Chapter XI: Letter III: Roxbury, July 19, 1776 (2)

[April 18.] The Ann and Isabella arrived at Cape-Fear with part of the 17th regiment; she was the first vessel of Sir Peter Parker’s fleet. From her arrival to the second of May, thirteen transports got in. On the third of May, Sir Peter and twenty sail arrived with lord _Cornwallis_, gen. _Vaughan_ and others; when they met with gen. _Clinton_, who after leaving New-York, proceeded to Virginia, where he saw lord Dunmore; but finding that no service could be effected in that colony, he repaired to Cape Fear river, and waited the arrival of the armament from Europe. [May 5.] Gen. Clinton issued out a proclamation from on board the Pallas transport, offering free pardon to all such as should lay down their arms, &c. excepting Cornelius Harnett and Robert Howe. The defeat of the highlanders and regulators in February, and the measures afterward taken for the safety of the colony, diverted the commanders from attempting any thing against it; and led them to conclude upon attacking _Charleston_, which they were in full expectation of subduing, as they had about 2800 land forces to co-operate with the men of war. Prior to their arrival and junction every exertion had been made to put the colony of _South-Carolina_, and especially its capital in a respectable posture of defence. As one mean conducing to it, works were erected on _Sullivan_’s Island, situated so near the channel as to be a very convenient post for annoying ships approaching the town; and about thirty cannon, 32, 18 and 19 pounders, were mounted on a fort constructed with palmetto. This is a tree peculiar to the southern states, which grows from twenty to forty feet high, without branches, and then terminates in something resembling the head of a cabbage. The wood is remarkably spongy. A bullet entering it, makes no extended fracture, but buries itself without injuring the parts adjacent.

On the first of June advices were received in Charleston, that a fleet of forty or fifty sail was at anchor about six leagues to the northward of Sullivan’s Island. The next day the alarm signal was fired, and expresses sent to the officers commanding the militia in the country, to repair to the immediate defence of the capital, with the forces under their respective command. In a few days several hundred of the enemy’s troops were landed on Long-Island, situated to the eastward of Sullivan’s, and separated from it by a creek. On the 10th the Bristol, a 50 gun ship, her guns being previously taken out, got safe over the bar. About this time a proclamation was sent ashore, in which gen. Clinton promised pardon to the inhabitants upon their laying down their arms and quietly submitting to the re-establishment of royal government. It produced none of the effects wished from it. The militia of the country very generally obeyed the summons of president Rutledge, and repaired in great numbers to the capital. The regular regiments of the adjacent northern colonies, having been ordered to the assistance of their southern neighbors, arrived at this critical juncture. The whole were commanded by gen. Lee, who had been sent to the southward on gen. Clinton’s leaving the Hook. The great opinion every where entertained of his ability and experience, add to the spirits of the troops and inhabitants. In a few days the Americans, including the militia of the town and country amounted to five or six thousand men. The first South-Carolina regular regiment, commanded by col. Gadsden, was stationed at Fort Johnson, on the most northerly point of James Island, and within point blank shot of the channel. The second and third regular regiments of the colony, commanded by cols. _Moultrie_ and _Thompson_, occupied the two extremities of Sullivan’s Island. The other forces had their posts assigned them at Haddrell’s Point, James Island, and along the bay in front of the town. The streets near the water were in different places strongly barricaded. The stores on the wharfs, though immensely valuable, were pulled down, and lines of defence continued along the water’s edge. Domestic conveniencies were exchanged for blankets and knapsacks, and gentlemen of the most independent fortune, labored with the hoe and spade in their hands. Gov. Rutledge, sore against his will, was obliged to adopt some absolute measures for the defence of the place. He pressed 700 negroes, with tools, &c. belonging to non-associators, to work upon the fortifications and trenches; and seized, for the present, the cash and papers of many associators in name only, to prevent their doing mischief, as they hung back in the hour of trial. In a few days, by the labor of the citizens, in conjunction with the negroes, such obstructions were thrown in the way, as would have greatly embarrassed the royal army, had it attempted landing in the town. [June 26.] The Experiment, of 50 guns, safely crossed the bar, after taking similar precautions with the Bristol.

[June 28.] The fort on Sullivans’s Island is now to be attacked by the two 50 gun ships the Bristol and Experiment, four frigates, the Active, Acteon, Solebay and Syren, each of 28 guns; the Sphynx, of 20 guns, the Friendship armed vessel, of 22 guns, the Ranger sloop and Thunder bomb, each of eight guns. The Thunder bomb, covered by the armed ship, takes her station in the morning, and begins to throw shells between the hours of ten and eleven. The Active, Bristol, Experiment and Solebay come boldly on to the attack. A little before eleven, the garrison fires four or five shot at the Active, while under sail. When she comes near the fort, she drops anchor, and pours in a broadside. Her example is followed by the three other vessels, and a most furious and incessant cannonade ensues. The Sphynx, Acteon and Syren are ordered to take their station between the end of the island and Charleston, partly to enfilade the works of the fort, partly to cut off the communication between the island and the continent, and partly to prevent any attempts that may be made to interrupt the grand attack. The western extremity of the fort, off which they are to be stationed, is so unfinished as to afford very imperfect cover to the men at the guns in that part, and also so situated as to expose the men in the other parts of the fort to a very dangerous cross fire. Providence on this occasion remarkably interposes in behalf of the garrison, and saves them from a fate, that undoubtedly would otherwise be inevitable. About twelve o’clock, as the three last-mentioned ships are advancing, they all get entangled with a shoal call the Middle Ground; two of them run foul of each other. The Acteon sticks fast. The Sphynx, before she clears herself, loses her bowsprit; but the Syren gets off without much injury. They are too late however, or in no condition for executing the intended service. The Thunder bomb, after having thrown about 60 shells, is so damaged as to be incapable of firing longer. While the continued fire from the ships seem sufficient to shake the bravest enemy, and daunt the courage of the most veteran soldier, the return made from the fort calls for the respect of the brave British seamen, though highly incommoded by it. The garrison, which consists of col. Moultrie, 344 regulars and a few volunteer militia, nearly all raw and unexperienced, stick to their guns with the greatest constancy and firmness, amidst a most dreadful roar of artillery. They fire deliberately and slowly, and take a cool and effective aim. The ships suffer accordingly. They are torn almost to pieces, and the slaughter is deadful. Never did British valor shine more conspicuous, nor ever did their marine experience so rough an encounter, in an engagement of the same nature with any foreign enemy. The springs of the Bristol’s cable being cut by the shot, she is for some time most dreadfully raked by the Americans. Capt. Morris, who commands her, though he has received a number of wounds, disdains quitting his duty, till his arm being at length shot off, he is carried away in circumstances that afford no possibility of recovery. Sir Peter Parker suffers a slight contusion. Every man stationed in the beginning of the action on the quarter deck of the Bristol, is either killed or wounded. In the whole she has 40 men killed and 71 wounded. The Experiment had 23 killed and 76 wounded. Capt. Scott, who commands her, loses his arm and receives many other wounds. Lord Campbell, the late governor of the colony, who serves as a volunteer, with the greatest spirit and bravery, and is so condescending as to accept of the direction of some guns of the lower gun deck, receives a hurt in his left side, which may finally prove mortal[14]. The fire of the fort is principally directed against the Bristol and Experiment, which suffer very much in their hulls, masts and rigging. Not less than 70 balls go through the former. The Acteon has a lieutenant killed and six men wounded. The Solebay has eight men wounded. The loss of the garrison is only ten men killed and twenty-two wounded.

The guns at the fort were at on time so long silenced, that it was thought to have been abandoned. When the garrison had received a recruit of powder, the expenditure of their stock having obliged them to cease firing, they began it again, and did amazing execution by its excessive severity. During the long, hot and obstinate conflict between the American fort and the British men of war, the seamen looked frequently and impatiently to the eastward, expecting to see the land forces, under general Clinton and lord Cornwallis, advance from Long-Island, and march up to second the attack; but in this they were disappointed. Though the creek between that island and Sullivan’s is easily fordable in general, yet at that time, through a long series of easterly winds it was uncommonly deep, and impassable at the usual place of passage. The British troops might have crossed higher up; but then they must have been exposed so completely and so long to the American fire, that they would have run the risk of being defeated. Col. Thompson, with 300 riflemen of his regiment; col. Clark, with 200 regulars of the North-Carolina line; col. Horry with 200 South-Carolina militia, and the Raccoon company of militia riflemen, with an eighteen pounder and a field piece, were stationed at the east end of Sullivan’s Island to oppose their crossing.

The British fire was kept up without intermission till near seven o’clock, when it slackened considerably. At half past nine, the firing on both sides ceased, and at eleven the shatered ships slipped their cables and withdrew from the scene of action, after an engagement which had been supported with uncommon courage and vigor on both sides for above ten hours. Next morning all the men of war, except the Acteon, had retired about two miles from the island. The garrison fired several shot at her; she at first returned them, but soon after the crew set her on fire and abandoned her, leaving the colours flying, the guns loaged, and all her ammunition and stores behind. She was in a short time boarded by a party of Americans, who brought off her colours, the ship’s bell and as many sail and stores as three boats could contain. While the flames were bursting out on all sides, they fired three of her guns at the commodore, and then quitted her; and in less than half an hour after she blew up.

There were many thousand shot fired at the fort from the shipping; but the works suffered little damage; those which struck the fort were buried in its soft wood. Hardly a hut or tree on the island escaped. Seven thousand balls have been picked up since the engagement.

When the British fleet appeared off the coast, there was so scanty a stock of lead, that to supply the musquetry with balls, it became necessary to strip the windows of the dwelling houses in Charleston of their weights. Powder also was very scarce, notwithstanding a seasonably supply received a few days before the engagement. The proportion allotted for the defence of the fort was but barely enough for slow firing. It was expended with great deliberation. The officers, in turn, pointed the guns with such exactness, that most of their shot took effect on the shipping. In the beginning of the action the flag-staff was shot away. Sergeant Jasper of the grenadiers immediately jumped on the beach, took up the flag, and fastened it on a sponge-staff. He mounted the merlon with it in his hand; and though the ships were directing their incessent broad sides at the spot, deliberately fixed it. The day after the action, gov. Rutledge presented the sergeant with a sword, as a mark of respect for his distinguished valor. Seven of the wounded of the garrison lost their limbs; but not with these their spirits; for they enthusiastically encouraged their comrades, never to abandon the standard of liberty and their country[15]. This was particularly noticed of sergeant M’Donald who being mortally wounded by a cannon ball, employed the interval between the wounding and his death in exhortations to that purpose. He expired in a few minutes, when Jasper removed the body out of sight, calling out at the same instant, “revenge the brave mans death.”

Charleston has certainly had a narrow escape. Gen. Lee, wrote to the board of war July the second, “For the want of cavalry, Charleston and its dependencies had certainly been lost, if the enemy had acted with that vigor and expedition we had reason to expect, but a most unaccountable langor and inertness on their parts have saved us.” The unfinished state of the fort, the danger of its being enfiladed, and the difficulty of a retreat for want of a durable communication between the island and the main by a bridge, led the general to view the fort rather as untenable, and to incline to the abandoning of it: but when he found that col. Moultrie was determined at all adventures to attempt its defence, he satisfied himself with advising to a seasonable evacuation, and against risking too much in its support.—The colonel and his garrison have deserved the praises and thanks of their country and will undoubtedly meet with due honor.

Some think there was a capital mistake on the part of the British commander in stopping at the fort, when Charleston was the object; and that the fleet should have passed the island, in order to their attacking the town, which with a leading wind and tide, might have been done with a tenth part of the loss and damage that the ships have sustained. But had they passed the fort a successful attack upon the town was not a necessary consequence. The very attack of the fort would have been successful had the Acteon got safe to her station, instead of running aground.

The fate of this expedition will contribute greatly to establish the popular government it was intended to overset; while the news of it will fly like a meteor through the continent, and carry with it a most malignant influence on the royal cause. Sir Peter Parker will most probably sail soon, with the fleet and troops for the Hook, and in order the join lord Howe.

Now let us resume the momentous business of independency.

The _Pennsylvania_ assembly withdrew from its union with congress, in consequence of instructions to their delegates, upon the congressional resolve of May the 15th, for suppressing all authority derived from the crown of Great-Britain in the united colonies. The committee of the city and liberties of Philadelphia apprehended, that by this step an appeal was made to the people; and in compliance with the request of a large majority of the inhabitants, issued letters on the 20th of May (by virtue of a power given to them in the provincial convention held in January 1775) for calling a conference of the committees of the counties, in order to collect the sense of the inhabitants upon the aforesaid resolve of congress, and to bring about a re-union of the provinces with the other colonies, by calling a provincial convention, with a view to form a government for that purpose. They intimated their belief, that the assembly had been dragged into a compliance with most of the resolutions of congress from fear of a provincial convention. Messrs. John Bayard and Daniel Roberdeau were particularly active in this business. The deputies of the people assembled [June 24.] in full provincial conference, and unanimously declared their willingness to concur in a vote of congress declaring the united colonies free and independent states. A change in their delegates followed. Mr. Dickenson opposed openly, and upon principle, the declaration of independence, and was therefore removed.

The _Maryland_ convention had instructed their delegates, last December, to propose the question of independency. These therefore, having given their vote against it, withdrew; not from a personal opposition, but in compliance with their public representation. Mr. Samuel Chase was strongly attached to it; and when he was returned to Maryland, procured county instructions to the members of convention, by which the last were induced to alter their own instructions. He transmitted an account of it to his friend in congress, in the following terms—“Annapolis [June 28.] Friday evening, nine o’clock. I am this moment from the house to procure an expresss to follow the post with an unanimous vote of our convention for _independence_, &c. See the glorious effects of county instructions. Our people have fire, if not smothered. S. Chase.”

[July 1.] Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole upon the subject of independency; but neither colonies nor members being unanimous, it was postponed till the next day.

[July 4.] They had it under further consideration, when the declaration of independence was agreed to and adopted. The title of it is,

A DECLARATION by the Representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, in
Congress assembled.

The preamble follows in these words: “When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station, to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind, requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

“We hold these truths to be self-evident—that all men are created equal—that they are endowed by their Creator, with certain unalienable rights—that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness—That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers, from the consent of the governed—that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes—and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government.” The declaration proceeds to give “a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.” It then enters upon a specification of injuries and complaints, to the following purport—

Assent has been refused to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

Governors have been forbidden to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till assented to in Britain; and when so suspended, an attention to them has been utterly neglected.

Legislative bodies have been called together at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into a compliance with favorite measures.

Houses of representatives have been dissolved repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness, invasions on the rights of the people.

For a long time after such dissolution, it has been refused to permit others to be elected; whereby the legislative power, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

Endeavors have been made to prevent the population of these states, by obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of land.

The administration of justice has been obstructed by the refusing of assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

Judges have been made dependent on the crown alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

A multitude of new offices have been erected, and swarms of officers have been sent hither to harrass the people, and eat out their substance.

Standing armies have been kept up among us in times of peace, without the consent of our legislatures.

The military has been rendered independent of, and superior to the civil power.

A plan has been formed to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws.

Acts have been passed by the British legislature, for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us—for protecting them by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states—for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world—for imposing taxes on us without our consent—for depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury—for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences—for abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies—for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments—for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring the British parliament invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

The crown of Great-Britain has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of its protection and waging war against us.

Our seas have been plundered, our coasts ravaged, our towns burnt, and the lives of our people destroyed.

Large armies of foreign mercenaries are at this time transporting, to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy a civilized nation.

Our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, have been constrained to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

Domestic insurrections have been excited amongst us, and endeavors have been used to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. The declaration proceeds, saying,

“In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence.—They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. WE, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, DO, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all political connection between them and the state of Great-Britain, is, and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.”

The declaration was by order of congress engrossed and signed by the following members, _JOHN HANCOCK_—NEW-HAMPSHIRE, _Josiah Bartlett_, _William Whipple_, _Mathew Thornton_—MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, _Samuel Adams_, _John Adams_, _Robert Treat Paine_, _Elbridge Gerry_—RHODE-ISLAND and PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS, _Stephen Hopkins_, _William Ellery_—CONNECTICUT, _Roger Sherman_, _Samuel Huntington_, _William Williams_, _Oliver Wolcott_—NEW-YORK, _William Floyd_, _Philip Livingston_, _Francis Lewis_, _Lewis Morris_—NEW-JERSEY, _Richard Stockton_, _John Witherspoon_, _Francis Hopkinson_, _John Hart_, _Abraham Clark_—PENNSYLVANIA, _Robert Morris_, _Benjamin Rush_, _Benjamin Franklin_, _John Morton_, _George Clymer_, _James Smith_, _George Taylor_, _James Wilson_, _George Ross_—DELAWARE, _Cæsar Rodney_, _George Read_—MARYLAND, _Samuel Chase_, _William Paca_, _Thomas Stone_, _Charles Carroll of Carrollton_—VIRGINIA, _George Wythe_, _Richard Henry Lee_, _Thomas Jefferson_, _Benjamin Harrison_, _Thomas Neilson, jun._, _Francis Lightfoot Lee_, _Cartar Braxton_—NORTH-CAROLINA, _William Hooper_, _Joseph Hewes_, _John Penn_:—SOUTH-CAROLINA, _Edward Rutledge_, _Thomas Hayward, jun._, _Thomas Lynch, jun._, _Arthur Middleton_:—GEORGIA, _Button Gwinnett_, _Lyman Hall_, _George Walton_.

The declaration of Congress is intended for their act of separation from the crown of Great-Britain; they therefore no longer regard that prudential state maxim, _the king can do no wrong_ in his official character; but, in making their complaints, charge the specified grievances to majesty itself; by which they mean to justify, in the sight of mankind, the renunciation of their former allegiance. Thus has an event been produced which was not had in contemplation by any of the colonies, or even by any delegate, scarce by Mr. Samuel Adams, as what was so soon to happen, when congress first met in the year 1774. When Lexington engagement had taken place, he and some of his colleagues judged that the contest must then issue in independence, or slavery; and therefore laboured to establish the first, that the last might be prevented. But had a serious proposal of separating from the crown of Great-Britain been early introduced into congress, the dissolution of that body would have followed, through the general aversion of the people at large and of particular colonies to such separation. The Massachusetts delegates had a very nice part to act. The southern colonies were jealous of their republican spirit, and of their aiming at independency. These therefore, by a most prudent policy, secured those of the Virginia delegates that verged toward republicanism, with whom they intrusted any favourite measure which they wanted to have carried; and who brought the same forward and supported it in congress, against the other southern delegates, while their Massachusetts brethren attended the debates without showing themselves particularly interested, so that the jealousies of such as were most against it were not alarmed. They took occasion also, from the various occurrences that offered, gently to infuse their own sentiments into the minds of such as had before opposed them. Their wise procedure aided, on the one hand by certain trusty friends in congress, and on the other by the persevering blundering politics of the British ministry, have under the direction of Providence produced independency. It remains to be seen whether Providence will give to the same an abiding establishment. The measures which congress have adopted, may be deemed by some presumptuous, considering the weakness of their own army: the strength of the British, assisted by a powerful navy; and that they have not the least assurance of aid from foreign power. But how could it have been avoided? The people were ripe for it. Prudence dictated a compliance with their expectations and wishes. A disappointment might have disgusted, and produced disorder. The declaration may give confidence to the timid; and animate the friends of liberty to greater exertions. It may lead France to think, that the Americans have resources more than are known, and so incline her to entertain the thought of giving them assistance; while it admits of their applying for the same, with perfect consistency as an independent people. They have nothing worse to apprehend from the declaration than before. The force destined to act against them proves, that if possible, they are to be reduced to unconditional submission; the declaration cannot add to the misery of such submission. Beside, the quarrel is in such a stage, that it cannot be ended with safety to the inhabitants, but by their separating from Great-Britain, and becoming independent: any thing short of that must now prove a continual source of dissention and wretchedness. The members of congress have had it for some time rung in their ears.

“The middle way, the best, we sometimes call,
“But ’tis in politics no way at all.”

[July 8.] This day at twelve o’clock, the declaration of independence was proclaimed at the state-house in Philadelphia, amidst the greatest acclamations. The day, in consequence of general orders, it was read at the head of each brigade of the continental army at New-York, and every where received with loud huzzas, and the utmost demonstrations of joy. The same evening the equestrian statue of the king was laid prostrate on the ground. The lead of which it is made, is doomed to be run into bullets. The New-York congress have unanimously resolved, that they will at the risk of their lives and fortunes, join with the other colonies in supporting the declaration; and have authorised their delegates to adopt all such measures as may be conducive to the happiness of the United States.

The New-Jersey convention have declared their late governor, William Franklin, esq. a virulent enemy to the country, and a person who may prove dangerous, and who ought to be confined in such place and manner as congress may direct; congress have ordered him to be sent under guard to governor Trumbull of Connecticut, who is to admit him to his parole; but if he refuses to give it, he is to be secured the same as other prisoners. Matters are drawing on to such a crisis, that the next letter must necessarily contain very interesting intelligence.