing rigours of persecution soon
scattered this focus of Evangelism, and led some of those youthful
missionaries to Geneva, where Charles de Jonvillers, one of
their number, gained the friendship of Calvin, and became his
secretary.--_Divers MSS. of Gotha and of Geneva._

Exhortation to the study of the Scriptures.

_24th July 1550._

Although we have been unknown to each other by sight, yet since you recognize the Master Christ in my ministry, and submit yourself cheerfully and calmly to his teaching, this is a sufficient reason why I should, on the other hand, esteem you as a brother and fellow-disciple. But, as I understand from your letter, that it is not very long since the Lord shed the light of his gospel on you, I could not give a fitter expression of my love towards you, than by exhorting and encouraging you to daily exercises. For we see sparks of piety immediately disappear which had shone forth on many occasions; because, instead of increasing the flame, they rather extinguish what little light the Spirit of God had enkindled in them, by the empty allurements of the world, or the irregular desires of the flesh. That nothing of this kind may happen to you, you must first of all give devoted submission to the will of the Lord, and in the next place, you must fortify yourself by his sacred doctrines. But as this is too extensive a theme to be embraced in a letter, it is better for you to draw from the fountain-head itself. For if you make a constant study of the word of the Lord, you will be quite able to guide your life to the highest excellence. You have faithful commentaries, which will furnish the best assistance. I wish very much you could find it convenient at some time to pay us a visit; for, I flatter myself, you would never regret the journey. Whatever you do, see that you follow the Lord, and at no time turn aside from the chief end.

Adieu, illustrious and very dear sir.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. copy._--_Archives of the Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg._]

CCLXVII.--TO FAREL.

Publication of the book on _Scandals_--persecution by the King
of France--Bucer's discouragement.

GENEVA, _19th August 1550_.

How I am to repay you for your letter, I know not, unless that, as soon as the Lord shall have enabled me to complete the first three chapters of my Commentary on _Genesis_, I give you a reading of it. If it please you, it will be worth the trouble of plucking the fruit before the time; and besides, I shall have the benefit of your judgment on the remainder of the context, if you should think there is anything of which I should be made aware. The pamphlet _De Scandalis_, considering the immense fulness of the proof, will be not only short but even concise.[295] But then the evidence is all traced back to this conclusion,--that there is no reason why ungodly men should bring the Gospel into disrepute, and expose it to popular odium, under the pretext of stumblingblocks; and that the weak should be strengthened, in order that by the firmness of their faith they may overcome whatever stumblingblocks Satan may cast in their way. To put so great a check upon error, that should any one turn aside from the right path, or stumble or be disheartened, he may be without excuse. Yet I show at the same time, how dreadful a vengeance God will take on the authors of offences. Meanwhile, you will attack that monster when the signs are favourable, which I confidently trust you have already done.

[295] The Treatise on Scandals, one of the most remarkable of
Calvin's writings appeared this same year, with a beautiful
dedication addressed by Calvin to Laurent de Normandie, _his old
and constant friend_. It was published at first in Latin, under the
following title:--_De Scandalis quibus hodie plerique absterrentur,
nonnulli etiam alienantur a pura Evangelii Doctrina_. Geneva, 1550.
This work was translated into French by Latern during the following
year. It is to be found in tom. viii. of his _Opera_, and in the
_Recueil des Opuscules_, p. 1145.

Whatever good hopes of Henry, Viret led you to cherish, they were vain.[296] Rumours of this sort are daily afloat. We should, therefore, place no more reliance on them than they deserve. It is a sure enough token that the ferocity of the beast is in no degree appeased, when our brethren, so far from experiencing any alleviation of their sufferings, are more closely pursued every day. ANOTHER LION is said to be making certain extraordinary exertions.[297] We should, therefore, ask God to subdue their rage, or, at all events, to waste their strength by mutual collision--as he has hitherto done--that they may not be able to do any more damage. I am not ignorant of the danger from which the Lord has extricated us. Nor need we thank that abandoned faction, truly, for not bringing this unfortunate, nay devoted, city into utter ruin. But as I had all along good hopes of a remedy, nothing gave me great alarm.

[296] Henry II. of France, to gain the good-will of the cantons,
pretended at that time to take a lively interest in the protection
of Geneva, menaced by the Duke of Savoy and the Emperor of Germany.
He even informed the magistrates of the republic regarding certain
plots, real or imaginary, laid for its destruction.--_Registers of
the Council_, 1549, 1550, _passim_.

[297] The Emperor Charles V. published, at that time, his bloody
edict against the Protestants, Lutherans, Zuinglians, and others,
and seemed to be preparing himself for a general crusade against the
Reformed Churches.--Sleidan, book xxii.

It is to be feared that I shall gain some ill-will on account of the taxes.[298] For they know that Normandie and I are consulted [on the matter]. I prefer running this risk, however, to allowing those to ruin themselves whom I ought to advise. I was not able to bring them to a friendly agreement. All I could do was, to point out to them the best course.

[298] See note 3, p. 277.

My dear Christopher,[299] confessing as you do in the beginning of your letter, that you are not standing firm in the faith, I am astonished at your refusing to think about the state into which you have fallen. Are you and Mirabeau to be here, then, at Whitsuntide or not? I shall write to my godmother concerning her little daughter at my earliest opportunity.[300] The whole of yesterday was spent in some trifling manner, I hardly know how.

[299] This passage in the letter is addressed to Christopher Fabri,
or Libertet, a colleague of Farel's at Neuchatel.

[300] Calvin had stood godfather to one of the daughters of
Libertet, whose wife he habitually called by the familiar name of
_my godmother_.

I return to you again, my dear Farel. I do not know whether you have sent Bucer's letter to Viret. Anyhow, I have gathered from it that the worthy man is labouring under too much moroseness at present.[301] I shall write him a quiet letter by and by. There will be silence in future concerning the Zurichers; for I perceive that it only heightens his exasperation. Seeing that he longs greatly for your [letter], I should like him to approve of mine. For that saying of Terence's applies to him, that the unfortunate abuse everybody. For he makes no secret of thinking, that his old friends neglect him when they do not write frequently. Nor is he deceived in Sturm, perhaps, who formerly stood so high in his favour that he would have wronged most men before him.

[301] Saddened by his exile, and tormented by a malady under which
he sunk the year following, Bucer complained bitterly of being
continually the object of an unjust suspicion to the theologians of
Zurich, and of being neglected by his friends in Switzerland.

Adieu, brethren, both very dear to me. May the Lord be always present with you, to guide and watch over you.--Amen. I was more tedious than I imagined on Saturday. For I did not wish to give [the letter] to Latern just when I had it ready. But, having striven in vain to reconcile him to his wife, I sent them both away, not without considerable displeasure.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

* * * * *

Normandie especially salutes you. Your other friends do the same. We have some here at present, by no means our friends. Maréchal de la Mark, the Duc de Nemours,[302] and too great a host of that sort. They will decamp a short while before dinner.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Gotha._ Vol. 404, p. 10.]

[302] Two of the keenest adversaries of the Reformation in France.

CCLXVIII.--TO FAREL.

State of religion in England--Calvin's literary labours--arrival
of Robert Stephens at Geneva.

GENEVA, _10th November 1550_.

As for the circumstances of the English king, I simply charged Hugo to inform you, that the success of the Gospel in that country was highly gratifying. The French and the Germans are allowed to adopt the plain and simple mode of administering the sacraments, practised by us. So well disposed was the King himself to religious matters, that he showed some kindness even to me. But as you will learn all this better from the letter of Utenhoven, I shall not add more.[303] I had hardly any communication with the other brother, for having gone out of the church with him, I met by accident the syndic Corné, with whom I walked on, and while doing so, the worthy man slipped away, and did not again make his appearance. I am afraid he may have taken it amiss that I neglected him for the syndic. But you can easily excuse the thing, although an excuse is hardly needed. But to return to England. You will gather from the same source certain other things, of one of which, I must truly confess, I can by no means approve; viz., that John Laski can be so much influenced by the slightest breezes of court favour; I fear its winds will drive him in all directions.[304] I have not as yet made bold to stir up the King himself. As certain parties have repeatedly urged me,[305] I have at last resolved upon dedicating Isaiah to him; and as I thought there would be room enough for an overplus, I intend adding to it a second work, viz., the _Canonical Epistles_, which was conjoined with the former, and which will be out at the same time. I shall accordingly inscribe his name on both works.[306]

[303] See note 2, p. 283. Having left Strasbourg at the same time as
Bucer and Fagius, John Utenhoven went to London, where he resided
for many years before going to exercise the ministry in Poland. See
his correspondence with Bullinger, (1549-1554,) _Zurich Letters_,
first series, toms. i. and ii.

[304] John Laski, (Joannes a Lasco,) a Polish nobleman devoted to
the cause of the Reformation, who had preached successively in
Poland, in Germany, and in England. In the reign of Edward VI.
he rose to great favour in the latter country, and was appointed
superintendent of the congregation of foreign Protestants in
London.--_Zurich Letters_, first series, tom. i. p. 187.

[305] "I am glad your Commentary on Isaiah, and also the Canonical
Epistles, are designed for our king; and I do not doubt but that,
even from your letter to him, very considerable benefit will accrue
to the English king."--Utenhoven to Calvin. Paris MSS. _Recueil
Historique de France_, tom. xix.

[306] See Calvin's letter to the King of England, of January 1551.

In truth, that on the Acts and on Genesis, of which you remind me, can scarcely be said to have any existence yet. I am ashamed of my slow progress with the Acts; and the third part which has been completed will, I expect, make a large volume. I was compelled to lay Genesis aside for some time. The revisal of the New Testament has kept me busy for four months past. I am dragged reluctantly into a considerable part of the Old Testament also. I had reminded our printers, in time, to select persons for themselves who, unlike me, were fit for and would undertake the work. They have not attended to my hint, and so their neglect is now my punishment. I have got Louis de Budé[307] to undertake David, Solomon, and the history of Job, but as he will assist me only with his own labour, he will not entirely rid me of annoyance. I have rolled over the Apocrypha on Beza. What could I do? Many are wanting Bibles to themselves, and it is long since there was a single copy to be had. There is no one to undertake the burden, so the horse's housings fall to the ox. Some time has been expended also on the French version of the treatise _De Scandalis_. But I am annoying you to no purpose with these trifles; and, in truth, if I had to give you a reason for so doing, I could only deal in absurdities. I can truly affirm this, however, that it was not without shame that I read that part of your letter in which you laud my industry, being abundantly conscious of my own sloth and tardiness. May the Lord enable me, creeping along gradually, to be in some manner useful....

[307] Louis de Budé, Sieur de la Motte, brother of John de Budé,
was particularly versed in Oriental languages, of which he was made
professor at Geneva, a short time after his arrival in that town.
He died in 1552. We have of his a _Psautier traduit de l'Hebreu en
Français_. 8vo. Geneva, 1550.

I have not received a letter from Bucer for a long time. What Vergerio is doing I know not, except that he wrote me from Zurich, with certain reasons for not returning at once to his own church. My only fear is that he will have enough to do, as you know the restless disposition of those people. Robert Stephens[308] is now entirely ours, and we shall soon hear what storms his departure has raised at Paris. The retiring philosophers will doubtless be quite insane.[309] If the Lord will, I shall pay you a visit early in spring, since I did not go during the last vintage season, which I hoped, and particularly desired, to do. My colleagues, Normandie and his sister, one of the Budés, who is here, (for John has gone to France for his father-in-law,) Trier, one of the Colladons--all, salute you most lovingly and cordially; so do very many others. Present my best regards to my countryman Christopher, to Michael Faton, and to your own family; nor do I wish to forget Mirabeau. Be not surprised that the sea of Scandals is wellnigh drunk up by the draughts I have taken of it. Be it known, also, that I was afraid to attempt exhausting it, lest I should drain it dry. May the Lord preserve you long in safety, and may he ever bless your labours.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

[308] The celebrated printer Robert Etienne, (Stephens,) a man of
the purest reputation, who lived in an age which failed to recognize
his genius, and which rewarded his labours with ingratitude. Having
become odious to the clergy by his beautiful editions of the Bible,
and by his desire for reform, and but ill protected by the King of
France against the vexations of the Sorbonne, he resolved to quit
his country and remove his presses to Geneva, whither the printer
Crespin had already preceded him. He arrived there towards the end
of the year 1550, with his son Henry, who afterwards shed a new
lustre on the name of Stephens. He publicly embraced the cause
of the Reformation, together with the members of his family, and
honoured his adopted country by the publication of various works
of antiquity, both sacred and profane. Made a burgess of Geneva in
1556, he lived in constant intimacy with Calvin and Beza, until his
death in 1559.--Senebier, _Hist. Litt._, pp. 355, 356; Haag. _France
Protestante_, Art. Estienne.

[309] In allusion to a tolerably numerous party in France, who, on
receiving the Gospel, believed they might remain united in external
communion with the Romish Church, and escape persecution by an
apparent adhesion to its dogmas.

CCLXIX.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.[310]

[310] After leaving Bâle, and his establishment at Geneva, (July
1548). This seigneur lived in the village of Veigy, situated several
leagues from the city, between Hermance and Les Voirons.

Misconduct of a servant of M. de Falais.

_This 24th of December_ (1550.)

MONSEIGNEUR,--I thank you in the name of all, for the trouble you have been pleased to take in helping us, if perchance the bad business which has been going on underhand can be set right.[311] I find, however, that the examination will not be sufficient to enable us to get to the bottom of it. We have of course forbidden all intercourse for the future between the young man and that unhappy woman. But it will be a more difficult matter to bring home to their consciences their past misdeeds. Indeed there is but one witness who testifies that the brother was incensed at it. Now he denies that he had ever perceived it at all.

[311] In allusion to the misconduct of a servant of Monsieur de
Falais.

Yesterday I was called away from the consistory by some extraordinary business, so that I could not see how they dealt with this gallant. And my brethren are at this moment taken up with the _Visitation_,[312] whither indeed I must also go. However, I hope that what we have got will serve very well to make a beginning. I shall, if it please God, let you know of any shortcoming, by word of mouth, humbly thanking you for your so liberal entertainment, although I feel always assured of your good-will, even had you not said a word to me about it.

[312] We read in the MS. Chronicle of Michael Roset, lib. v. chap.
27, "By advice of the ministers, April 3, 1550, it was enacted, that
an annual visitation be maintained from house to house, for the
examination of men and women as to their faith, in order to discern
between the ignorant, and hardened sinners, and true Christians,
which in time has wrought great benefit."

Wherefore, Monseigneur, being constrained to conclude, I beseech our good Lord to have you in his holy keeping, and to guide you by his Spirit, as seemeth good to him, for the glory of his name by you even unto the end. I hope that he will vouchsafe us grace to celebrate the Supper together, although we must be locally separate. And so I commend me to the kind favour of yourself and of Madame.

Your humble brother and servant,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]

CCLXX.--TO HALLER.[313]

[313] See the notice, p. 249.

In a reaction, perhaps exaggerated, against the practices of the Romish Church, the magistrates of Geneva were led to adopt a measure which made a great noise among the Swiss Protestants. While Berne and Zurich celebrated the four great feasts of the year, according to the ancient Catholic custom, the Genevese abolished the weekday feasts, and kept nothing but the Sabbath. This measure, in which Calvin had no hand whatever, and of which he, in some degree, even disapproved, was made nevertheless the subject of very violent personal declamations against him. Some even accused him of wishing to abolish the Sabbath. In letters to his friends, Haller, Bullinger, and some others, he thought it his duty to represent the true character of the reform effected at Geneva, and his real relation to it. He had little difficulty in obtaining the approbation of Bullinger, who replied to him in these words: "You have just given the answer which I expected, my dear brother. For I know that in matters of that sort, where duty is but little heeded, and much ill-will is engendered, you have never been morose. I am anxious, indeed, in such matters, to see that liberty preserved, which I perceive to have flourished in the churches from the very days of the apostles." ...--Calvini _Opera_, tom. ix. p. 63.

Explanations on the subject of the abolition of the great
festivals at Geneva.

GENEVA, _2d January 1551_.

I desire you, my dear Haller, not to measure my affection for you by my not writing to you and to our friend Musculus, of late, to lighten the domestic affliction under which you both laboured.[314] There is no need for my occupying many words in expressing how anxious I was about your danger, from the time that I heard of your houses being visited by the plague. But as this remembrance should not be more pleasing to kind-hearted and considerate men than the duty of writing, I trust that when I inform you that my silence did not by any means arise from neglect, I shall fully satisfy you both. The reason why I did not write you is this: a report lately reached this place regarding your calamity, but I could not accurately ascertain the extent of its progress. Accordingly, I did not venture to take any active measures; I preferred having recourse to prayer; this I knew both to be more necessary for you, and to be desired by you. Besides the abolition of the feast-days here has given grievous offence to some of your people, and it is likely enough that much unpleasant talk has been circulating among you. I am pretty certain, also, that I get the credit of being the author of the whole matter, both among the malevolent and the ignorant. But as I can solemnly testify that it was accomplished without my knowledge, and without my desire, so I resolved from the first rather to weaken malice by silence, than be over-solicitous about my defence. Before I ever entered the city, there were no festivals but the Lord's day. Those celebrated by you were approved of by the same public decree by which Farel and I were expelled; and it was rather extorted by the tumultuous violence of the ungodly, than decreed according to the order of law. Since my recall, I have pursued the moderate course of keeping Christ's birth-day as you are wont to do. But there were extraordinary occasions of public prayer on other days; the shops were shut in the morning, and every one returned to his several calling after dinner. There were, however, in the meanwhile, certain inflexible individuals who did not comply with the common custom from some perverse malice or other. Diversity would not be tolerated in a rightly constituted church: even for citizens not to live on good terms with one another, would beget mistrust among strangers. I exhorted the Senate to remove this disagreement in future by a proper remedy. And indeed, I lauded, at the same time, in express terms, the moderation which they had hitherto exercised. I afterwards heard of the abrogation, just as a perfect stranger would. Would that N.[315] had acted less ambitiously on former occasions! For feast-days might have been abolished in that entire province. In order that those four might return to their old condition and former privileges, he contended as keenly against all the French-speaking pastors as if he had been acting for the good of the Church. You would have said that Victor was doing battle with the Orientals in behalf of his Easter. When I once asked him why circumcision had a right to more honour than the death of Christ, he was compelled to be silent. But let us forget the past. I am satisfied with having indicated briefly the cause of so sudden a change among us. Although I have neither been the mover nor instigator to it, yet, since it has so happened, I am not sorry for it. And if you knew the state of our Church as well as I do, you would not hesitate to subscribe to my judgment. Let me say this, however, that if I had got my choice, I should not have decided in favour of what has now been agreed upon. Yet there is no reason why men should be so much provoked, if we use our liberty as the edification of the Church demands; just as, on the contrary, it is not fair to take a prejudice against our custom.