Chapter IX (6)

[123] _Historia dell’ India America detta altramente Francea antartica_, Venice, 1561. There were other editions in 1567 and 1584. [This edition is worth about £5. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 236; Muller (1877), no. 3,194; Stevens, _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 995. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 359, says the 1584 is the 1561 edition with a new title. There is a copy in the Astor Library.—ED.]

[124] _The New found Worlde, or Antarctike_, London, 1568. [There is a copy in Harvard College Library. Field (_Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,547) says it has sold for ten guineas. It is in Gothic letter, and has a portrait of Thevet. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 272.—ED.]

[125] De Thou, _Histoire de France_, liv. xvi.

[126] At pages 415-420. Wytfliet had also adopted it.

[127] _Northmen in Maine_, pp. 63-79; cf. J. H. Trumbull in _Historical Magazine_, April, 1870, p. 239, confirming De Costa.

[128] Vol. III. p. 197.

[129] See Vol. III. p. 209.

[130] _Verrazano_, p. 29.

[131] For 1855, p. 374; and for 1856, pp. 17, 18, 319-324.

[132] He later published in the _Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde, neue Folge_, vol. xv., an account of discovery in the Gulf of Mexico, 1492-1543.

[133] This was earlier in the possession of Professor Henry, of the Smithsonian Institution, in whose _Report_ for 1856 Dr. Kohl printed a plan for a Cartographical Depot, in connection with the Government. Cf. also _American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings_, October, 1867; April, 1869; April, 1872.

[134] He had already, in 1861, published a _Geschichte der Entdeckungs Amerikas_,—a popular account which was translated by R. R. Noel as a _Popular History of the Discovery of America_, and published in London in 1862.

[135] Vol. III. p. 8.

[136] The Waldseemüller (Ptolemy) map of 1513, called sometimes “The Admiral’s map,” and known to have been engraved several years earlier, is believed to have been on sale in 1507 (Lelewel, ii. 143), and to have been really drawn in 1501-1504. La Cosa is said to have complained of Portuguese explorations in that neighborhood in 1503. [This new Cantino map has since been described in Vol. II.]

[137] Cf. also Harrisse’s _Cabots_, pp. 141, 162; Kohl, _Discovery of Maine_, p. 177; J. A. Schmeller’s “Ueber einige ältere handschriftliche Seekarten” in the _Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften_, iv. 247.

[138] Vol. II.

[139] Vol. III. p. 212.

[140] Ibid. p. 13.

[141] Now pronounced the work of another. See _The Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci, compiled and edited from the original manuscripts by Jean Paul Richter_, London, 1883, where (vol. ii. p. 224) it is said that the Marchese Girolamo d’Adda has brought proof to this end.

[142] Vol. III. p. 214.

[143] Ibid.

[144] Ibid. p. 201.

[145] This chart is given in the atlas (no. iv.) to Kunstmann’s _Entdeckung Amerikas_; in Stevens’s _Notes_, etc., pl. v.; in H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. 133 (erroneously); and in part in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, pl. x. A portion of it is sketched in Vol. III. p. 56. Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 167) puts it after Balboa’s visit to Panama in 1516-1517, and before 1520, because it shows no trace of Magellan’s Straits. A map of Laurentius Frisius, 1525 (_Kohl Collection_, no. 102), represents the southern part of what appears to be Greenland, with an island marked “Terra laboratoris” lying west of its extreme point, while the edge of “Terra nova contemti” (Corterealis) is seen further west.

[146] In Kohl’s _Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von Amerika_, with a section in his _Discovery of Maine_. Harrisse ascribes it to Nuño Garcia de Toreno. A full consideration of this and of the Ribero map belongs to Vol. II.

[147] _Magazine of American History_, 1883, p. 477. For Maiollo’s cartographical skill, see Heinrich Wüttke’s “Geschichte der Erdkunde” in the _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870, p. 61. There are other notes of Maiollo’s work in the _Giornale Ligustico_, 1875; in D’Avezac’s _Atlas hydrographique de_ 1511, p. 8; in Uzielli’s _Elenco_, etc.; and in Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 166.

[148] Vol. III. p. 218. Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 188, gives a considerable essay on Agnese’s maps. Agnese lived and worked at Venice from 1536 to 1564.

[149] _Verrazzano_, p. 103.

[150] See Vol. III. pp. 199, 201; cf. also the Münster map of 1544, as given by Lelewel, _Géographie du Moyen-Âge_, pl. 46.

[151] See the preceding text, and Vol. III., p. 214.

[152] Cf. also Lelewel, p. 170; Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, p. 371; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 148.

[153] _Géographie du Moyen-Âge, Epilogue_, p. 219.

[154] _Les Papes géographes_, pp. 26, 65; cf. Lelewel, ii. 170.

[155] Mr. Brevoort has given an account of this collection in his _Verrazano_, p. 122.

[156] But compare Morton (_New English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p. 126), who says, “What part of this mane continent may be thought to border upon the Country of the Tartars, it is yet unknowne.” This was in 1636-37.

[157] Vol. III. pp. 39, 40. Perfect copies of the _Divers Voyages_ are very rare, and its two maps are often wanting. The two British Museum copies have them, but the Bodleian copy has only the Lok map, and the Carter-Brown copy is in the same condition; other copies are in Harvard College Library (map in fac-simile), in the Murphy Collection, and in Charles Deane’s. The Lok map is given in fac-simile, somewhat reduced, in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 288; and (full-size) in the reprint of the _Divers Voyages_ by the Hakluyt Society. A sketch of it is given in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. 290, and in Fox Bourne’s _English Seamen_. It of course mixes with Verrazano’s plot much other and later information.

[158] Vol. III. p. 123.

[159] See also what is called “The Jomard map of 155-(?)” delineated on a later page.

[160] Lelewel, pl. 46; H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 144. An engraved map by Bordone, in 1534, represents what seems to be North America, calling the vaguely rendered northeastern coast “Terra delavoratore,” while a passage to the west separates a part of South America.

[161] See Vol. III. p. 214.

[162] Lelewel, pl. 46.

[163] See Vol. III. p. 17.

[164] Kohl, in a marginal note, thinks this may refer to Verrazano; he dates the map about 1530.

[165] There is a copy in the Kohl Collection.

[166] _Cabots_, p. 185.

[167] Paris, 1867, p. 20.

[168] Dr. Kohl (p. 326) says that Alezay was an island near the present Prince Edward, and that the latter was called Brion, having one of its capes named “Orleans,” still found on old maps. But Orleans is also found on the mainland of New Brunswick. Prince Edward Island appears on the Henri II., or the Dauphin’s map (1546), as “Alezay.” The “Cabot” map (1544) calls Prince Edward Island “y^a de S. Juan.” Allefonsce (1542), in maps and Relations, calls it “Saint Jehan.” At this point the student should consult Hakluyt, iii. 205.

[169] Thevet, in his _Singularitez de la France antarctique_, Anvers, 1558 (f. 147), says that the people found here were almost contrary to the first, as well in language as in manner of life (“tant en langue que maniere de viure”). See Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 113. Thevet had consulted the _Discours du voyage_ at p. 53.

[170] See Vol. III. pp. 185, 186.

[171] Hakluyt says that the Indian name of the island (vol. iii. p. 214) was Natiscotec; while Jean Allefonsce invariably makes the mistake of calling it Ascension Island.

[172] In 1642 the Sieur Maissonneuve selected the site for Montreal; see Champlain’s _Œuvres_, 1870 (_Des Savvages_), ii. 39. On Norumbega, see the present work, Vol. III. p. 169. On Hochelaga, also, see Professor Dawson’s _Fossil Men and their Modern Representatives: an Attempt to Illustrate the Characters and Conditions of Prehistoric Men in Europe by those of the American Race_. London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1880, chaps. ii. and iii. By his excavations, Dr. Dawson has brought to light relics of the Hochelagans, whose ethnic relations he has studied, finding evidence which convinces him that they were representatives of a decaying nation to which the Eries and others belonged, and that originally they were connected with the Mound-Builders. He uses their history in combating some views entertained respecting the antiquity of the Stone Age.

[173] Professor Dawson, speaking of the account in the narrative, which says “that the most precious thing that they have in all the world they call _esurguy_, which is white, and which they take in the said river in cornifats,” explains that _esurguy_ is “probably a vulgar local name for some shell supposed to resemble that of which these Indians made their wampum. I would suggest that it may be derived from _cornet_, which is used by old French writers as a name for the shells of the genus Voluta, and is also a technical term in conchology. In this case it is likely that the esurguy was made of the shells of some species of Melania or Paludina, just as the Indians on the coast used for beads and ornaments the shells of _Purpura lapillus_ and of Dentalium, etc. It is just possible that Cartier may have misunderstood the mode of procuring these shells, and that the [his] statement may refer to some practice of making criminals and prisoners _dive_ for them in the deeper parts of the river.”—_Fossil Men_, etc., p. 32, n.

[174] When Champlain was at Quebec he thought that he identified the site of Cartier’s fort, where he found hewn timber decayed and several cannon balls near the St. Charles and the Lairet. _Œuvres_, iii. 155. [Lescarbot and Sagard also mention the remains. Faillon (_Histoire de la Colonie Française_, i. 496) discusses the site of Cartier’s wintering-place. Lemoine (_Picturesque Quebec_, p. 484) speaks of the remains of one of Cartier’s vessels being discovered in 1843, some parts of which were carried to St. Malo.—ED.]

[175] _The Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 163, and _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 25.

[176] Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion de varios documentos_, Londres, 1851, p. 107; also Harrisse, _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 146.

[177] Possibly he had only three; see _Coleccion_, etc., p. 107. That he had five is the statement of Hakluyt. The Spaniards understood that Cartier had thirteen ships, Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 107. Hakluyt is perhaps in error where he asserts that it was agreed to build five ships. Two of the ships actually sailing with this Expedition were the “Great Hermina” and the “Emerilon.”

[178] [In the Archives of St. Malo (1538) is a record of the baptism of three savages brought there by Cartier. _Massachusetts Archives, Documents collected in France_, i. 367. Faillon (_Histoire de la Colonie Française_, i. 524) believes that the Indians found on the St. Lawrence were Iroquois, who were succeeded in Champlain’s time by Algonquins. Bonnetty in the _Annales de philosophie Chrétienne_, September, 1869, has discussed the question: “Quels étaient les sauvages que rencontra Cartier sur les rives du Saint-Laurent.” Captain J. Carleill, in his undated tract (of about 1583) called _Discourse upon the Entended Voyage to ... America_ (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 350), refers to Cartier’s abduction of the Indians as putting “the whole countrey people into such dislike with the Frenche, as neuer since they would admit any conversation or familiaritie with them, until of late yeares.”—ED.]

[179] It might indeed be supposed that Roberval, instead of reaching Canada in the autumn of 1541, wintered on the Atlantic coast, and thus met Cartier at Newfoundland in 1542. Indeed, Sir William Alexander says, in his _Encouragement to Colonies_ (p. 15), that Roberval lived “one winter at Cape Breton;” but for the statement he gives no authority, while his style is loose, and by Cape Breton he probably meant Canada, since Roberval would have sailed direct from Cape Breton to the St. Lawrence, instead of circumnavigating Newfoundland.

[180] Hakluyt, in his translation of Allefonsce (iii. 242), reads: “Fort of France Roy, built in August and September, 1542.” The manuscript of Allefonsce, however, does not give the year, though the fact is stated. Hakluyt may have put in the date.

[181] _Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle France._ Paris, 1691, i. 12, 13.

[182] Murphy’s _Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 39, n. On the sense of the terms _discoperto_ and _decouverte_, see _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp. 39, 40.

[183] Allefonsce says: “Ces terres tiennent à la Tartarie, et pense que ce se soit le bout de l’Asie selon la rondeur du monde.” The commission of Francis I. to Cartier reads: “Des terres de Canada et Ochelaga, faisant un bout de l’Azie du costé de l’Occident.” Ramé’s _Documents inédits_, p. 13.

[184] The entire manuscript, so far as it relates to America, was copied for the writer, with all the maps, by a competent person, under the supervision of the late M. d’Avezac. This copy was used in Mr. Henry C. Murphy’s _Voyage of Verrazzano_, published in New York in 1875.

[185] Garneau, in his _Histoire du Canada_, heads one of his chapters, “Abandon temporaire du Canada, 1543-1603.”

[186] Cf. _Édits, ordonnances royaux, etc., du Conseil de l’État du Roi (1540-1578) concernant le Canada_. 2 vols. 1803-1806. Quebec; revised edition, 1854, 1855.

[187] See page 13 of _Documents authentiques et inédits pour servir a l’histoire de la marine Normande et du commerce Rouennais, pendant les xvi^e et xvii^e siècles_. Par E. Gosselin, Greffier Archiviste de Palais de Justice de Rouen. Rouen, Imprimerie de Henry Boissel, 1876. 8vo, pp. xv, 173. Also his _Nouvelles glanes historiques_. Rouen, 1873, p. 7.

[188] _Documents_, p. 13.

[189] Ibid.

[190] Ibid., p. 14: “5 Louchets à 12 solz pièce; 50 houseaux à 10 solz pièce; 25 manes à 16 solz pièce; 25 haches à faire bois à 12 solz pièce; 50 serpes à couper bois à 6 solz pièce,—le tout pour porter en la Nouvelle France, ou le Roy envoie presentment pour son service.”

[191] _Documents_, p. 14.

[192] See _Inventio Fortunata_, B. F. De Costa, p. 12.

[193] See Hakluyt’s _Discourse of Westerne Planting_, p. 26; and _Cabo de Baxos_, p. 6; also, a note on the Cardinal, by M. Gravier, in the _Magazine of American History_, ix. 214.

[194] Lescarbot’s _Nouvelle France_, pp. 422-426.

[195] _Discourse_, etc., p. 26.

[196] _Principal Navigations_, iii. 236.

[197] Hakluyt in his third volume gives accounts of several English voyages to the St. Lawrence, 1593-1597.

[198] Navarrete, _Bibliotheca maritima_, i. 396.

[199] [There is a view of this manor in the _Relation originale_, Paris, 1867. In the _Massachusetts Archives, Documents collected in France_, i. 263, is a paper on the genealogy of Cartier, by M. Cunat, of St. Malo, communicated to Mr. Poore by M. d’Avezac. This and various other copies of papers (many of which have of late years been printed) relating to Cartier are preserved in the office of the Régistraire de la Province de Québec. In 1883 the Chambre of the Province ordered a list made of the documents relating to Canadian history in that office, which was in March furnished by the secretary, J. Blanchet, and printed as no. 62 of the legislative documents. It shows about one thousand documents from the time of Cartier to the American Revolution.—ED.]

[200] See _Transactions_ of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society, 1862, which contains valuable articles (p. 141).

[201] Edition of 1728; dec. iii. l. x. cap. 9.

[202] Vol. iii. p. 809.

[203] Herrera (_Historia general_, Madrid, 1601, dec. ii. l. v. c. 3, seemingly under the year 1519) reports “fifty ships, Spanish, French, and Portuguese, fishing;” but the true date is 1527. Oviedo indicates the date in his _Historia general de las Indias_ (Madrid, 1851), 611. See Brevoort’s _Verrazano the Navigator_, pp. 147, 148, and the _Northmen in Maine_, on Rut’s voyage, p. 55.

[204] _Nouvelle France_, 1612, p. 22.

[205] Cf. J. B. Gilpin, _Lecture on Sable Island_, Halifax, 1858, 24 pages.

[206] Vol. iii. fol. 369.

[207] [Cf. Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., no. 5. There are copies of this in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 331); in the Huth Collection (_Catalogue_, vol. i. p. 267); and in the Grenville Collection, British Museum. This narrative was followed by Pinkerton and Churchill in their _Voyages_.—ED.]

[208] Vol. iii. p. 201.

[209] The following is the title: _Discours dv voyage fait par le Capitaine Iaqves Cartier aux Terres-neufues de Canadas, Norembergue, Hochelage, Labrador, et pays adiacens, dite nouuelle France, auec particulieres mœurs, langage, et ceremonies des habitans d’icelle.—A Roven, de l’imprimerie de Raphæl du Petit Val, Libraire et Imprimeur à l’Ange Raphæl_, M.D.XCVIII., _avec permission du Roy_. This has been reprinted at Quebec in the _Voyages de découverte au Canada_, 1534-1552, published under the direction of the Literary and Historical Society, Cowan, 1843, and at Paris by Tross, 1865. It is followed in Ternaux-Compans (_Archives des voyages_, Paris, 1840), and is used in Lescarbot’s _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, livre iii. chaps. 2-5; and of this last text Harrisse (p. 2) says, “Ce n’est qu’une médiocre reproduction de celui de Petit-Val,” a publisher of Rouen.

[210] See Harrisse’s _Notes pour servir_, etc., Paris, 1872, p. 11. Harrisse found copies in the National and Sainte-Geneviève libraries of Paris, and says it follows a text not now known; and that Hakluyt in his _Principall Navigations_ followed still another text.

[211] _Relation originale du voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada en 1534: Documents inédits sur Jacques Cartier et le Canada (nouvelle série), publiés par H. Michelant et A. Ramé, accompagnés de deux portraits de Cartier, et de deux vues de son manoir._ Paris, Tross, 1867. The original manuscript bears the erroneous date of 1544.

[212] _Ante_, p. 49.

[213] In neither of these narratives do we find any reference to those who preceded Cartier in the New Land; nor even, except in two cases, is there a passing allusion to contemporary voyages; yet both Normans and Bretons were active. Again, there is no mention of any map or chart.

The Normans and Bretons probably sailed to the banks of Newfoundland before Cabot made _Prima Vista_. An early mention of their voyages is that of the _Gran Capitano Francese_ of 1539, found in Ramusio (_Raccolta_, 1556, iii. 359), where they are spoken of as frequenting the northern parts thirty-five years before, and giving a well-known headland its present name of Cape Breton. [This “gran capitano” is held by Estancelin in his _Navigateurs Normands_ to be Jean Parmentier of Dieppe, and Pierre Crignon is named as the writer of the somewhat confused _routier_ and narrative given in Ramusio. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 132; Major’s _Early Voyages to Terra Australis_, Introduction; and Murphy’s _Verrazzano_, p. 85. Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 249) also discusses the question of the Capitano’s identity.—ED.] Ramusio also (iii. 359) refers to Jean Denys and the pilot Gamort, of Rouen, who sailed to Newfoundland in a ship of Honfleur about the year 1506. Ramusio (iii. 359) also mentions that Thomas Aubert of Dieppe voyaged thither in the “Pensée” in 1508.

Gosselin shows that in 1508 other ships sailed to Newfoundland, and that they were generally of a tonnage from sixty to ninety tons. “I cite, among others,” he says, “‘Bonne-Aventure,’ Captain Jacques de Rufosse; the ‘Sibille’ and the ‘Michel,’ belonging to Jehan Blondel; and then the ‘Marie de Bonnes Nouvelles,’ equipped by Guillaume Dagyncourt, Nicolas Duport, and Loys Luce, associated citizens, the command of the ship being given to Captain Jean Dieulois” (_Documents_, etc., p. 13). In view of those cases, which appear to be a few of many, how poor is the appearance of that scepticism which has so long led writers to look askance at the statements of Ramusio concerning Aubert and the “Pensée”! The records of Normandy and Brittany are doubtless rich in facts relating to obscure points of American history.

[There is in Mr. Parkman’s Collection (vol, i. p. 89), among the copies made for him in France by Mr. Poore, a map of the St. Lawrence Gulf, with the route of Cartier in 1534 pricked out. The map is signed N. B.; and I suppose it to have been made by Bellin, the map-maker who supplied Charlevoix with his maps. Faillon (_Histoire de la Colonie Francaise_, i. 523) argues that all three of the _Relations_ as we have them were the work of Cartier himself. Ramé gives a copy of an ancient register at St. Malo, said to be in Cartier’s hand, which preserves the names of his companions.—ED.]

[214] “_Brief Recit & succincte narration de la nauigation faicte es ysles de Canada, Hochelage, & Saguenay, & autres, auec particulieres meurs, langaige, & cerimonies des habitans a’icelles; fort delectable à veoir_ [vignette]. _Avec priuilege. On les uend a Paris au second pillier en la grand salle du Palais, & en la rue neufue Nostredame a l’enseigne de lescu de frāce, par Ponce Roffet dict Faucheur, & Anthoine le Clerc, frères_, 1545.” Reprinted at Paris by Tross in 1863, with a collation of the three manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale, which are described in an “Introduction historique par M. d’Avezac,” substantially reprinted in Malte Brun’s _Annales des voyages_, July, 1864. These manuscripts are numbered, according to Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 79), “Fonds Moreau, 841,” and “Fonds français, 5,589, 5,644, 5,553.” The Tross reprint is also accompanied by a fac-simile of a plan of Hochelaga, taken from the version of Ramusio, and a map of “Nova Francia” (given on another page), used by the Italian editor to illustrate an accompanying piece, the “Discorso d’vn gran Capitano” (iii. 352) shown in _Verrazano the Explorer_ (p. 54) to have been modelled in part from the map of Verrazano. There appears to be but one copy of the _Brief recit_, 1545, known at present. This is in the Grenville Collection in the British Museum. A second copy was found by Tross, and was lost in the ship on its way to America. Muller at one time advertised a copy at $125. See Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. iii. no. 11,138; Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, no. 267. It is reprinted in Kerr’s (vol. vi.) and Pinkerton’s (vol. xii.) _Voyages_.

[215] In vol. iii.

[216] Page 3.

[217] Vol. iii. p. 212.

[218] Hakluyt speaks of “the Frenche originall which I sawe in the King’s Library at Paris, in the Abbay of St. Martine,” and says that Donnaconna had been in “his barke” to that “contrie where cynamon and cloves are had.” See Hakluyt’s _Westerne Planting_, p. 112.

[219] Vol. iii. p. 232.

[220] Vol. iii. p. 240.

[221] Page 412.

[222] Edition of 1883, vol. i. p. 17.

[223] “The division of authority between Cartier and Roberval defeated the undertaking. Roberval was ambitious of power, and Cartier desired the exclusive honor of discovery. They neither embarked in company nor acted in concert. In May, 1541, Cartier sailed from St. Malo. Arrived at the scene of his former adventures, near the site of Quebec, he built a fort; but no considerable advances in geographical knowledge appear to have been made. The winter passed in sullenness and gloom. In June, 1542, he and his ships returned to France, just before Roberval arrived with a considerable reinforcement. Unsustained by Cartier, Roberval accomplished no more than a verification of previous discoveries. Remaining about a year in America, he abandoned his immense vice-royalty.”

There is, however, no good proof of these charges. At the time when Roberval is represented as contending with Cartier, the former must have been in Canada. We have no proof of any conflict of authority. Facts recited in the present chapter do not appear to have been known to Mr. Bancroft. Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 343) appears to have known nothing beyond what is found in Hakluyt with reference to the meeting at St. John’s. Parkman (_Pioneers of France_, p. 202, edition of 1882) says that Roberval sailed for Canada in April, 1542, and that, soon after reaching St. John’s, “he descried three other sail rounding the entrance to the haven, and with wrath and amazement recognized the ships of Cartier.... The Viceroy ordered him to return; but Cartier escaped with his vessels under cover of night, and made sail for France.” See also Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, i. 188; and, on these voyages, _Biographie des Malouins célèbres_, Paris, 1824; _St. Malo illustré par ses marines_, by Cunat, Paris, 1857; _Biographie Bretonne_, by Livot, Vannes, 1858. Also, D’Avezac’s edition of the voyage of 1545, Paris, 1863, f. xiii. This author does not appear to have known that Roberval sailed in 1541, instead of 1542. Hatton, in his _Newfoundland_, London, 1883, p. 14, also goes very wide of the mark.

[224] Harrisse, _Notes_, pp. 243-253.

[225] Ibid.

[226] Ibid., pp. 259-264.

[227] Ibid., pp. 254-258.

[228] Ibid., pp. 268-271.

[229] Ramé, _Documents inédits_, p. 12; and the _Transactions of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society_, 1862, p. 116.

[230] Documents _inédits_, p. 12; _Transactions_, etc., p. 120.

[231] Gosselin’s _Nouvelles glanes historiques Normandes_ (Rouen, 1873), p. 4; forming a limited edition of _Documents inédits_.

[232] Harrisse, _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 212.

[233] Hakluyt, iii. 232.

[234] _Nouvelles glanes_, p. 6.

[235] Ibid., p. 6.

[236] Ibid., p. 6.

[237] Ibid., p. 6, and Hakluyt, iii. 240.

[238] Hakluyt, iii. 241.

[239] Harrisse, _Notes_, p. 272.

[240] _Cosmographie_ of Allefonsce; Hakluyt, iii. 241.

[241] Ibid., p. 240.

[242] _Transactions_, 1862, p. 93.

[243] Ibid., p. 241.

[244] _Transactions_, p. 90.

[245] “Jacques Cartier, après avoir réclamé 4,500 livres pour _L’Hermine et L’Emerillon_, ajoute: ‘Et on ce qui est du tiers navise, mettre pour 17 mois qu’il a été au dit voyage du dit Cartier, _et pour huit mois qu’il a été à retourner quérir le dit Robertval au dit Canada_, au péril de nauleige, ce seront 2,500 livres, et pour les deux autres qui fuerint au dit voyage, six mois à cent livres le mois, sont douze cent livres.’” (_Transactions_, etc., 1862, p. 93.) See also _Documents inédits_, p. 28.

[246] _Transactions_, p. 93. Harrisse (_Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 215) suggests that Cartier brought Roberval home in the month of June, 1544. This, however, was not so, as Cartier had actually returned prior to April 3, 1544.

[247] _Transactions_, p. 94.

[248] Cf. A. Walker on “A Forgotten Hero” in _Fraser’s Magazine_, 1880, p. 775.

[249] Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 131; also, Le Clercq, _Établissement de la foy_, i. 14.

[250] An episode in the voyage of Roberval, not alluded to by Hakluyt, is preserved in Thevet’s _Cosmographie universelle_, Paris, 1575. Thevet drew his accounts of New France partly from the navigators and partly from his imagination, deliberately inventing facts where he deemed it necessary, being upon the whole a mendacious character. Nevertheless he was well acquainted with Roberval and Cartier, and is said to have lived six months with the latter at St. Malo. [_The Northmen in Maine_, by Dr. De Costa, p. 63, and _Biographie universelle_, 1826-1827, vol. xxv.; also, vol. xlix. on Villegagnon.] This episode covers the case of Roberval’s niece, who in 1541 went on the voyage with him, becoming the victim of a young man who followed her from France. As punishment, she was put ashore with her old nurse on an island called the Isle of Demons, which figures prominently in the map found in the Ptolemy of Ruscelli, her lover being allowed to join them. On this island both of her companions died. After more than two years she was rescued by a fishing-vessel, and carried to France. Her story was first told in the _Heptameron_ of Marguerite, published at Paris in 1559, forming number lxvii: “Extrême amour et austérité de femme en terre étrange.” Thevet, in his _Cosmographie_ (ii. 1019), recasts the story, and says that he had the account from the princess herself, who, in a little village of Périgord, met the young woman, who had sought an asylum there from the wrath of her uncle Roberval. In his _Grand insulaire_, a manuscript preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (Harrisse, _Notes_, p. 278), which antedates his _Cosmographie_, Thevet also has a version of the story. In the latter work it is given in connection with the fabulous account of a Nestorian bishop. It is illustrated by a picture of the woman on the Isle of Demons shooting wild beasts.

[251] Vol. iii. p. 232.

[252] [There have been various theories regarding the origin of the name _Canada_, for which see Faillon, _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, i. 14; Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_ (New York edition), i. 54; _Historical Magazine_, i. 153, 188, 217, 315, 349, and ii. 23; B. Davis in _Canadian Naturalist_, 1861; _Magazine of American History_, 1883, p. 161; and Canniff’s _Upper Canada_, p. 3. There seems to have been a belief in New England, at a later day, that “Canada” was derived from William and Emery de Caen (Cane, as the English spelled it), who were in New France in 1621, and later. Cf. Morton’s _New English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p. 235, and Josselyn’s _Rarities_, p. 5; also, J. Reade in his history of geographical names in Canada, printed in _New Dominion Monthly_, xi. 344.—ED.]

[253] Pages 87, 88, 105.

[254] This began with Charlevoix, who (Shea’s edition, i. 129) says: “The King, by letters-patent inserted in the _Etat ordinaire des guerres_, in the Chambre des Comptes at Paris, dated Jan. 15, 1540, declares him Lord of Norimbequa, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belleisle, Carpon, Labrador, Great Bay, and Baccalas, giving him all these places with his own royal power and authority.” This is questioned by Parkman (_Pioneers of France_, p. 197); and in his note to Charlevoix’s statement, Dr. Shea says that Parkman “confounds his commission and patent,” referring to Lescarbot’s edition of 1618, which, however, does not bear out the statement, recalled later. Allefonsce says (Hakluyt, iii. 239), “The extension of all these lands upon just occasion is called New France. For it is as good and temperate as France, and in the same latitude.”

[The appellation of _New France_, according to Parkman (_Pioneers of New France_, p. 184), was earliest applied, just succeeding the voyage of Verrazano; and the Dutch geographers, he says, are especially free in the use of it, out of spite to the Spaniards. Faillon, in his _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, i. 511, errs in tracing its earliest use to Cartier’s second _Relation_, where, writing in the third person, he says, “aux terres neuves, par lui [nous?] appellées Nouvelle France.” Shea, in his _Charlevoix_, ii. 20, finds the “Nova Gallia” of the globe of Euphrosynus Ulpius (1542) as early a use as any of those which he records. Charlevoix himself had not traced it back of Lescarbot (1609).—ED.

[255] See chap. xii. of _La historia general de las Indias y nueuo mundo, con mas la conquista del Peru y de Mexico: agora nueuamente añadida y emendada por el mismo autor, con una tabla muy cumplida de los capitulos, y muchas figuras que en otras impressiones no lleva. Venden se en Caragoça en casa de Miguel de Çapila mercader de’ libros. Año de 1555._

[256] 1857, vol. ii. p. 317.

[257] Harrisse, in his _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_ (Paris, 1882, p. 206), quotes from _La grande insulaire_ of Thevet a manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale, showing that he was detained a prisoner at Poitiers by Francis I.; while in his _Cosmographie universelle_, folio 1021, he says it was “pour la prinse de quelques naviere d’Espaigne.” Allefonsce was a privateer, or “corsair,” and was so zealous in his work, that, to propitiate Spain, the King was obliged to put him in prison. He probably gave too much offence to the king’s enemies.

[258] Vol. iii. p. 240.

[259] It might appear that Allefonsce was dead at the time; his _Cosmographie_ was finished in 1545, as the finishing touch was given by Paulin Secalart. The lines referred to are as follows:

“La mort aussi n’a point craint son effroy, Ses gros canons, ses darts, son feu, sa fouldre, Mais l’assaillant l’a mis en tel desroy, Que rien de luy ne reste plus que poudre.”

[260] See also Harrisse, in _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 203, on Allefonsce.

[261] _The Northmen in Maine_, p. 131; and Lescarbot, _Nouvelle France_, p. 46. Bergeron, in his _Voyages faits principalments en Asie, dans les XII., XIII., XIV., et XV. Siècles, a La Haye_, 1735, part ii. p. 5, criticises the misprints of proper names in this volume.

[262] This work is preserved in the Manuscript Department of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, no. 676, under Secalart. It is a stout paper folio, 9 × 13 inches, written on both sides. This rude specimen of penmanship was originally designed for Francis I., like the book of John Rotz now in the British Museum. It contains 194 leaves; the titlepage is wanting. On what now forms the second leaf of the third page is found the following: “Jehan allafonsce—:—Paulin secalert,” with the motto: “Pouvre et Loil.”

It is signed “Nous Jehan allefonsce et Paulin Secalert.” Underneath is the date. “Paulin” might, perhaps, be read “Raulin.” The first line of every page is in red, the initials forming grotesque human faces. The work abounds in flourishing capitals, and the text is difficult to decipher. The maps are rude sketches, intercalated to illustrate the text, and washed with yellowish, reddish, and greenish tints. The islands are chiefly in gold, though some are red and green. At the end of the volume is a map of France with the royal arms. On a map of England is a rude representation of London. There are also four pages of plans and diagrams, relating chiefly to London and Bordeaux. The legends on the maps are written in a brown tint, much faded, though upon the whole the volume is in a good state of preservation. Cf. “L’hydrographie d’un découvreur du Canada,” in Margry’s _Navigations Françaises._

[263] It will be remembered (Hakluyt, iii. 6) that Cabot’s _Prima Vista_ was near “the Island of St. John.” On the map is the fabulous island of St. John out at sea, and the real St. John, now Prince Edward, is in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. On this subject Hakluyt appears to have been confused. In his _Principal Navigations_ (iii. 625) he speaks of “the isle of Iohn Luis or John Alverez in 41;” and in a marginal note says, “This is a very commodious Isle for us on our way to Virginia.” On page 627 he defines the position further, saying: “From Bermuda to the Isle of St. Iohn Luis or John Alverez 320 [leagues]. From the Isle of Iohn Luis or Alverez to Flores 320.” This appears to have been one of the flying islands. See _Magazine of American History_, viii. 510; _The Northmen in Maine_, p. 139. See also Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 275.

[264] Mr. Murphy, in his _Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 38, mistranslated the text, reading _ung_ as _cinq_, and making the latitude 45° instead of 41°. The original manuscript reads, “Le dict cap est par le quarente et ung degrez,” and overturns Mr. Murphy’s hastily formed theory. See also _Verrazano: a Motion for a Stay of Judgment_. New York, 1876, p. 10.

[265] In his narrative as given by Hakluyt (iii. 239): “I doubt not but Norumbega [River] entreth into the Riuer of Canada, and vnto the Sea of Saguenay.” Again, “from the entrance of Norumbega [at the Penobscot] vnto Florida are 300 leagues.”

[266] This may have been done by those Portuguese who disputed the title, and whose quarrels with the French were composed at Newfoundland by Roberval. _Ante_, p. 57; and Hakluyt, iii. 240.

[267] _Voyages avantureux_, Poitiers, 1559.

[268] “Premier livre de la description de tous les ports de mer de lunivers. Avec summaire mention des conditions differentes des peoples et addresse pour le rang de ventz propres a naviguer.” By Jehan Maillord, Mallert, or Mallard, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, and quoted by Harrisse, _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, pp. 223-227.

[269] Hakluyt, vol. iii.; see Vol. III. of the present work, pp. 171, 187.

[270] Here, indeed, it may prove of interest to give their respective descriptions of the same region. Vumenot writes: “La terre n’est pas fort haute, elle est bien labouree, et est garnie de ville et Chasteaux, ilz adorent le Soliel et la lune. D’icy tourne la coste au sud-sudoest et au sud, jusque un cap qui est haute terre, et ha une grand isle de terre basse, et trois ou quatre petits isles.”

This is a description of Cape Cod and the neighboring coasts, which, in the verse of Maillard, appear in the same way:—

“Ils ont chasteaux et villes quilz decorent Et le Soliel et la lune ilz adorent En ce pays leur terre est labouree Non terroy hault mais assez temperee Dicy la coste ainsy comme jai sceu Au susseroest elle tourne aussy au su Plus de cent lieux et jusque au cap va terre Qui se congnoist en une haulte terre Qui a vne isle en terre basse grande Et troys ou quatre isleaux a sa demande Et de ce cap a lisle se dit.”

Harrisse says that Maillard based his description upon the manuscript of Allefonsce, and not on the printed work, saying that the former was “begun in 1544 and finished in 1546;” whereas the manuscript itself shows that it was “finished the 24th day of November, 1545.” It is also said that Francis I., for whom Maillard wrote, died March 31, 1547, while the _Voyages avantureux_ did not appear until 1559, which seems to have been the case; yet the verses agree with the printed work instead of the manuscript of Allefonsce, and bear no relation to the manuscript other than that borne by the book. We speak here, of course, only of that part of Maillard’s performance given in _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_. In several cases Maillard makes a point not in the book; as, for instance, where (line 131) he says of the Norumbega peltry,—

“De maint marchant bien cherement requise;”

but this statement is not found in the manuscript of Allefonsce itself. That Maillard wrote these verses describing our coast after the corresponding portion of _Voyages avantureux_ had been composed, might seem to be indicated by the fact that the substance of a line omitted after line 28 is found in the prose version of 1559, as follows: “Tous le gens ceste terre ont queue,” which is an allusion to the old story told in the manuscript of Allefonsce, who says that towards the north, “in some of these regions are people with pig’s tails and faces,”—a statement which the printed work reduces so as to read, “All the people of this land have _queue_.” This was overlooked by the poet or transcriber.

The connection between Maillard’s work and the printed narrative is curious, for the two pieces show a common origin, while two different writers, independently of one another, could not have produced two versions so much alike; though it should be noted that at line 138 Maillard spoils the sense by writing “vne isle,” instead of “une grand ville,” as in the printed book,—unless, indeed, he intended to discredit the story of the “great city” of Norumbega, which Allefonsce in his manuscript simply styles “une ville.” There is no necessity for supposing that Maillard ever saw the manuscript of Allefonsce. He may have used the manuscript of the printed volume of 1559, if it was in existence in the time of Francis. It certainly was written March 7, 1557, when the printing was authorized. It is a curious fact that in 1578 one Thomas Mallard, or Maillard, published an edition of Allefonsce at Rouen: _Les voyages avantvreux dv Capitaine Iean Alfonce, Sainctongeais: Contenant les Reigles & enseignmens necessaires a la bonne & seure Nauigation. Plus le moyen de se gouuerner, tart enuers les Barbares, qu’autres nations d’vne chacune contrée, les sortes de marchandises qui se trouuent abondamment à icelles: Ensemble, ce qu’on doit porter de petit prix pour trocquer avec iceux, afin d’en tirer grand profit. A Rouen, chez Thomas Mallard, libraire: pre le Palais deuant l’hostel de ville_, 1578. Evidently Jehan Maillard, the poet, had some unexplained connection with the volume that appeared in 1559.

[271] Vol. iii. p. 237.

[272] “Les terres allant vers Hochelaga sont de beaucoup meilleures et plus chauldes que celles de Canada, et tient terre de Hochelaga au Figuier et au Perou, en laquelle abonde or et argent.”

[273] One thing must strike the student in going through these topics; namely, the indifference shown by the respective navigators and explorers to their predecessors. Cartier makes no reference to Verrazano, and Allefonsce pays no attention to Cartier. So far as the writings of Allefonsce go, it would hardly appear that any such person as Cartier ever existed. Of Roberval himself, the pilot of Saintonge makes but a single mention in passing, while Maillard speaks of Cartier only in a dedication.

[274] [There is a paper on the map literature of Canada, by H. Scaddin, in the _Canadian Journal_, new series, xv. 23. A large _Carte de la Nouvelle France, pour servir à l’étude de l’ histoire du Canada depuis sa découverte jusqu’en 1760_, par Genest, was published a few years since.—ED.]

[275] Ramé’s _Documents inédits_, p. 3.

[276] Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 350) speaks of it as open on the map of Ribero. Maps iv. and vii. of Kunstmann’s _Atlas_ show the straits open. [Some of these maps are sketched in the Editorial Note following the preceding chapter.—ED.]

[277] “I can write nothing else vnto you of any thing I can recouer of the writings of Captaine Iaques Cartier, my uncle diceased, although I haue made search in all places that I could possibly in this towne, sauing of a certaine booke made in maner of a sea chart, which was drawne by my said vncle, which is in the possession of Master Cremeur,—which booke is passing well marked and drawne for all the Riuer of Canada, whereof I am well assured, because I my self haue knowledge thereof as far as the Saults, where I haue beene: The height of which Saults is in 44 degrees. I found in the said chart beyond the place where the Riuer is diuided in twaine, in the midest of both the branches of said riuer, somewhat neerest that arm which runneth toward the northwest, these words following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier:—

“‘By the people of Canada and Hockeloga it was said, That here is the land of _Saguenay_, which is rich and wealthy in precious stones.’”—Hakluyt, iii. 236.

[278] See for these maps, _ante_, pp. 26, 39.

[279] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 296.

[280] [This map is sketched _ante_, p. 40.—ED.]

[281] _Historia_, etc. (Madrid, 1852), ii. 148. [See _post_, p. 81.—ED.]

[282] Ibid., p. 149.

[283] Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. 292. [See the map, _ante_, p. 38.—ED.]

[284] The writer knows of but one copy of this map,—that in possession of Mr. J. Carson Brevoort. It is described in the _Bulletin_ of the American Geographical Society, 1878, p. 195.

[285] The contents of this globe have not been published. Though Cartier is not recognized, we read, “Terra Francesca;” and on the northern border of Labrador, “TERRA PER BRITANOS INVENTA.” Another Spanish globe—say of 1540—gives no trace of Cartier. It seems to be a fact that Spaniards were sent to search the Gulf of St. Lawrence after Cartier’s voyages; while Le Blanc, _Les voyages fameux_, etc. (Paris, 1649, part iii. p. 63), referred to by Charlevoix, tells us that the St. Lawrence was visited by Velasco the Spaniard in 1506.

[286] In a sketch which the late M. d’Avezac made for the writer before the latter had personally examined the original manuscript, which bears the folio mark 184 instead of 187, “Laboureur” reads, as it should, “Norumbega.” We have sketches bearing the two numbers showing this difference, while also no. 184 does not show “Isla de Saint-Jean.”

[287] The _Cosmographie_ says: “Passing about twenty leagues west-northwest along the coast, you will find an island, called St. Jean, in the centre of the district, and nearer to the Breton region than to Terra Nova. This entry to the Bretons is twelve leagues wide, and in 47° 30′ north. From St. Jean’s Island to Ascension [Assumption] Island, in the Canadian Sea, it is forty leagues across, northwest-by-west. St. Jean and Bryon and Bird Island are 47° north.” A little farther on he says: “Southeast of Cape Ratz [Race] there are two lost islands, which are called Isle St. Jean, D’Estevan,—lost because they consisted of sand.” He also mentions the Isle of St. Brandon, and “a large island called the Seven Cities, forming one large island, and there are many persons who have seen it as well as myself, and can testify; but I do not know how things look in the interior, for I did not land upon it. It is in 28° 30′ north latitude.”

[288] See on this globe, _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 64; and the engraving of it, _ante_, p. 42.

[289] On the Nancy globe; see the _Magazine of American History_, vi. 183; and the sketch, _ante_, p. 81.

[290] Map in the British Museum, 25 × 15 inches. See _post_, p. 83.

[291] See sketch, _post_, p. 87.

[292] See _post_, p. 84.

[293] See a sketch of it, _post_, p. 85.

[294] The relation of the map to the Verrazano map, 1529, is shown in _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 43, and on the composition map, p. 48. A fac-simile of Gastaldi’s map is given, _post_, p. 91.

[295] The atlas is about 12 × 18 inches, the maps, which are strongly Portuguese, being delicately drawn and washed with green, and elegantly colored. The title is _Cosmographie universelle selon les navigateurs_. Many of the names which we have examined appear to be very corrupt.

[296] A copy of the photograph was obtained in Venice by the writer.

[297] See _Verrazano the Navigator_, p. 55. [See a sketch and fac-simile of the map on pp. 94 and 373.—ED.]

[298] [See _post_, p. 92. These are reproductions of the maps of the 1561 and 1562 editions.—ED.]

[299] [See _post_, p. 95; first appeared in 1570.—ED.]

[300] A sketch of the North American portion of the map, in the possession of the writer, was made for him by M. Eugene Beauvois, who has suggested that the map might belong to the period of De Monts, as near the region of Nova Scotia we read “C. de Môt.” This name, however, appears on the map of the Dauphin and various other maps. The map is found in _Premieres Œuvres de Jacques de Vaulx, pilote pour le Roy en la marine française de Grace l’an_ 1584, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, fond française, no. 9,175, folios 29-30.

[301] [See _post_, p. 96. This map originally appeared in 1572.—ED.]

[302] [See _post_, p. 99.—ED.]

[303] [See _post_, p. 100.—ED.]

[304] On Labrador is the following significant legend: “This land was discouered by Iohn [and?] Sebastian Cabot for Kinge Henry y^e 7. 1497.” This map shows Prince Edward Island in its proper place in the gulf, without a name, and “I. S. John” outside of Cape Breton in the sea, where it is so often found on the old maps.

[305] [See _post_, p. 377.—ED.]

[306] Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 173.

[307] Ibid., p. 232; and in his _Bib. Amer. Vet._, no. 149, he refers to Sacrobusto’s _Sphera del mundo_, translated from the Latin into Spanish by Hieronymus Chaves, and published at Seville in 1545, as showing a small map in a diagram, thought to be the work of Alonzo de Chaves.

[308] This is dated 1550, but is very much behind its date.

[309] Part ii. vol. i. p. 143, for the description.

[310] _Ante_, p. 40.

[311] Lelewel, pl. 46, from Apianus’ _Cosmographia_ of that year.

[312] _Ante_, p. 41.

[313] _Ante_, p. 37.

[314] Raemdonck’s _Les sphères de Mercator_.

[315] _Catalogue of Manuscripts_, vol. i. p. 23.

[316] _Cabots_, pp. 77, 147, 201, 204; cf. Malte-Brun, _Histoire de la géographie_, i. 631.

[317] Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 32.

[318] Another of the Rotz maps (no. 104 in the Kohl Collection) is similar to the eastern part of the map here given as “Western Hemisphere;” but the passage to the west, south of Labrador (Greenland?), is not so distinctly closed. There is a strong resemblance to this map in a French manuscript map in the British Museum, marked _Livre de la marine du Pilote Pastoret_ [perhaps Pasterot or Pralut], _l’an 1587_, which is also in the Kohl Collection, no. 110.

[319] Kohl, _Discovery of Maine_, pl. xviii.³; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 189.

[320] In the Huth Collection.

[321] This has “Stegen Comes” inscribed on North America, which is supposed to commemorate the Estevan Gomez explorations; cf. Baldelli, _Storia del milione_, vol. i. p. lxv; Zurla, _Di Marco Polo_, ii. 369; Desimoni in _Giornale Ligustico_, p. 57.

[322] A copy of this is in the Kohl Collection.

[323] Kohl, _Description of Maine_, p. 294.

[324] Harrisse’s _Notes_, etc., nos. 188, 189; _Cabots_, p. 189, and references there cited.

[325] A full account of this map will be found in Vol. III. chap. i. Since that chapter was written, Harrisse has stated (_Cabots_, p. 153) that the French Government paid M. de Hennin in 1844 four hundred francs for this map (cf. _Essai sur la Bibliothèque du Roi_, Paris, 1856, p. 285). It has also within a year been photographed full size, with the legends, and copies of the photographs have been placed in nine American libraries (cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc_., xix. 387, and xx. 39 Charles Deane, in _Science_, vol. i.).

[326] See _ante_, p. 74 etc.

[327] Jomard owned it, and it is in his _Catalogue_, Paris, 1864, no. 121; it is now owned by the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres. See Harrisse’s _Cabots_, pp. 210, 216, for an account of Desceliers.

[328] _Bulletin de l’Académie des Inscriptions_, 30 Août, 1867.

[329] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 351, with a reproduction; he puts it “about 1548” in his copy of it in the State Department Collection.

[330] Cf. Murphy’s _Verrazano_, p. 42, where, for the region south of Cape Breton, it is claimed that the map-maker translated the Spanish names of Ribero.

[331] Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 197; Malte-Brun, _Histoire de la géographie_ (1831), i. 630; British Museum _Catalogue of Manuscript Maps_ (1844), i. 22; _Additional Manuscripts_, no. 5,413.

[332] Barbie du Bocage, in _Magasin encyclopédique_ (1807), iv. 107; Major, _Early Voyages to Australia_, pp. xxvii, xxxv; Kohl, _Discovery of Maine_, p. 354, and _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 38; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 219.

[333] _Cabots_, p. 245.

[334] _Verrazano_, p. 143.

[335] _Catalogue of Manuscripts_, no. 24,065.

[336] _Cabots_, p. 230.

[337] David Asseline’s _Les antiquités de la ville de Dieppe_, 1874, ii. 325; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 217; Desmarquet’s _Mémoires chronologiques pour servir à l’histoire de Dieppe et à celle de la navigation Française_, 1875, ii. 1.

[338] _Cabots_, p. 194.

[339] In the _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870.

[340] Called “The Jomard Map.”

[341] _Cabots_, p. 238

[342] See chapter on “Cortes” in Vol. II.

[343] In Harvard College Library.

[344] _Cabots_, p. 242.

[345] Pages 425, 447.

[346] Cf. Harrisse, nos. 292, 293; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 195. This volume of Ramusio is said to have been prepared in 1553.

[347] It will be remembered that another map (1550) of this maker is supposed to preserve something of the lost map of Chaves.

[348] _Catalogue of Manuscripts_, no. 25,442; Harrisse, _Cabots_, pp. 189, 193.

[349] _Les Papes géographes_, p. 118.

[350] Cf. Manno and Promis, _Notizie di Jacopo Gastaldi_ (1881), p. 19; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 237.

[351] Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, who has a copy, has furnished me a tracing of it. The late Henry C. Murphy had a copy without the date. A sketch of the western portion is given in Vol. III. p. 67. Cf. _Catalogue of Maps in the King’s Library, British Museum_, i. 24, and Kohl’s _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 29. The annexed sketch follows the copy in the Kohl (Washington) Collection.

[352] Kohl gives it “Stadawna.”

[353] See chapter i.

[354] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 393.

[355] A copy belonging to Professor Jules Marcou has been used. All editions are in Harvard College Library. Lelewel reproduces the American map. Further accounts of Ortelius will be found in Vol. III. p. 34, and on a later page in the present volume in an editorial note on the Atlases and Charts of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.

[356] Leclerc (_Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 2,652) gives a map of Thevet’s “Le nouveau monde descouvert et illustre de nostre temps, Paris, 1581,” which Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 252) calls another production.

[357] Vol. i. pl. vii.

[358] _British Museum Manuscripts, Catalogue_, i. 29; and (1844) vol. i. p. 31, no. 22,018.

[359] There is in the Kohl Collection (no. 107) a copy of a manuscript Portuguese map in the British Museum, which Kohl puts at about 1575. A legend on it says: “On the 20th November, 1580, a Portuguese, Fernando Simon, lent this map to John Dee in Mortlake, and a servant of Dee copied it for him.” It shows the coast from Cape Breton to Hudson’s Straits, giving the St. Lawrence gulf (with the Newfoundland group of islands), but not the river. Dee does not seem to have followed it.

[360] See Vol. III. p. 203.

[361] Given in Vol. III. p. 102.

[362] Given _ante_, p. 44.

[363] Given in Vol. III. pp. 41, 42.

[364] There are copies in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown Collection; chapters 20 and 21 are on America. The Preface is dated 1587.

[365] Given in Vol. III. p. 213.

[366] Given in Vol. III. p. 216, and in this volume on a later page.