Chapter VIII: Section 2: And be it further enacted, That on the (5)

JOANNI PAVLO JONES CLASSIS PRÆFECTO. COMITIA AMERICANA. (_The American Congress to naval commander John Paul Jones_). Bust of Captain Jones, in uniform, facing the right. On edge of bust, DUPRÉ F. (_fecit_).

HOSTIVM NAVIBVS CAPTIS AVT FVGATIS. (_The enemy's vessels taken or put to flight._) Naval action between the United States frigate Bonhomme Richard, of forty guns, Captain John Paul Jones, and the British frigate Serapis, of forty-four guns, Captain Pearson. Both vessels are grappled, lying head and stern. The Bonhomme Richard is on fire, and her crew are boarding the Serapis. To the left, a third vessel.[59] Exergue: AD ORAM SCOTIÆ (_sic_) XXIII SEPT. (_Septembris_) M.DCCLXXVIIII. (_Off the coast of Scotland, September 23, 1779._) DUPRÉ. F. (_fecit_).[60]

[Footnote 59: See Admiral Jones's curious
observations on the position of the accessories on
the reverse, in his letter to Jefferson, dated
August 29,/September 9, 1788, page 112.]

[Footnote 60: See INTRODUCTION, pages x, xix, xx,
xxi, xxviii; D, xli; E, xliv; F, xlv; and H,
xlvii.]

The legend on the reverse of the medal is the second of the two proposed by the French Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres. The first was, PRIMUS AMERICANORUM TRIUMPHUS NAVALIS.

The bust of John Paul Jones, on the obverse of this medal, is from a plaster cast by Houdon, the celebrated sculptor.

THE CHEVALIER JOHN PAUL JONES was born at Arbingland, in the (p. 098) parish of Kirkbean, in Scotland, July 6, 1747. He went to sea when young, and settled in Virginia in 1773. In 1775 he was appointed a lieutenant in the navy, through the recommendation of General Jones, of North Carolina, and in gratitude to him, he added the name of Jones to his family name of Paul. He joined the Alfred, of thirty guns and three hundred men, and on her deck, October 10, 1776, when off Chestnut street wharf, Philadelphia, under a salute of thirteen guns, hoisted with his own hands the first American naval flag. This had thirteen stripes, but without the blue union, and bore across the field a rattlesnake with the motto "Don't tread on me." Appointed captain in October, 1776, he was soon afterward sent by Congress to France, to arrange certain naval matters with the American commissioners. Subsequently he carried terror along the coast of England, and on September 23, 1779, fought his famous action off Flamborough Head, near Scarborough, in which he took the Serapis, Captain Richard Pearson. He was enthusiastically received in France, and King Louis XVI. presented him with a sword of honor and with the cross of Military Merit. Congress gave him a vote of thanks and a gold medal, in 1787, and sent him to France, Denmark, and Sweden, as agent for prize money. The same year he entered the Russian service with the rank of rear-admiral, and received from the Empress Catherine II. the cross of St. Anne. He had a command in the squadron stationed in the Black Sea, where he greatly distinguished himself, but embittered by slanderous calumnies, he left the Russian service and settled in Paris, where he died in poverty, July 18, 1792. The National Assembly of France, then in session, expressed their regret for him by wearing mourning, and sent a deputation to attend his funeral.

_____

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.

_Resolution of Congress Voting a Medal to the Chevalier John Paul Jones._

IN CONGRESS.

_Resolved unanimously_, That a medal of gold be struck and
presented to the Chevalier John Paul Jones, in commemoration of
the valour and brilliant services of that officer, in the command
of a squadron of French and American ships, under the flag and
commission of the United States, off the coast of Great Britain,
in the late war; and that the Honourable Mr. Jefferson, (p. 099)
Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of
Versailles, have the same executed, with the proper devices.

_Resolved_, That a letter be written to His Most Christian
Majesty, informing him that the United States, in Congress
assembled, have bestowed upon the Chevalier John Paul Jones, this
medal, as well in consideration of the distinguished marks of
approbation which His Majesty has pleased to confer upon that
officer, as from a sense of his merit: And, that as it is his
earnest desire to acquire greater knowledge in his profession, it
would be acceptable to Congress, that His Majesty would be
pleased to permit him to embark with his fleets of evolution,
convinced that he can no where else so well acquire that
knowledge which may hereafter render him more extensively useful.

_Ordered_, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs prepare a letter
for the above purpose, to be signed by the President, and that
the Chevalier Jones be the bearer of the said letter.

Tuesday, October 16, 1787.

_____

_Captain John Paul Jones to Benjamin Franklin._

On board the ship Serapis,
To His Excellency At anchor without the Texel, in Holland,
Benjamin FRANKLIN. October 3, 1779.

Honoured and Dear Sir: When I had the honour of writing to you on
the 11th of August, previous to my departure from the Road of
Groaix, I had before me the most flattering prospect of rendering
essential service to the common cause of France and America. I
had a full confidence in the voluntary inclination and ability of
every captain under my command to assist and support me in my
duty with cheerful emulation; and I was persuaded that every one
of them would pursue glory in preference to interest.

Whether I was or was not deceived will best appear by a relation
of circumstances.

The little squadron under my orders, consisting of the Bonhomme
Richard of 40 guns, the Alliance of 36 guns, the Pallas of 32
guns, the Cerf of 18 guns, and the Vengeance of 12 guns, joined
by two privateers, the Monsieur and the Granville, sailed from
the Road of Groaix at daybreak on the 14th of August; the same
day we spoke with a large convoy bound from the southward to
Brest.

On the 18th we retook a large ship belonging to Holland, laden
chiefly with brandy and wine that had been destined from
Barcelona for Dunkirk, and taken eight days before by an English
privateer. The captain of the Monsieur, however, took out of this
prize such articles as he pleased in the night, and the next day
being astern of the squadron and to windward, he actually wrote
orders _in his proper_ name, and sent away the prize under one of
his own officers. This, however, I superseded by sending her (p. 100)
for L'Orient under my orders in the character of
commander-in-chief. The evening of the day following the Monsieur
separated from the squadron.

On the 20th we saw and chased a large ship, but could not
overtake her, she being to windward.

On the 21st we saw and chased another ship that was also to
windward, and thereby eluded our pursuit. The same afternoon we
took a brigantine called the Mayflower, laden with butter and
salt provisions, bound from Limerick, in Ireland, for London;
this vessel I immediately expedited for L'Orient.

On the 23d we saw Cape Clear and S. W. part of Ireland. That
afternoon, it being calm, I sent some armed boats to take a
brigantine that appeared in the N. W. quarter. Soon after in the
evening it became necessary to have a boat ahead of the ship to
tow, as the helm could not prevent her from laying across the
tide of flood, which would have driven us into a deep and
dangerous bay, situated between the rocks on the south called the
Shallocks, and on the north called the Blaskets. The ship's boats
being absent, I sent my own barge ahead to tow the ship. The
boats took the brigantine, she was called the Fortune, and bound
with a cargo of oil, blubber, and staves, from Newfoundland for
Bristol; this vessel I ordered to proceed immediately for Nantes
or St. Malo. Soon after sunset the villains who towed the ship,
cut the tow rope and decamped with my barge. Sundry shots were
fired to bring them to without effect; in the mean time the
master of the Bonhomme Richard, without orders, manned one of the
ship's boats, and with four soldiers pursued the barge in order
to stop the deserters. The evening was clear and serene, but the
zeal of that officer, Mr. Cutting Lent, induced him to pursue too
far, and a fog which came on soon afterwards prevented the boats
from rejoining the ship, although I caused signal guns to be
frequently fired. The fog and calm continued the next day till
towards evening. In the afternoon Captain Landais came on board
the Bonhomme Richard and behaved towards me with great
disrespect, affirming in the most indelicate manner and language
that I had lost my boats and people through my imprudence in
sending boats to take a prize! He persisted in his reproaches,
though he was assured by Messrs. de Weibert and de Chamillard
that the barge was towing the ship at the time of elopement, and
that she had not been sent in pursuit of the prize. He was
affronted because I would not the day before suffer him to chase
without my orders, and to approach the dangerous shore I have
already mentioned, where he was an entire stranger, and when
there was not sufficient wind to govern a ship. He told me he was
the only American in the squadron, and was determined to follow
his own opinion in chasing when and where he thought proper, and
in every other matter that concerned the service, and that, if I
continued in that situation three days longer, the squadron would
be taken, etc. By the advice of Captain de Cottineau, and with
the free consent and approbation of M. de Varage, I sent the Cerf
in to reconnoitre the coast, and endeavour to take the boats and
people the next day, while the squadron stood off and on in S. W.
quarter, in the best possible situation to intercept the enemy's
merchant ships, whether outward or homeward bound. The Cerf had
on board a pilot well acquainted with the coast, and was ordered
to join me again before night. I approached the shore in the
afternoon, but the Cerf did not appear; this induced me to (p. 101)
stand off again in the night in order to return and be joined
by the Cerf the next day; but to my great concern and
disappointment, though I ranged the coast along, and hoisted our
private signals, neither the boats nor the Cerf joined me. The
evening of that day, the 26th, brought with it stormy weather,
with the appearance of a severe gale from the S. W., yet I must
declare I did not follow my own judgment, but was led by the
assertion which had fallen from Captain Landais, when I in the
evening made a signal to steer to the northward and leave that
station, which I wished to have occupied at least a week longer.
The gale increased in the night with thick weather; to prevent
separation, I carried a top light and fired a gun every quarter
of an hour. I carried also a very moderate sail, and the course
had been clearly pointed out by a signal before night; yet, with
all this precaution, I found myself accompanied only by the
brigantine Vengeance in the morning, the Granville having
remained astern with a prize, as I have since understood the
tiller of the Pallas broke after midnight, which disabled her
from keeping up, but no apology has yet been made in behalf of
the Alliance.

On the 31st we saw the Flannen Islands, situated near the Lewis,
on the N. W. coast of Scotland; and the next morning, off Cape
Wrath, we gave chase to a ship to windward, at the same time two
ships appearing in the N. W. quarter, which proved to be the
Alliance and a prize ship which she had taken, bound, as I
understood, from Liverpool to Jamaica. The ship which I chased
brought to at noon; she proved to be the Union, letter of marque,
bound from London for Quebec, with a cargo of naval stores on
account of government, adapted for the service of British armed
vessels on the lakes. The public despatches were lost, as the
Alliance very imprudently hoisted American colours, though
English colours were then flying on board the Bonhomme Richard.
Captain Landais sent a small boat to ask whether I would man the
ship, or he should, as in the latter case he would suffer no boat
nor person from the Bonhomme Richard to go near the prize.
Ridiculous as this appeared to me, I yielded to it for the sake
of peace, and received the prisoners on board the Bonhomme
Richard, while the prize was manned from the Alliance. In the
afternoon another sail appeared, and I immediately made the
signal for the Alliance to chase; but, instead of obeying, he
wore and laid the ship's head the other way. The next morning I
made a signal to speak with the Alliance, to which no attention
was shown; I then made sail with the ships in company for the
second rendezvous which was not far distant, and where I fully
expected to be joined by the Pallas and Cerf.

The 2d of September we saw a sail at daybreak, and gave chase;
that ship proved to be the Pallas, and had met with no success
while separated from the Bonhomme Richard.

On the 3d the Vengeance brought to a small Irish brigantine,
bound homeward from Norway. The same evening I sent the Vengeance
in the N. E. quarter to bring up the two prize ships that
appeared to me to be too near the islands of Shetland, while with
the Alliance and Pallas I endeavoured to weather Fair Isle, and
to get into my second rendezvous, where I directed the Vengeance
to join me with the three prizes. The next morning, having
weathered Fair Isle, and not seeing the Vengeance nor the prizes,
I spoke the Alliance, and ordered her to steer to the northward
and bring them up to the rendezvous.

On the morning of the 4th the Alliance appeared again, and (p. 102)
had brought to two very small coasting sloops in ballast, but
without having attended properly to my orders of yesterday. The
Vengeance joined me soon after, and informed me that in
consequence of Captain Landais' orders to the commanders of the
two prize ships, they had refused to follow him to the
rendezvous. I am to this moment ignorant of what orders these men
received from Captain Landais, nor know I by virtue of what
authority he ventured to give his orders to prizes in my
presence, and without either my knowledge or approbation. Captain
Ricot further informed me that he had burnt the prize brigantine,
because that vessel proved leaky; and I was sorry to understand
afterward that though the vessel was Irish property, the cargo
was property of the subjects of Norway.

In the evening I sent for all the captains to come on board the
Bonhomme Richard, to consult on future plans of operations.
Captains Cottineau and Ricot obeyed me, but Captain Landais
obstinately refused, and after sending me various uncivil
messages, wrote me a very extraordinary letter in answer to a
written order which I had sent him, on finding that he had
trifled with my verbal orders. The next day a pilot boat came on
board from Shetland, by which means I received such advices as
induced me to change a plan which I otherwise meant to have
pursued; and as the Cerf did not appear at my second rendezvous,
I determined to steer towards the third in hopes of meeting her
there.

In the afternoon a gale of wind came on, which continued four
days without intermission. In the second night of that gale the
Alliance, with her two little prizes, again separated from the
Bonhomme Richard. I had now with me only the Pallas and the
Vengeance, yet I did not abandon the hopes of performing some
essential service. The winds continued contrary, so that we did
not see the land till the evening of the 13th, when the hills of
the Cheviot in the S. E. of Scotland appeared. The next day we
chased sundry vessels, and took a ship and a brigantine, both
from the Firth of Edinburgh, laden with coal. Knowing that there
lay at anchor in Leith Road an armed ship of 20 guns, with two or
three fine cutters, I formed an expedition against Leith, which I
purposed to lay under a large contribution, or otherwise to
reduce it to ashes. Had I been alone, the wind being favourable,
I would have proceeded directly up the Firth, and must have
succeeded, as they lay there in a state of perfect indolence and
security, which would have proved their ruin. Unfortunately for
me, the Pallas and Vengeance were both at a considerable distance
in the offing, they having chased to the southward; this obliged
us to steer out of the Firth again to meet them. The captains of
the Pallas and Vengeance being come on board the Bonhomme
Richard, I communicated to them my project, to which many
difficulties and objections were made by them; at last, however,
they appeared to think better of the design, after I had assured
them that I hoped to raise 200,000 pounds sterling on Leith, and
that there was no battery of cannon there to oppose our landing.
So much time, however, was unavoidably spent in pointed remarks
and sage deliberation that night, that the wind became contrary
in the morning.

We continued working to windward up the Firth without being able
to reach the road of Leith, till, on the morning of the 17th,
when, being almost within cannon shot of the town, having (p. 103)
everything in readiness for a descent, a very severe gale of
wind came on, and being directly contrary, obliged us to bear
away, after having in vain endeavoured for some time to withstand
its violence. The gale was so severe that one of the prizes that
had been taken on the 14th sunk to the bottom, the crew being
with difficulty saved. As the alarm by this time had reached
Leith by means of a cutter that had watched our motions that
morning, and as the wind continued contrary (though more moderate
in the evening), I thought it impossible to pursue the enterprize
with a good prospect of success; especially as Edinburgh, where
there is always a number of troops, is only a mile distant from
Leith, therefore I gave up the project.

On the 19th, having taken a sloop and a brigantine in ballast,
with a sloop laden with building timber, I proposed another
project to M. Cottineau, which would have been highly honourable
though not profitable; many difficulties were made, and our
situation was represented as being the most perilous. The enemy,
he said, would send against us a superior force, and that if I
obstinately continued on the coast of England two days longer, we
should all be taken. The Vengeance having chased along shore to
the southward, Captain Cottineau said he would follow her with
the prizes, as I was unable to make much sail, having that day
been obliged to strike the main-top-mast to repair damages; and
as I afterward understood, he told M. de Chamillard that unless I
joined them the next day, both the Pallas and the Vengeance would
leave that coast. I had thoughts of attempting the enterprize
alone after the Pallas had made sail to join the Vengeance. I am
persuaded, even now, that I would have succeeded, and to the
honour of my young officers, I found them as ardently disposed to
the business as I could desire; nothing prevented me from
pursuing my design but the reproach that would have been cast
upon my character, as a man of prudence, had the enterprize
miscarried. It would have been said, was he not forewarned by
Capt. Cottineau and others?

I made sail along shore to the southward, and next morning took a
coasting sloop, in ballast, which, with another that I had taken
the night before, I ordered to be sunk. In the evening I again
met with the Pallas and Vengeance, off Whitby. Captain Cottineau
told me he had sunk the brigantine, and ransomed the sloop, laden
with building timber, that had been taken the day before. I had
told Captain Cottineau, the day before, that I had no authority
to ransom prizes.

On the 21st we saw and chased two sail, off Flamborough Head, the
Pallas in the N. E. quarter, while the Bonhomme Richard followed
by the Vengeance in the S. W. The one I chased, a brigantine
collier in ballast, belonging to Scarborough, was soon taken, and
sunk immediately afterward, as a fleet then appeared to the
southward. It was so late in the day that I could not come up
with the fleet before night; at length, however, I got so near
one of them as to force her to run ashore, between Flamborough
Head and the Spurn. Soon after I took another, a brigantine from
Holland, belonging to Sunderland; and at daylight the next
morning, seeing a fleet steering towards me from the Spurn, I
imagined them to be a convoy, bound from London for Leith, which
had been for some time expected; one of them had a pendant
hoisted, and appeared to be a ship of force. They had not,
however, courage to come on, but kept back, all except the one
which seemed to be armed, and that one also kept to windward (p. 104)
very near the land, and on the edge of dangerous shoals,
where I could not with safety approach. This induced me to make a
signal for a pilot, and soon afterward two pilot boats came off;
they informed me that the ship that wore a pendant was an armed
merchant ship, and that a king's frigate lay there in sight, at
anchor within the Humber, waiting to take under convoy a number
of merchant ships bound to the northward. The pilots imagined the
Bonhomme Richard to be an English ship of war, and, consequently,
communicated to me the private signal which they had been
required to make. I endeavoured by this means to decoy the ships
out of the port, but the wind then changing, and with the tide
becoming unfavourable for them, the deception had not the desired
effect, and they wisely put back. The entrance of the Humber is
exceedingly difficult and dangerous, and, as the Pallas was not
in sight, I thought it not prudent to remain off the entrance; I,
therefore, steered out again to join the Pallas off Flamborough
Head. In the night we saw and chased two ships until three
o'clock in the morning, when, being at a very small distance from
them, I made the private signal of recognizance, which I had
given to each captain before I sailed from Groaix. One half of
the answer only was returned. In this position both sides lay to
till daylight, when the ships proved to be the Alliance and the
Pallas.

On the morning of that day, the 23d of September, the brig from
Holland not being in sight, we chased a brigantine that appeared
laying to windward. About noon we saw and chased a large ship
that appeared coming round Flamborough Head, from the northward,
and at the same time I manned and armed one of the pilot boats to
sail in pursuit of the brigantine, which now appeared to be the
vessel that I had forced ashore. Soon after this a fleet of
forty-one sail appeared off Flamborough Head, bearing N. N. E.;
this induced me to abandon the single ship which had then
anchored in Burlington Bay; I also called back the pilot boat and
hoisted a signal for a general chase. When the fleet discovered
us bearing down all the merchant ships crowded sail towards the
shore. The two ships of war that protected the fleet at the same
time steered from the land, and made the disposition for the
battle. In approaching the enemy I crowded every possible sail,
and made the signal for the line of battle, to which the Alliance
showed no attention. Earnest as I was for the action, I could not
reach the commodore's ship until seven in the evening, being then
within pistol shot, when he hailed the Bonhomme Richard. We
answered him by firing a whole broadside.

The battle being thus begun, was continued with unremitting fury.
Every method was practised on both sides to gain an advantage,
and rake each other; and I must confess that the enemy's ship
being much more manageable than the Bonhomme Richard, gained
thereby several times an advantageous situation, in spite of my
best endeavours to prevent it. As I had to deal with an enemy of
_greatly superior force_, I was under the necessity of closing
with him, to prevent the advantage which he had over me in point
of manoeuvre. It was my intention to lay the Bonhomme Richard
athwart the enemy's bow, but as that operation required great
dexterity in the management of both sails and helm, and some of
our braces being shot away, it did not exactly succeed to my
wishes; the enemy's bowsprit, however, came over the Bonhomme
Richard's poop, by the mizzen mast, and I made both ships fast
together in that situation, which, by the action of the wind (p. 105)
on the enemy's sails, forced her stern close to the Bonhomme
Richard's bow, so that the ships lay square alongside of each
other, the yards being all entangled, and the cannon of each ship
touching the opponent's side. When this position took place it
was eight o'clock, previous to which the Bonhomme Richard had
received sundry eighteen pound shot below the water and leaked
very much. My battery of 12-pounders, on which I had placed my
chief dependence, being commanded by Lieut. Dale and Col.
Weibert, and manned principally with American seamen and French
volunteers, were entirely silenced and abandoned. As to the six
old 18-pounders that formed the battery of the lower gun-deck,
they did no service whatever; two out of three of them burst at
the first fire, and killed almost all the men who were stationed
to manage them. Before this time, too, Col. de Chamillard, who
commanded a party of twenty soldiers on the poop, had abandoned
that station, after having lost some of his men. These men
deserted their quarters. I had now only two pieces of cannon,
9-pounders, on the quarter-deck that were not silenced, and not
one of the heavier cannon was fired during the rest of the
action. The purser, Mr. Mease, who commanded the guns on the
quarter-deck, being dangerously wounded in the head, I was
obliged to fill his place, and with great difficulty rallied a
few men, and shifted over one of the lee quarter-deck guns, so
that we afterwards played three pieces of 9-pounders upon the
enemy. The tops alone seconded the fire of this little battery,
and held out bravely during the whole of the action; especially
the main top, where Lieut. Stack commanded. I directed the fire
of one of the three cannon against the main-mast with
double-headed shot, while the other two were exceedingly well
served with grape and canister-shot to silence the enemy's
musketry, and clear her decks, which was at last effected. The
enemy were, as I have since understood, on the instant of calling
for quarter, when the cowardice or treachery of three of my under
officers induced them to call to the enemy. The English commodore
asked me if I demanded quarter, and I having answered him in the
most determined negative, they renewed the battle with double
fury; they were unable to stand the deck, but the fire of their
cannon, especially the lower battery, which was entirely formed
of 18-pounders, was incessant. Both ships were set on fire in
various places, and the scene was dreadful beyond the reach of
language. To account for the timidity of my three under officers,
I mean the gunner, the carpenter, and the master-at-arms, I must
observe that the two first were slightly wounded, and as the ship
had received various shots under water, and one of the pumps
being shot away, the carpenter expressed his fear that she would
sink, and the other two concluded that she was sinking, which
occasioned the gunner to run aft on the poop, without my
knowledge, to strike the colours; fortunately for me, a cannon
ball had done that before, by carrying away the ensign staff; he
was, therefore, reduced to the necessity of sinking, as he
supposed, or of calling for quarter, and he preferred the latter.

All this time the Bonhomme Richard had sustained the action
alone, and the enemy, though much superior in force, would have
been very glad to have got clear, as appeared by their own
acknowledgments, and their having let go an anchor the instant I
laid them on board, by which means they would have escaped, had I
not made them well fast to the Bonhomme Richard.

At last, at half-past nine o'clock, the Alliance appeared, (p. 106)
and I now thought the battle at an end; but to my utter
astonishment, he discharged a broadside full into the stern of
the Bonhomme Richard. We called to him for God's sake to forbear
firing into the Bonhomme Richard; yet he passed along the off
side of the ship, and continued firing. There was no possibility
of his mistaking the enemy's ship for the Bonhomme Richard, there
being the most essential difference in their appearance and
construction; besides it was then full moonlight, and the sides
of the Bonhomme Richard were all black, while the sides of the
prizes were yellow; yet, for their greater security, I showed the
signal of our reconnoissance by putting out three lanterns, one
at the head (bow), another at the stern (quarter), and the third
in the middle, in a horizontal line. Every tongue cried that he
was firing into the wrong ship, but nothing availed, he passed
round, firing into the Bonhomme Richard's head, stern, and
broadside, and by one of his volleys killed several of my best
men and mortally wounded a good officer on the forecastle. My
situation was really deplorable. The Bonhomme Richard received
various shots under water from the Alliance; the leak gained on
the pumps; and the fire increased much on board both ships. Some
officers persuaded me to strike, of whose courage and good sense
I entertain a high opinion. My treacherous master-at-arms let
loose all my prisoners, without my knowledge, and my prospect
became gloomy indeed. I would not, however, give up the point.
The enemy's main-mast began to shake, their firing decreased,
ours rather increased, and the British colours were struck at
half an hour past ten o'clock.

This prize proved to be the British ship-of-war the Serapis, a
new ship of 44 guns, built on their most approved construction,
with two complete batteries, one of them 18-pounders, and
commanded by the brave Commodore Richard Pearson. I had yet two
enemies to encounter far more formidable than the Britons--I mean
fire, and water. The Serapis was attacked only by the first, but
the Bonhomme Richard was assailed by both: there were five feet
water in the hold, and though it was moderate from the explosion
of so much gunpowder, yet the three pumps that remained could
with difficulty only keep the water from gaining. The fire broke
out in various parts of the ship, in spite of all the water that
could be thrown to quench it, and at length broke out as low as
the powder magazine, and within a few inches of the powder. In
that dilemma, I took out the powder upon deck, ready to be thrown
overboard at the last extremity, and it was 10 o'clock the next
day, the 24th, before the fire was entirely extinguished. With
respect to the situation of the Bonhomme Richard, the rudder was
cut entirely off the stern frame, and the transoms were almost
entirely cut away; the timbers, by the lower deck especially,
from the mainmast to the stern, being greatly decayed with age,
were mangled beyond my power of description; and a person must
have been an eye witness to form a just idea of the tremendous
scene of carnage, wreck, and ruin that everywhere appeared.
Humanity cannot but recoil from the prospect of such finished
horror, and lament that war should produce such fatal
consequences.

After the carpenters, as well as Capt. de Cottineau, and other
men of sense had well examined and surveyed the ship (which was
not finished before five in the evening), I found every person
to be convinced that it was impossible to keep the Bonhomme (p. 107)
Richard afloat so as to reach a port if the wind should
increase, it being then only a very moderate breeze. I had but
little time to remove my wounded, which now became unavoidable,
and which was effected in the course of the night and next
morning. I was determined to keep the Bonhomme Richard afloat,
and, if possible, to bring her into port. For that purpose, the
first lieutenant of the Pallas continued on board with a party of
men to attend the pumps, with boats in waiting, ready to take
them on board, in case the water should gain on them too fast.
The wind augmented in the night and the next day, on the 25th, so
that it was impossible to prevent the good old ship from sinking.
They did not abandon her until after 9 o'clock; the water was
then up to the lower deck, and a little after ten, I saw with
inexpressible grief the last glimpse of the Bonhomme Richard. No
lives were lost with the ship, but it was impossible to save the
stores of any sort whatever. I lost even the best part of my
clothes, books, and papers; and several of my officers lost all
their clothes and effects.

Having thus endeavoured to give a clear and simple relation of
the circumstances and events that have attended the little
armament under my command, I shall freely submit my conduct
therein to the censure of my superiors and the impartial public.
I beg leave, however, to observe, that the force that was put
under my command was far from being well composed; and as the
great majority of the actors in it have appeared bent on the
pursuit of interest only, I am exceedingly sorry that they and I
have been at all concerned. I am in the highest degree sensible
of the singular attentions which I have experienced from the
court of France, which I shall remember with perfect gratitude
until the end of my life, and will always endeavour to merit,
while I can, consistent with my honour, continue in the public
service. I must speak plainly. As I have always been honoured
with the full confidence of Congress, and as I always flattered
myself with enjoying in some measure the confidence of the court
of France, I could not but be astonished at the conduct of M. de
Chaumont, when, in the moment of my departure from Groaix, he
produced a paper, a concordat, for me to sign, in common with the
officers whom I had commissioned but a few days before. Had that
paper, or even a less dishonourable one, been proposed to me at
the beginning, I would have rejected it with just contempt, and
the word _déplacement_, among others, should have been necessary.
I cannot, however, even now suppose that he was authorized by the
court to make such a bargain with me; nor can I suppose that the
minister of marine meant that M. de Chaumont should consider me
merely as a colleague with the commanders of the other ships, and
communicate to them not only all he knew, but all he thought,
respecting our destination and operations. M. de Chaumont has
made me various reproaches on account of the expense of the
Bonhomme Richard, wherewith I cannot think I have been justly
chargeable. M. de Chamillard can attest that the Bonhomme Richard
was at last far from being well fitted or armed for war. If any
person or persons who have been charged with the expense of that
armament have acted wrong, the fault must not be laid to my
charge. I had no authority to superintend that armament, and the
persons who had authority were so far from giving me what I
thought necessary that M. de Chaumont even refused, among other
things, to allow me irons to secure the prisoners of war.

In short, while my life remains, if I have any capacity to (p. 108)
render good and acceptable services to the common cause, no
man will step forward with greater cheerfulness and alacrity than
myself, but I am not made to be dishonoured, nor can I accept of
the _half confidence_ of any man living; of course, I cannot,
consistent with my honour and a prospect of success, undertake
future expeditions, unless when the object and destination is
communicated to me alone, and to no other person in the marine
line. In cases where troops are embarked, a like confidence is
due alone to their commander-in-chief. On no other condition will
I ever undertake the chief command of a private expedition; and
when I do not command in chief, I have no desire to be in the
secret.

Captain Cottineau engaged the Countess of Scarborough, and took
her after an hour's action, while the Bonhomme Richard engaged
the Serapis. The Countess of Scarborough is an armed ship of 20
six-pounders, and was commanded by a king's officer. In the
action, the Countess of Scarborough and the Serapis were at a
considerable distance asunder; and the Alliance, as I am
informed, fired into the Pallas, and killed some men. If it
should be asked why the convoy was suffered to escape, I must
answer, that I was myself in no condition to pursue, and that
none of the rest showed any inclination, not even M. Ricot, who
had held off at a distance to windward during the whole action,
and withheld by force the pilot boat with my lieutenant and 15
men. The Alliance, too, was in a state to pursue the fleet, not
having had a single man wounded, or a single shot fired at her
from the Serapis, and only three that did execution from the
Countess of Scarborough, at such a distance that one stuck in the
side, and the other two just touched and then dropped into the
water. The Alliance killed one man only on board the Serapis. As
Captain de Cottineau charged himself with manning and securing
the prisoners of the Countess of Scarborough, I think the escape
of the Baltic fleet cannot so well be charged to his account.

I should have mentioned that the main-mast and mizzen topmast of
the Serapis fell overboard soon after the captain had come on
board the Bonhomme Richard.

Upon the whole, the captain of the Alliance has behaved so very
ill in every respect that I must complain loudly of his conduct.
He pretends that he is authorized to act independent of my
command. I have been taught the contrary; but, supposing it to be
so, his conduct has been base and unpardonable. M. de Chamillard
will explain the particulars. Either Captain Landais or myself is
highly criminal, and one or the other must be punished. I forbear
to take any steps with him until I have the advice and
approbation of Your Excellency. I have been advised by all the
officers of the squadron to put M. Landais under arrest; but, as
I have postponed it so long, I will bear with him a little
longer, until the return of my express.

We this day anchored here, having since the action been tossed to
and fro by contrary winds. I wished to have gained the road of
Dunkirk on account of our prisoners, but was overruled by the
majority of _my colleagues_. I shall hasten up to Amsterdam, and
there, if I meet with no orders from my government, I will take
the advice of the French ambassador. It is my present intention
to have the Countess of Scarborough ready to transport the
prisoners from hence to Dunkirk, unless it should be found more
expedient to deliver them to the English ambassador, taking his
obligation to send to Dunkirk, &c., immediately an equal number
of American prisoners. I am under strong apprehensions that our
object here will fail, and that through the imprudence of (p. 109)
M. de Chaumont, who has communicated everything he knew or
thought on the matter to persons who cannot help talking of it at
a full table. This is the way he keeps state secrets, though he
never mentioned the affair to me.

I am ever, &c.,
John P. JONES.

_____

_M. de Sartine to the President of Congress._

To
Mr. HUNTINGTON, Versailles, May 30, 1780.
President of the Congress of the United States.

Commodore Paul Jones, after having shown to all Europe, and
particularly to the enemies of France and the United States, the
most unquestionable proofs of his valour and talents, is about
returning to America to give an account to Congress of the
success of his military operations. I am convinced, Sir, that the
reputation he has so justly acquired will precede him, and that
the recital of his actions alone will suffice to prove to his
fellow citizens that his abilities are equal to his courage. But
the King has thought proper to add His suffrage and attention to
the public opinion. He has expressly charged me to inform you how
perfectly He is satisfied with the services of the Commodore,
persuaded that Congress will render him the same justice. He has
offered, as a proof of His esteem, to present him with a sword,
which cannot be placed in better hands, and likewise proposes to
Congress to decorate this brave officer with the Cross of
Military Merit.[61] His Majesty conceives that this particular
distinction, by holding forth the same honours to the two
nations, united by the same interests, will be looked upon as one
tie more that connects them, and will support that emulation
which is so precious to the common cause. If, after having
approved the conduct of the Commodore, it should be thought
proper to give him the command of any new expedition to Europe,
His Majesty will receive him again with pleasure, and presumes
that Congress will oppose nothing that may be judged expedient to
secure the success of his enterprizes. My personal esteem for him
induces me to recommend him very particularly to you, Sir, and I
dare flatter myself that the reception he will receive from
Congress and you, will warrant the sentiments with which he has
inspired me.

I have the honour of being, &c.,
DE SARTINE.

[Footnote 61: Captain John Paul Jones was the only
American officer decorated by the King of France
during the Revolutionary War.]

_____

_M. de Sartine to Commodore John Paul Jones._

Mr. Paul JONES, Versailles, June 28, 1780.
Commodore in the Navy of the United States of America.

Sir: The King has already testified His approbation of the zeal
and valour which you have displayed in Europe, in support of the
common cause between the United States and His Majesty, and (p. 110)
He has also informed you of the distinguished proofs He is
disposed to give you thereof. Persuaded that the United States
will give their consent that you should receive the cross of the
institution of Military Merit, I send you, in the packet
addressed to M. de la Luzerne, the one designed for you. You will
be pleased to deliver him this packet, and he will confer on you
this distinction by a chevalier of the institution, agreeably to
His Majesty's orders. But at any rate that you should have a
proof of the King's approbation and munificence, His Majesty has
ordered a gold headed sword to be made for you, which will be
immediately delivered to you, and He has the greatest confidence
in the use you will make of it for His glory and that of the
United States.

I have the honour, etc.,
DE SARTINE.

_____

_Resolution of Congress Authorizing Captain Jones to Accept from the King of France the Cross of Military Merit._

IN CONGRESS.

The Committee to whom was referred the letter of May 30, 1780,
from M. de Sartine, delivered in a report, whereupon

_Resolved_, That the Congress entertain a high sense of the
distinguished bravery and military conduct of John Paul Jones,
Esq., captain in the navy of the United States, and particularly
in his victory over the British frigate Serapis on the coast of
England, which was attended with circumstances so brilliant as to
excite general applause and admiration.

That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States at the
Court of Versailles, communicate to His Most Christian Majesty
the high satisfaction Congress have received from the conduct and
gallant behaviour of Captain John Paul Jones, which have merited
the attention and approbation of His Most Christian Majesty, and
that His Majesty's offer of adorning Captain Jones with a Cross
of Military Merit is highly acceptable to Congress.

February 27, 1781.

_____

_The United States to the King of France._

IN CONGRESS, October 19, 1787.

The Secretary for Foreign Affairs reports that agreeably to the
order of the 16th, he hath prepared the following letter to His
Most Christian Majesty, which having been duly signed and
countersigned, was delivered to the Chevalier John Paul Jones.

GREAT AND BELOVED FRIEND:

We, the United States in Congress assembled, in consideration of
the distinguished marks of approbation with which Your Majesty
has been pleased to honour the Chevalier John Paul Jones, as (p. 111)
well as from a sense of his merit, have unanimously directed
a medal of gold to be struck and presented to him, in
commemoration of his valour and brilliant services, while
commanding a squadron of French and American ships under our flag
and commission, off the coast of Great Britain, in the late war.

As it is his earnest desire to acquire greater knowledge in his
profession, we cannot forbear requesting of Your Majesty to
permit him to embark in your fleets of evolution, where only it
will be probably in his power to acquire that degree of knowledge
which may hereafter render him more extensively useful.

Permit us to repeat to Your Majesty our sincere assurances that
the various and important benefits for which we are indebted to
your friendship will never cease to interest us in whatever may
concern the happiness of Your Majesty, your family, and people.

We pray God to keep you, our great and beloved friend, under his
holy protection.

Done at the city of New York, the nineteenth day of October, in
the year of our Lord 1787, and of our sovereignty and
independence the 12th.

_____

_Thomas Jefferson to General Washington._

To General WASHINGTON. Paris, May 2, 1788.

Dear Sir: The war between the Russians and Turks has made an
opening for Commodore Paul Jones. The Empress has invited him
into her service. She insures to him the rank of a Rear Admiral
and will give him a separate command, and it is understood that
he is never to be commanded. I think she means to oppose him to
the Captain Pasha on the Black Sea. He is, by this time, probably
at St. Petersburg. The circumstances did not permit his awaiting
the permission of Congress, because the season was close at hand
for opening the campaign. But he has made it a condition that he
shall be free at all times to return to the orders of Congress,
whenever they shall please to call for him; and also that he
shall not, in any case, be expected to bear arms against France.
I believe Congress had it in contemplation to give him the grade
of Admiral from the date of his taking the Serapis. Such a
measure now would greatly gratify him, second the efforts of
fortune in his favour and better the opportunities of improving
him for our service, whenever the moment shall come in which we
may want him.

I have the honour to be Your Excellency's most obedient and most
humble servant,
Th: JEFFERSON.

_____

_Admiral John Paul Jones to Thomas Jefferson._ (p. 112)

His Excellency On board the Wladimir,
Thomas JEFFERSON, Esq. Before Oczacoff,
August 20--September 9, 1788.

Sir: Some of my friends in America did me the honour to ask for
my bust. I enclose the names of eight gentlemen, to each of whom
I promised to send one. You will oblige me by desiring Mr. Houdon
to have them prepared and packed up, two and two; and if Mr.
Short, to whom I present my respects, will take the trouble to
forward them by good opportunities, via Havre de Grace, writing,
at the same time, a few words to each of these gentlemen, I shall
esteem it a particular favour.

Before I left Copenhagen, I wrote to Mr. Amoureux, merchant at
L'Orient, to dispose of some articles of mine in his hands, and
remit you the amount. I hope he has done it, and that his
remittance may be sufficient to pay Mr. Houdon, and the expense
of striking the medal with which I am honoured by the United
States. But lest this should not turn out as I expect, I have
directed Dr. Bancroft to pay any draft of yours on him for my
account, as far as four or five thousand livres. I shall want
four gold medals as soon as the dies are finished. I must present
one to the United States, another to the King of France, and I
cannot do less than offer one to the Empress. As you will keep
the dies for me, it is my intention to have some more gold medals
struck; therefore I beg you, in the meantime, not to permit the
striking of a single silver or copper medal.

I send enclosed an extract from my journal on my expedition from
France to Holland, in the year 1779, for the information of the
Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres. I trust, at the same
time, more to your judgment than to theirs. There is a medallist
who executed three medals for me in wax, one of them is the
battle between the Bonhomme Richard and the Serapis. The position
of the two ships is not much amiss; but the necessary figures are
much too near the principal objects; and he has placed them to
windward, instead of being as they really were, to leeward of the
Bonhomme Richard and Serapis. I do not at this moment recollect
the medallist's name, but he lives on the 3d or 4th stage, at a
marble cutter's almost opposite, but a little higher than your
former house, Cul-de-sac Rue Taitbout, and may be easily found.
It would be of use to see the medal he has made, although it is
by no means to be copied. I have not comprehended, in the extract
of my journal, the extreme difficulties I met with in Holland,
nor my departure from the Texel in the Alliance, when I was
forced out by the Vice Admiral Rhynst, in the face of the enemy's
fleet. The critical situation I was in, in Holland, needs no
explanation, and I shall not say how much the honour of the
American flag depended on my conduct, or how much it affected all
the belligerent powers. I shall only say it was a principal cause
of the resentment of England against Holland, and the war that
ensued. It is for you and the Academy to determine whether that
part of my services ought to be the subject of one side of the
medal.

I am, with perfect esteem and attachment, Your Excellency's most
obedient humble servant,
J. P. JONES.

No. 18. (p. 113) PLATES XVIII and XIX.

_April 30, 1789--March 4, 1797._

George Washington, President, 1792.

PRESIDENT GEORGE WASHINGTON.

[_First President of the United States of America._]

General Washington in uniform and bareheaded, standing, facing the left, has just given the calumet of peace to an Indian chief, who is smoking it. The Indian, standing, facing the right, has a large medal suspended from around his neck; on the left, a pine tree; at its foot, a tomahawk; in the background, a farmer ploughing. Exergue: GEORGE WASHINGTON PRESIDENT. 1792.

The arms and crest of the United States of America. Arms: Paleways of thirteen pieces, argent and gules, a chief, azure. The escutcheon on the breast of the American eagle, displayed proper, holding in his dexter talon an olive branch, and in his sinister a bundle of thirteen arrows,[62] all proper, and in his beak a scroll inscribed with this motto, E PLURIBUS UNUM (_One out of many_). Crest: Over the head of the eagle, which appears above the escutcheon, a glory, or, breaking through a cloud, proper, and surrounding thirteen stars forming a constellation, argent, on an azure field.[63]

[Footnote 62: The thirteen original States.]

[Footnote 63: See INTRODUCTION, page xxvi.]