Chapter XXXII: Letter XIV: Roxbury, April 14, 1779

The present letter shall begin with an expedition through the remote and upper parts of Pennsylvania, on the 1st of October, under col. William Butler. It was directed not only against the Indians, but several considerable settlements belonging to the tories, become particularly obnoxious from the violence of the past hostilities. The party, which consisted of a Pennsylvania regiment, covered by riflemen and rangers, took its departure from Schoharie, and having gained the head of the Delaware, marched down the river for two days; from whence turning off to the right, they struck across the mountains to the Susquehanna, which was the scene of action. They totally burnt and destroyed both the Indian castles and villages in that quarter and the other settlements; but the inhabitants, both tories and Indians, escaped. The destruction was extended for several miles on both sides the Susquehannah. The difficulties, distresses and dangers which the party encountered, required no small share of that fortitude and hardiness of body and mind, which can scarcely be acquired by any considerable number of men without long habitude, under certain marked circumstances of situation. They were obliged to carry six days provision on their backs; and thus loaded, continually to wade through rivers and creeks scarcely passable without any incumbrance, to men unused to such service. In these circumstances, after the toil of a hard march, they were obliged to endure chilly nights and heavy rains, without any mean for keeping even their arms dry. But these were small matters compared with the danger awaiting their return, and which they hardly escaped. This was the sudden risings of the creeks and the Susquehannah, occasioned by continual heavy rains, while they were still in the enemy’s country, and with their provisions nearly expended. The last circumstance rendered their case desperate, so that though, on any other occasion, the crossing of the Susquehannah, when so high, would have been deemed impracticable, it was successfully attempted by mounting the men on horses, which in some places were obliged to swim; and thus all the troops were safely transported, and by crossing the mountains, evaded two other dangerous places. They returned to Schoharie on the 16th, after having, with the greatest fortitude, surmounted every difficulty, and were, by order of the colonel, complimented with the firing of thirteen rounds of cannon, and a feu-de-joie.

Mr. Governeur Morris having acquainted congress, that he had received application from a person in New-York, to know whether he may, with safety to his person and property, continue in that city upon the evacuation thereof; and having further informed them that the said person is in a capacity to give useful intelligence, and probably will do it, if he receives assurances that it will be recommended to the state of New-York to afford him protection, they resolved, that the said G. Morris be empowered to give him such assurances, on condition that he shall give intelligence of whatever may come to his knowledge relating to the numbers, movements and designs of the enemy. Henry Laurens, esq. having filled the station of president for one year on the 31st of October, made his resignation of the presidency, lest any example taken from his continuance might hereafter become inconvenient. He was replaced by a unanimous vote.

Accounts have been received, that commodore Evans, being dispatched by adm. Montague, arrived on the 14th of September in St. Peter’s road, and sent to the governor of the small islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, acquainting him that the French had committed hostilities in America, and that therefore he demanded a surrender of the islands: which was complied with, as there was no force to make an effectual resistance. The governor and his suite, and the principle inhabitants, women and children amounting to 932, were embarked on board the vessels found at St. Pierre’s, and sent to France.

The French alliance has proved the occasion of the British ministry’s having ordered away a considerable part of their force from New-York. The same day that count d’Estaing sailed from Boston, [Nov. 3.] commodore Hotham with two 64 gun ships, and three of 50, beside frigates and a bomb ketch, having under convoy transports containing 5000 British troops, commanded by gen. Grant, left Sandy-Hook and steered for the West-Indies whither the count went.

The chevalier de Maduit du Plessis, lieut. col. of artillery in the continental army, having expressed an apprehension that the war is near a conclusion in this country, and a desire of returning to France to offer his service to his prince, congress ordered that a written testimonial of the high sense they entertained of his zeal, bravery and good conduct, should be given him. The committee upon the business, had resolved that a brevet commission of colonel should be granted him, which the congress negatived two days before, as it was high time to cease lavishing away promotions on foreigners. The ambition of the natives of France and of foreigners, in common, was unbounded; and the singular instances of rank which had been conferred upon them, in too many instances, occasioned general dissatisfaction and complaint. Fewer promotions in the foreign line would have been productive of more harmony among the continental officers. It is certain, that the army has a full proportion of foreign officers in their councils.

[Nov. 11.] Some hundreds of Indians, a large number of tories, and about 50 regulars, all under colonel Butler, entered Cherry-Valley within New-York state, by an old Indian path, which col. Alden, who command the American troops there stationed had neglected. The colonel was shot in attempting to reach the fort, called after him, Alden; on which the enemy commenced a heavy fire that lasted more than three hours, when they withdrew, having no further hope of carrying it. The next day they left the place after having killed, scalped and barbarously murdered 32 inhabitants, chiefly women and children, beside col. Alden and ten soldiers. They took prisoners the lieut. col., two or three other officers, 13 privates, and a number of inhabitants. The greatest inhumanities were practised on most of the dead.

[November 22.] John Roberts and Abraham Carlisle, of the quaker persuasion, were executed at Philadelphia, being convicted of high treason against the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The unaccountable operations of the war have been the occasion of a woeful mistake in the general politics of that denomination. Encouraged by the reasonable prospect, that coercive measures properly planned and conducted would prove successful, the body of the American quakers have sided with the ministry, in hope of establishing their civil power in the state. They have disowned several worthy members for being active in the cause of their country; but not others for opposing it. Instead of maintaining a strict neutrality in the present contest, their partiality has been such, that the British officers have extolled their alacrity as spies, guides and informers. They have suppressed letters of Dr. Forthergill upon the impropriety of their conduct, and because they were written decidedly in favor of liberty.—Let it be remembered however, that there are many deserving individuals among them, beside generals Greene and Mifflin, who by a uniform steady perseverance in measures friendly to the American cause, have justly conciliated the esteem of their countrymen.

[Nov. 27.] General Washington gave orders that no small parties should by any means be permitted to go upon Long-Island. Under pretence of procuring intelligence, they became mere plundering parties, and carried off clothes, linens, ribbons, cases of knives and forks, wine glasses, and whatever they could lay their hands upon, which they brought back and sold publicly, making at the same time a distinction in the sale between hard money and paper. They pretended that the articles were the property of tories, new-levy officers, &c. which, if true, their conduct was unpardonable, as it was not the business of their incursions. Their capacity made no discrimination between the inhabitants, many of whom, although obliged to remain on the island were well affected to the American cause.

The plan for reducing Canada was transmitted by congress to gen. Washington, with a request that he would make observations upon it. He communicated the same to them in a letter of November the 11th; which being referred to a committee, they reported on the 5th of December, that the reasons assigned by the general against the expedition to Canada appeared to be well founded, and to merit the approbation of congress. After that, a committee was appointed to confer with the commander in chief on the opperations of the next campaign: he therefore repaired to Philadelphia on the 22d. After the conference the committee reported, “That the plan, proposed by congress for the emancipation of Canada, in co-operation with an armament from France, was the principal subject of the conference; that impressed with the strong sense of the injury and disgrace which must attend an infraction of the proposed stipulation on the part of these states, your committee have taken a general review of our finances, of the circumstances of the army, of the magazines, &c. &c.—That upon the most mature deliberation, your committee cannot find room for a well grounded presumption, that these states will be able to perform their part of the proposed stipulation:—That nothing less than the highest probability of success could justify congress in making the proposition—Your committee are therefore of opinion, that the negociation in question should be deferred till circumstances shall render the co-operation of these states more certain, practicable and effectual:—That the minister of these states at the court of Versailles, the minister of France in Philadelphia, and the marquis de la Fayette, be respectively informed, that the opperations of the next campaign must depend upon such a variety of contingencies, that time alone can mature and point out the plan which ought to be pursued:—That congress therefore cannot decide on the practicability of their co-operating the next campaign in an enterprise for the emancipation of Canada.” The report was accepted, and the Canada expedition laid aside after a full consideration of all circumstances, beside what appear in the report, which wrought strongly in the minds of some shrewd members of congress. Such might dread the introduction of a large body of French troops into Canada, and the putting of them into the possession of the capital of that province, attached to them by the ties of blood, habits, manners, language, religion, and former connection of government. They might argue—“France under the idea of 5000 troops, may introduce twice the number, and having entered Quebec, may declare an intention of holding Canada as a pledge and surety for the debts due from the United States. Canada would be a solid acquisition to France on all accounts; and no nation is to be trusted further than it is bound by its interest. Canada would be too great a temptation to be resisted by any power actuated by the common maxims of national policy. France with that in her possession, may have it in her power to give laws to the United States: these will have less to fear from its remaining in the hands of the British.” The committee subjoined to their report a draught of a letter to the marquis de la Fayette, which was also accepted. Gen. Washington forwarded it to Boston, [Dec. 29.] where the marquis lay waiting for the determination of congress. It was accompanied with one from the general, expressing a concern for his having been so delayed. Upon the receipt of them, the marquis embarked on board the Alliance frigate, Jan. 7, 1779.

The campaign in the norhern states having yielded no advantage to the British, and the winter being the proper season for southern expeditions, Sir Henry Clinton concluded upon turning his arms against Georgia. He might propose to himself the reduction of all the southern states, and be strongly inclined to it by reason that these states produced the most valuable commodities in the European market, and carried on a considerable export trade, which seemed little otherwise affected by the war, than as it suffered by the British cruisers: beside, their rice was devoted to the service of his enemies, while it was wanted for the support of his sovereign’s fleet and army in America. A plan of opperation was concerted with general Provost, who commanded in East-Florida; and it was intended, that Georgia should be invaded both on the north and south sides at the same time.

While the preparations for this conjunct expedition were carrying on, two armed bodies, consisting of regulars and refugees, made a sudden and rapid incursion into Georgia from East-Florida. One of them came in boats through the inland navigation, and the other marched over land by the way of the river Alatamaha. The first demanded the surrender of Sunbury; but on receiving from lieut. col. Mackintosh the laconic refusal—_come and take it_—they left the place. The latter pursued their march toward Savannah. Gen. Screven, with about a hundred militia repeatedly skirmished with the party in their advance through the country. In one of these engagements he received a wound from a musket ball, and fell from his horse, when several of the British came up and discharged their pieces at him. He died of his wounds much regretted for his private virtues, and public exertions in behalf of his country. The invaders pursued their march till within three miles of Ogeechee ferry, where Mr. Savage with his own slaves, had erected a breast work to prevent their passing. Col. Elbert, with about 200 continentals, took post in the works, and prepared to dispute the pessage of the river. These obstacles, together with information that the other party had failed in their design upon Sunbury, determined them to retreat without attempting to cross. On their return, they laid waste the country for miles, burnt St. John’s church, a number of houses, and all the rice and other grain within their reach, and also carried off all the negroes, horses, cattle, and plate they could remove either by land or water. When this desolating mode of carrying on war was complained of by the American officer to the British, the latter positively disclaimed any order or even approbation of such proceedings, but mentioned that the people under the immediate command of the former had given a precedent. The party rage which wrought on each side, led both into those cruelties, at which humanity shudders.

The expedition against Georgia was committed to col. Campbell, who had been taken in Boston-bay after gen. Howe had evacuated the town. The force appointed to act under him, consisted of the 71st regiment of foot, two battalions of Hessians, four of provincials, and a detachment of the royal artillery. The transports with the troops, amounting to full 2500, sailed from Sandy-Hook, [Nov. 27.] being escorted by a small squadron under commodore Hyde Parker. The fleet arrived at the isle of Tybee near the mouth of the Savannah: [Dec. 29.] and six days after, the troops effected a landing. From the landing-place a narrow causeway of six hundred yards in length, with a ditch on each side, led through a rice swamp. This causeway, had it been in a proper state of defence, might have effectually resisted a vast superiority of force; but the small party under capt. Smith, which was posted at it to impede the passage of the British, was too inconsiderable to check their progress. They pushed on with such vigor that the Americans were almost instantly dispersed. The continental army, on which the defence of Georgia chiefly rested, had lately returned from a fruitless summer’s expedition against East-Florida, in which they had suffered so great a diminuation, that joined with those present of the state militia, the whole made but about 820 men. General Robert Howe, who commanded the Amaricans, had taken his station on the main road between the landing-place and Savannah, with the river on his left, and a swamp in front, extended beyond his right flank. The British advanced till within a few hundred yards of the American army, when Campbell manœuvred so as to cherish an opinion that he meant to attack their left. For that purpose he ordered the first battalion of the 71st to form on the right of the road, thereby to impress a full idea of his designing to extend his front in that quarter. At the same time a considerable part of the royal army was detached to cross the swamp so high up as to get into the rear of the Americans. Chance had thrown into the hands of Campbell, a negro, who knew a private path through the swamp, by which he promised to lead the troops without observation or difficulty. At length the British commander, presuming that the detachment had got effectually round upon the rear of the American, suddenly advanced, and Howe ordered an immediate retreat. A few minutes delay would have made it impossible, and it was then only practicable in the face and under the fire of that part of the British army which had effected its passage through the swamp. A small body of about a hundred Georgia militia had been previously posted in the rear of the barracks near Savannah, which made some opposition to the British as they were issuing from the swamp, but was soon compelled to retreat, and its commander col. Walton, was wounded and taken prisoner. The Americans retreated with precipitation and in disorder. The British pursued with spirit and rapidity. No victory was ever more complete. Thirty-eight officers, and 415 non-commissioned and privates, 48 pieces of cannon, 23 morters, the fort with its ammunition and stores, the shipping in the river, a large quantity of provisions, with the capital of Georgia were all in the space of a few hours in the possession of the conquerors. The British pursued the Americans through the town of Savannah. In the impetuosity of the pursuit, some of the inhabitants who had not been in the action, were bayonetted in the streets several were killed or wounded in their flight, and a large number, finding their secape impracticable without swimming a deep watery swamp were obliged to sue for quarters. The Americans saved three field-pieces out of four: but many lost their arms. That part of the army which escaped retreated up the river Savannah to Zubly’s ferry, and crossed over into South-Carolina.[94]

No place in similar circumstances suffered less by depredation than Savannah did upon this occasion. A strong circumstantial testimony, that those enormities so frequently attributed to the licentiousness of the soldiers, should with much more justice be charged to the indefensible conduct of their superiors; whether by a previous relaxation of discipline, an immediate participation in the guilt, or a no less culpable sufferance of the enormity. About the time that the embarkation took place at New-York, general Prevost marched from East-Florida into the southern parts of Georgia. The royal troops, in traversing the desert that separates the one from the other, were obliged to live for several days on oysters. After encountering many difficulties, they heard of colonel Campbell’s arrival and success. They at length appeared before and surrounded the town and fort of Sunbury. The garrison, consisting of about two hundred men, made a show of defence, and gave the general the trouble of opening trenches; but all hope of relief being cut off by the fall of the capital, they surrendered at discretion. The general marched to Savannah, and took the commmand of the combined forces from New-York and St. Augustine, and consequently of Georgia. Previous to his arrival a proclamation had been issued to encourage the inhabitants to come in and submit to the conquerors, with promises of protection, on condition that “with their arms they would support royal government.” Numbers submitted, but the determined republicans fled up into the western parts of the country, or into South-Carolina.

The attention of congress and the public has been much engaged about Mr. Silas Deane, since his return from France. You will recollect what has been written relative to his recal.—Congress, in August, desired him to give, from his memory, a general account of his whole transactions in France, from the time of his first arrival, as well as a particular state of the funds of congress, and the commercial transactions in Europe, especially with Mr. Beaumarchais. They appear not to have been thoroughly satisfied; and to have had apprehensions lest there had been a misapplication of the public money. Mr. Deane seems not to have relished his situation; but to have been desirous of changing it by returning to France, or exciting a general resentment against congress. He had not yet accounted for his expenditure of public money; and had _carefully_ left his papers and vouchers behind him, though he had the opportunity of d’Estaing’s fleet to procure them a safe transportation to America. On the 30th of November he addressed a letter to congress, signifying his intentions of returning to France, and pressing to have his affairs brought to some conclusion. December the 1st, congress resolved, “that after to-morrow they will meet two hours at least each evening, Saturday’s excepted, beginning at six o’clock, until the present state of their foreign affairs be fully considered.” On the 4th Mr. Deane wrote again to them, acquainting them of his having received their notification of the resolve, and expressed his thanks; and yet, on the day following, he published in the newspapers, An address to the free and virtuous citizens of America, dated November, but without any day of the month. The address threw the public into a convulsion, and made them jealous and uneasy; fur it expressed a necessity of appealing to them, and communicating that information against which their representatives had shut their ears—declared, or insinuated, that their public servants, Messrs. Arthur and William Lee, were deficient in abilities, application and fidelity, and were universally disgustful to the French nation—intimated a design to lead them into a breach of their national faith and honor, solemnly pledged to their ally—reflected upon the integrity of some leading members in congress—and strongly hinted at further important information to be brought forward if there should be occasion. Mr. Deane, by publishing his address on the Saturday, secured the advantage of the Sunday for its being more universally read in the city and neighborhood, while fresh from the press, than it would otherwise have been. In the morning of the day when it appeared, and before congress (as must be supposed) were acquainted with its contents, they assigned Monday evening for hearing him, and ordered his being notified to attend. The intervening space gave the members an opportunity of perusing it, so that when they met on Monday evening at six o’clock, they resolved, “That Silas Deane, esq. report to congress, in writing, as soon as may be, his agency of their affairs in Europe, together with any intelligence respecting their foreign affairs, which he may judge proper; that Mr. Deane be informed, that if he hath any thing to communicate to congress in the interim, of _immediate importance_, he shall be heard to-morrow evening at six o’clock.” Mr. Deane attending, was called in, and the foregoing resolutions were read. Thus were the ears of congress opened to him; but their good disposition was not improved for the communication of that wondrous information which he had threatened to give in his address. The conduct of Mr. Deane, in his address to the public, was the subject of debate in congress; many members were for having no more concern with him at present, but for leaving him to the public, as he had appealed to them, till he had done with them and they with him. They judged that the honor of congress bound them to this measure; but others apprehended that discontents would arise from a supposed inattention, and were therefore inclined to a different line of conduct. This division of sentiment on what might be supposed the honor of the house, occasioned Mr. Laurens, who adhered to the former opinion, to resign the chair on the 9th of December. The next day John Jay, esq. was elected president.

Such was the clamor rapidly raised, and the torture occasioned through the United States by Mr. Deane’s publication, that Mr. Payne, under the former signature of _Common Sense_, endeavored to allay them in an address to him. This led on to further publications, pro and con, in which Mr. Payne made a conspicuous figure, and had great advantage from being secretary to the committee of congress for foreign affairs. They have brought to light several important secrets, and particularly the following: The commissioners, Messrs. Franklin, Arthur Lee and Deane, in their joint letter of February 16, 1778, say, “We hear Mr. Beaumarchais has sent over a person to demand a large sum of money of you, on account of arms, ammunition, &c. We think it will be best for you to leave that matter to be settled here (in France) as there is a mixture of public and private, which you cannot so well develope.” [Though Mr. Deane was privy to Mr. Francey’s coming, and had even by letter recommended the business he came upon, yet in this joint letter he appears to know no more of the matter than the other two.] In the spring of 1776, a subscription was raised in France to send a present to America of £.200,000 sterling, in money, arms and ammunition. All that the suppliers wanted to know was, through what channel it should be remitted, and Mr. Beaumarchais was fixed upon as their agent. [If this subscription had not the pecuniary support, it undoubtedly had the countenance of the crown, for the despotic police of France would otherwise have immediately crushed it.] Mr. Beaumarchais appears to have been employed by the subscribers to offer the supplies purchased by their money as a present to America, and a contract was made for the freightage of them; they were sent in the Amphatrite, Seine, and Mercury, two years ago. The duplicates of the dispatches of October 6 and 7, 1777, which should have arrived by captain Folger, but who had received blank papers in their stead, were brought over with the treaty of alliance by Mr. Simeon Deane. These show, that had the despatches arrived safely, congress would have had a clue to guide them in settling with Mr. Francey, as Mr. Beaumarchais’ agent, and have escaped paying for the present. Beside the general information communicated by the three commissioners in their joint letter of October the 7th, Mr. Arthur Lee, in his single one of the preceding day, gave a circumstantial account in what manner the present was first offered, and declared—“That for the money and military stores already given, no remittance will ever be required.” The duplicates arrived a month too late, congress having on the 8th of April settled the business on which Mr. Francey was sent. While the packets for congress and colonel R. H. Lee, containing the before mentioned two letters, were filled up with blank white paper, a large handsome packet, directed to Mr. Hancock, president when the dispatches were written, beside one to Mr. Robert Morris, and another to Mr. Silas Deane’s brother Barnaby, came in perfect safety by captain Folger.

Many are now very suspicious that the parties who possessed themselves of the missing dispatches, had a knowledge of their contents; and that Mr. Deane is capable of informing the public who they were, and what advantages they were to enjoy from Mr. Francey’s success through the loss of the dispatches and the non-arrival of the duplicates in season. The public at large and their representatives in congress, were much divided by the publications relating to Mr. Deane. The army in general sided with him. Their attachment was increased by his declaring—“I am fully confident that every intrigue and cabal formed against our illustrious commander in chief, will prove as ineffectual as those against Dr. Franklin.” This declaration brought forward to public view, part of Mr. Deane’s letter to the foreign committee, dated Paris, December 6, 1776—“I submit the thought to you, whether if you could engage a great general of the highest character in Europe, such for instance, as prince Ferdinand or M(arshal) B(roglio) or others of equal rank, to take the lead of your armies, such a step would not be politic, as it would give a character and credit to your military, and strike perhaps a greater terror in your enemies. I only suggest the thoughts, and leave you to confer with baron (Kalbe) on the subject at large.

[Jan. 5.] Mr. Gerard was so alarmed at the publications of Mr. Payne, that he presented a memorial to congress upon the occasion, by which they were led into the consideration of them. Various motions were made respecting the secretary; among the rest one for hearing him the next day, which being negatived, and the negative communicated to him, he wrote on the 8th a letter to congress, by which he resigned his office of secretary to the committee of foreign affairs. Two days after the French minister sent a second memorial; and on the twelfth congress “resolved unanimously, that the president be directed to assure the said minister, that the congress do fully, in the clearest and most explicit manner, disavow the publication referred to in the said memorials; and as they are convinced by indisputable evidence, that the supplies shipped in the Amphatrite, Seine and Mercury, were not a present, and that his most Christian majesty, the great and generous ally of these United States, did not preface his alliance with any supplies whatever, sent to America, so they have not authorized the author of the said publications to make any such assertions as are contained therein, but on the contrary, do highly disapprove of the same.” They were indeed convinced by the indisputable evidence of having been charged with, and drawn in to make themselves debtors for the supplies, that they were not a present; but had the dispatches been received, or the duplicates in time, so that they could have known that they were originally intended for a present, and that no remittance for them would ever be required, that invincible evidence would have been wanting. Had their generous ally really prefaced his alliance with any supplies, it would have been undoubtedly in such a guarded way as to have admitted of a negative, whenever the same became politically necessary. For the further satisfaction of Mr. Gerard, the congress “resolved [Jan. 24.] unanimously, That as neither France or these United States may of right, so these United States will not conclude either truce or peace with the common enemy, without the formal consent of their ally first obtained, and that any matters or things which may be insinuated or asserted to the contrary thereof, tend to the injury and dishonor of the said states.”

Instead of proceeding further in the account of congressional acts and resolves, let me here relate certain articles of intelligence that have been necessarily omitted.

The confederation has been ratified by all the states excepting Maryland. On the 5th of December congress resolved, “That the sentence of the general court-martial upon general Lee, be carried into execution.” All but New-York and the Delaware counties were represented. Four voted in the affirmative, two in the negative; the other five were not sufficiently united to vote either way. It is probable that a regard to general Washington, and an apprehension that if the sentence was not confirmed he might resign, produced a confirmation. But the genuine patriotism of the commander in chief, would have prevented his declining to serve his country while his exertions were acceptable, had the resolve been different. In that case, no censure could have fallen upon him, it would have been only declaring, that upon a close attention to the evidence contained in the trial, with a copy of which every member was furnished, congress thought the court-martial mistaken.

Wednesday, the 30th of December, was observed by order of congress as a thanksgiving-day. At this very period, the affairs of the United States were in a most distressed, ruinous and deplorable condition. Idleness, dissipation and extravagance, seemed to have laid fast hold of the generality; and peculation, speculation and an insatiable thirst for riches, to have gotten the better of every other consideration, and almost of every order of men. Party disputes and personal quarrels, were the great business of the day, while the momentous concerns of the empire, a great and accumulated debt, ruined finances, depreciated money, and a want of credit (which in the consequences is the want of every thing) were but secondary considerations, and postponed by congress from time to time, as if their affairs wore the most promising aspect. The paper was sinking in Philadelphia daily 50 per cent. and yet an assembly, a concert, a dinner or supper (which cost two or three hundred pounds) did not only take men off from acting, but even from thinking of this business. Some of the most disinterested and patriotic Americans, felt more real distress on account of this appearance of things, than they had done at any one time since the commencement of the dispute.

[Jan. 2.] Congress resolved, that as many counterfeits had appeared in circulation, of various denominations of the emission of May 20, 1777, and April 11, 1778, the whole emissions of those two dates, should be taken out of circulation. They were to be received, within a limited term, for continental debts and taxes, and into the continental loan offices, either to loan or be exchanged, at the election of the owners. The counterfeiting of the bills, according to my information, originated with either James or John Rankin, formerly of York county, in Pennsylvania. Having quitted their farms and joined the royalists, that government confiscated their estates; one of them, to compensate for his losses, and avenge himself upon the United States, entered upon the business of counterfeiting their paper currency, which was afterward practised by others.

The convention troops were sent off in the second week of November, to Virginia; the Germans marched from Cambridge, the British from Rutland, in which town they had been quartered for some time back. But as the people could not banish from their minds the notions they had imbibed of the cruelties the American prisoners had received, and as some were afraid of being plundered and others of being killed, the troops, while upon their march, met with great incivility from all ranks and degrees of men. The militia guard which escorted general Reidesel’s baggage from Hartford to the York line, broke open some of the boxes and plundered them of several dozen of wine, a great number of spermaceti candles, and five dozen packs of cards.—The general was so much displeased with their conduct, that he wrote a letter to gen. M’Dougall, who returned a very polite answer, and furnished a guard of continental troops to escort the baggage to Sussex court-house in Jerseys.

[Feb. 9.] Mr. Gerard presented memorials to congress, the subject of which they determined to take into immediate consideration, at the same time informing him, that if he wished to communicate any thing further, they would receive the same from him in a private audience. He having a wish to make further communication, attended on the 15th, when congress was resolved into a committee of the whole. The committee reported on the 23d. “That upon the consideration of all the matters referred, they are of opinion, that his Catholic majesty is disposed to enter into an alliance with the United States of America; that he hath manifested this disposition in a decisive declaration lately made to the court of Great-Britain; that in consequence of such declaration, the independence of these United States must be finally acknowledged by Great-Britain and immediately thereon a negociation for peace will be set on foot between the powers of France, Great-Britain, and these United States, under the mediation of his Catholic majesty; or that Spain will take part in the war, and his Catholic majesty will unite his force with the most Christian king and the United States:—That in order to be in readiness for a negociation, the ministers of the United States ought to be instructed by congress on the several following particulars, viz. 1. What to insist upon as the ultimatum of these states; 2. What to yield or require on terms of mutual exchange and compensation.” The committee reported their opinion upon these points, which were afterward the subjects of consideration in congress.

Mr. Gerard manifested a desire that the war might not be prolonged by too high and unreasonable demands; and that the United States would bring their ultimatum as low as possible.—He strongly recommended moderation. The fate of war was uncertain; and he hinted that a decicive naval engagement in favor of the British might give a great turn to their affairs. Mr. S. Adams was for insisting upon the cession of Canada and Nova Scotia; and some were for adding Florida. Congress agreed [March 19.] 1st, What should be the bounds of the Thirteen United States in the Ultimatum: 2d, That every port and place within the United States, and every island, harbor and road to them or any of them belonging, should be absolutely evacuated by the land and sea forces of his Britannic majesty, and yielded to the powers of the state to which they respectively belong.—The fishery is a point which the New-Englanders are much set upon having secured, and which will occasion repeated debates, and be long before it is fully and finally determined.

The Parisian minister, Monsieur Vergennes, does not confine his policy to the establisment of American independence; he aims at securing to the French the Newfoundland fishery to the exclusion of the United States, and to the Spaniards the sole navigation of the Missisippi, and the lands on the eastern side of it, at the back of the present settlements of the United States, and therefore called the Western lands. You must use this information as a clew to guide you through the labyrinth of Mr. Gerard’s negociation. Nine days after he had his audience of congress, they received the account of the king of Naples having opened his ports to the flag of the United States of America.

The stroke aimed at gen. Mifflin by the congress resolve of June 11, 1778, having answered his intention, all further proceedings ceased; on which the general, on the 17th of August, sent a letter to congress enclosing his commission, which for reasons therein set forth he begged leave to resign. That and two more letters of an earlier date were referred to a committee of three who reported on the 23d of January, 1779, that it did not appear to them any proceedings had taken place since the resolve of June the 11th, and that if the said resolution was to be carried into execution, it should be done in the usual manner, and that general Washington should have directions accordingly. Still the matter rested, so that Mifflin on the 25th of February, informed congress that he had not heard what was their pleasure as to his resignation, and requested of them afresh to accept it, which they then resolved to do. Thus he has been impelled to lay aside his military character, which for the liberties of his country he had assumed, though of the quaker denomination: but he retains his patriotism, and will continue a volunteer in the service of the public. He resumed the quarter-master-general’s department in October, 1776, (then vacant through a resignation) by the desire and order of congress, and not for any private view of emoluments of his own, so that he did not consider himself as responsible for the calamitous effects of any delay, which depended not on himself or his associates, but on congress.

Let us resume our account of military operations.

The South-Carolina delegates, rather with a view to conquest, than from any special apprehension of danger to their own or neighbouring state, from the troops under Sir Henry Clinton, requested the congress to appoint gen. Lincoln (on whose character they justly reposed great confidence) to the command of all their forces to the southward; accordingly they made the appointment on the 25th September, and ordered him to repair immediately to Charleston. When he took his leave of them in October, they had in contemplation the reduction of East-Florida, and put into his hands a scheme for effecting it, with the observations of two gentlemen on the strength of St. Augustine. The first hint of a destination of British troops for Georgia appears to have been given to the commander in chief by a letter of the ninth of October, from a confidential correspondent at New-York. It was the 4th of December before the general arrived at Charleston. The North-Carolina state on the first intelligence of an intended imbarkation from New-York for the southward, generously raised about 2000 militia to serve for five months; put them under the command of generals Ashe and Rutherford, and sent them forward without delay. They came on with such dispatch, that had they not been detained ten days near Charleston to be furnished with arms, they would have been in time to have joined gen. Howe before the reduction of Savannah. South-Carolina had not a sufficient stock of public arms for the militia of both states, and suspended the distribution of them till it became certain whether South-Carolina or Georgia was the object of the British armament, which could not be determined while it was in offing. On the morning of the 26th, two regiments of 150 men each from Charleston, with the levies and militia from North-Carolina amounting to about 950, marched for Georgia; they made their first junction with the American army after their retreat over the Savannah.

January the 3d, gen. Lincoln established his head-quarters at Purysburgh, about thirty miles from the mouth of the Savannah. He met with a sore disappointment. He had been encouraged to expect a force consisting of 7000 men, beside the militia of South-Carolina and Georgia, whereas he had only 1400 in the whole. He was also lead to believe, that he should meet with great plenty of supples and military stores, instead of which there were no field-pieces, arms, tents, camp utensils or lead, and but very little powder; in short hardly any article in the arsenel or quarter-master’s store, all occasioned by the want of a military chest. A large proportion of the South-Carolina militia was draughted, and marched under gen. Richardson for head-quarters. But they behaved very badly, refused to submit to the articles of war for the government, of the continentals, and left the camp and even their posts at pleasure with impunity: as general Lincoln had no hold of them, their own state law only imposing a fine, instead of putting them upon the same footing congress had ordered for all the militia when in pay of the continent, and acting with the regular troops. When ordered on command, and implicit obedience was expected, they would at times ask—“Whether are we going? And how long are we to stay?” By the 24th of January most of them had left the camp. There defection, however was in some measure repaired by the arrival at length of generel Ashe, near head-quarters, on the 31st, with about 1100 men, which addition made the number of rank and file under Lincoln 2428, beside 367 on command.

While the greatest part of the American force consisted of such ungovernable militia, gen. Prevost joined col. Campbell with about 700 regular troops from St. Augustine. With this increase of numbers he wished to establish a post in South-Carolina, and detached 200 men to take possession of Port-Royal island. Soon after they landed, gen. Moultrie, at the head of an equal number, in which there were only nine regular soldiers, attacked and drove them off. [Feb. 3.] This advantage was principally gained by two field-pieces, well served by a party of the Charleston militia artillery. The British lost almost all their officers; and several prisoners were taken. The Americans had a lieutenant and seven privates killed, and 22 wounded. This success cheeked the British and for the present prevented an enterprise against South-Carolina; but they extended themselves over a great part of Georgia and established two pests, one at Ebenezer, and the other at Augusta. The last place being high up in the country, was a good position for awing the western inhabitants, and a convenient rendezvous for the royalists. Here the British endeavored to strengthen themselves by the addition of South-Carolina tories. They employed emissaries to encourage them to a general insurrection, and assured them, that if they would cross the Savannah, and add their force to that of the king’s army at Augusta, they would have such a decided superiority, as would effectually crush their enemies, and make a speedy return to their homes practicable on their own terms. The army consisted of about 2000 regulars and royalists under col. Campbell. Several hundreds of the Carolina tories collected, embodied under the denomination of loyalists, and marched along the westen frontiers of South-Carolina. They had such numbers of the most infamous characters among them, that their general complexion was that of a plundering banditti, more solicitous for booty than the honor and interest of their royal master. As they marched, they appropriated to their own use every kind of property they could carry off. Col. Pickens, upon intelligence of their progress and rapine, collected the whig militia of the district of Ninety-six. He left a guard at the Cherokee ford to impede their crossing the Savannah, while he went upon some other service; during his absence they made good their passage. He immediately followed them with about 300 men [Feb. 14.] came up with and engaged them about three-quarters of an hour, when they gave way and were totally routed. They had 40 killed, including their leader, colonel Boyd, who had been secretly employed by the British to collect and head them.—Pickins had nine killed, and several wounded. By this action the tories were dispersed all over the country. Some ran to North-Carolina. Many returned home, and cast themselves upon the mercy of their state government. Being the subjects of South-Carolina, they were tried in a regular manner, and 70 were condemned to die; but sentence was executed only on five principals, and the rest were pardoned.

The British having extended their posts up the river, general Lincoln fixed encampments at Black Swamp, and nearly opposite to Augusta, on the north side. With a view of strengthening the last, and improving any advantages which might offer for crossing the river, and limiting the British to the sea-coast of Georgia, gen. Ashe was ordered to the upper parts of the country. He began his march on the 10th, with 1500 North-Carolina militia and the remains of the Georgia continentals; and on the 13th in the evening, reached general Williamson’s camp, opposite Augusta. That same night col. Campbell made so hasty a retreat from Augusta, that by eight the next morning he had marched 14 miles lower down. This precipitate movement was owing to some false intelligence respecting either Ashe’s force, or the arrival of a large body of continentals at Charleston; which Campbell credited, and from whence he inferred the necessity of an immediate retreat, to prevent his being cut off. Lincoln finding that he had quitted Augusta, wrote to Ashe [Feb. 16.] that it was of the greatest importance, that it the enemy was out of the upper part of the country, he should follow them down as fast as possible, lest by a forced march they should join their own troops below, attempt his post, and drive him from it, before he (Ashe) could come up with their rear. Lincoln on the 22d sent him the following intimation—“I think that Briar Creek will be a good stand for you until some plan of co-operation be digested, for which purpose, as soon as you arrive there, I will meet you at the two sisters, you appointing the time.” Ashe crossed the Savannah with about 1200 troops, beside 200 light-horse. On Saturday morning the 27th, the army arrived at the lower bridge on Briar Creek. The next day generals Brian and Elbert took possession of a proper spot of ground at twelve o’clock, and encamped, Ashe being gone to meet Lincoln. On March the 2d, the officer of the day reported, that reconnoitring parties of the enemy’s horse and foot had been seen within their pickets the night preceding. Ashe returned the evening of the 2d to camp. On Wednesday the 3d, nothing was in forwardness for repairing the bridge which Campbell had destroyed in his return downward, though it had been reported five days before, that the repair would take but six hours. About two in the afternoon information was given, that one of their soldiers had six balls shot through his body; little or no notice was taken of it. Within an hour after an account was brought that 500 British regulars were at the ferry. At half past four, a few of the American horse returned from skirmishing with the enemy, when orders were issued for the troops to be formed into platoons from the right, and composed into a column: it was not long before the British light-infantry appeard. Lieut. col. Prevost, after a circuitous march of about 50 miles, in which he crossed Briar-Creek 15 miles above Ashe’s encampment came unexpectedly on his rear with a detachment of about 900 men, including some horse. Upon the appearance of the British light-infantry, Ashe said to Elbert who commanded the continentals—“Sir you had better advance and engage them.” They did not exceed 100 rank and file but upon Elberts ordering them they formed, advanced thirty yards in front of the enemy, and commenced a very sharp fire upon them, which continued about fifteen minutes. Ashe and the North-Carolina militia remained about 100 yards in the rear entirely inactive. Instead of advancing to support the continentals, they were struck with such a panic at being so completely surprised, that they went to the right about, and fled in confusion without discharging a single muskets. The few Georgia regulars, finding themselves thus deserted, and being surrounded by a great part of the enemy, broke and endeavored also to escape. Elbert did every thing to rally them but in vain. He and the survivors of his brave corps were made prisoners. About 150 Americans were killed, and 162 were captured. None had any chance of escaping but by crossing the river, in attempting which many were drowned; of those who got over safe, a great part returned home and never more rejoined the American camp; the number that joined it, did not exceed 450 men. This event deprived gen. Lincoln of one fourth of his number, secured to the British the possession of Georgia, and opened a communication between them, the Indians, and the tories of South and North-Carolina.

Toward the end of the last year, an American camp was formed at Danbury, the sufferings it underwent you may collect from the following passage in a letter of a field officer of Jan. 23.—We were not under cover till the beginning of the present year. It was distressing to see our officers and men in tents in such severe cold weather. Added to which, and the former list of grievances, was the want of provisions. From six to nine days were our men frequently without bread. A revolt took place in general Huntington’s brigade; four hundred men got under arms, and marched off the ground to an advantageous post, where they expected to have been joined by the men of the other two brigades; but by the alacrity of the officers and general Putnam’s influence, they were dispersed.

An expedition has been agreed on against the inimical Indians of the six nations. The command of it is to be entrusted with gen. Sullivan. The plan is to divide the force into three parts. The principal, consisting of about 3000, is to go by the way of Susquehannah. Another, of about one thousand, is to enter the Indian country by the Mohawk river; and the other, of about 500, is to attack by the Ohio and Alleghany rivers.—General Washington is endeavoring, by appearances of an expedition to Canada, to induce the British governor to keep his force at home; and with a view to it, beside jealousies which have been excited on the side of lake Champlain, he is trying to create others by the way of Coos. A considerable number of Americans was employed the last year in cutting a road from thence toward Canada. Colonel Hazen is now gone with his regiment to extend the road toward the Sorel, and give the appearance of an intention to invade the province by that passage. The American army are better clad and more healthy than they have ever been since the formation of the army.

The procuring of early and good intelligence, is of the highest importance to the American commander in chief. He has therefore directed one of his confidential correspondents to reside at New-York, to mix with and put on the airs of a tory, thereby to cover his real character and avoid suspicion. He has hinted to him an intimacy with some well informed refugees. Members of congress are not trusted with the names of such correspondents, concerning whom the strictest honor and the profoundest secrecy is observed, and every precaution taken to prevent a discovery by unforeseen accidents. They are furnished with two chymical liquids, or sympathetic inks, the one for writing, and the other for rendering what is written visible; the former of that nature as not to become visible by any mean whatever, but by having the latter rubbed over it.

The king’s speech on opening the session of parliament, has been circulated through the United States more than a month ago. The popular leaders have been diverting themselves with it. They triumph at observing, that it is replete with complaints of the unexampled and unprovoked hostility of the court of France——and while the professions of neutral powers are represented as friendly, their armaments are mentioned as suspicious——and that there is a total silence with regard to the American war.

A number of royal refugees had petitioned, and been permitted by Sir Henry Clinton to embody under proper officers, and to retaliate and make reprisals upon the Americans declared to be in actual rebellion against their sovereign. A party of them, who had formerly belonged to the Massachusetts, made an attempt upon Falmouth, in Barnstable county, but were repulsed by the militia. They renewed it, but not succeeding, went off to Nantucket [April 5.] and landed 200 men, entered the town, broke open ware-houses, and carried off large quantities of oil, whalebone, molasses, sugar, coffee, and every thing that fell in their way. They also carried off two brigs, loaded for the West-Indies, two or three schooners, and a large number of boats. In a proclamation they left behind, they took notice of their having been imprisoned, compelled to abandon their dwellings, friends and connections, had their estates sequestered, and been themselves formally banished, never to return on pain of death. Thus circumstanced, they conceived themselves warranted, by the laws of God and man, to wage war against their persecutors, and to use every mean in their power to obtain compensation for their sufferings.

The news of the French king’s declaration of war, published at Martinico in the middle of last August, but signed at Versailles the 28th of June, and the capture of Dominica by the French, reached the continent as early as could be expected. By the accounts that are given, the British government had been at an unusual expence in fortifying that island, and the works had been lately covered with a numerous artillery, sent from Britain for the purpose. But though there were 160 pieces of cannon and twenty mortars, the regular troops who composed the garrison, amounted only to about a hundred. Neither the importance nor the weakness of Dominica, escaped the attention of the marquis de Bouille, governor-general of the French windward islands, whose residence was at Martinico. He therefore landed on the isand with about 2000 men, under cover of some frigates and privateers, about day-break of last September the 7th, and proceeded to attack the different batteries and forts by land, as his marine force did by sea. The handful of regulars, with the militia and inhabitants in general, did all that could be expected, but defence was fruitless, so that the lieut. gov. Stuart, to save the inhabitants from plunder and ruin, entered into a capitulation, which was soon concluded. The terms were the most moderate that could be conceived; the marquis, out of his great humanity, having nearly agreed, without discussion or reserve, to every condition proposed in favor of the people, whose only change was that of sovereignty. The smallest disorder or pillage was not permitted; and the marquis, in lieu of plunder, rewarded the soldiers and volunteers with a considerable gratuity in ready money. His stay was short: he left a garrison of 1500 men behind him, who with the strength of the works, and the powerful artillery in their hands, will be able to defend Dominica effectually. We are in expectation of hearing soon of count d’Estaing’s operations.

An embargo having been laid in the southern states on the exportation of grain and flour to these eastern ones, occasioned a scarcity of bread at Boston. What from drought the last summer, a blight on the rye, the neglect of tillage by the husbandman’s being called off to the army, and divers other causes, the inhabitants of the farming towns could not afford a sufficient supply to the sea-ports, these have fitted out a number of cruisers, which in some instances have procured a temporary relief: but “the trade and harbours upon the Massachusetts coast have been left in such an unguarded and defenceless situation, that where the Bay-men have taken one vessel from the enemy, their small privateers out of New-York have taken ten from them.”[95] The last month the Bostonians were in great distress for want of flour; but the other day [April 12.] a cargo of it happily arrived from Baltimore. The Massachusetts house of assembly, judging it absolutely necessary that so the army might be kept together, have engaged to make good the wages of the officers and soldiers raised in this state, at the close of the contest, provided it is not done by congress.