Chapter I: Part 1

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XLIX, 1762-1765

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVII

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLIX

Preface 11

Documents of 1759-1765

Conquest of Manila by the English, 1762, and other events,
1762-1765
Plan of an expedition for the conquest of the
southern Philippines. [Sir William Draper?; Canton,
ca., 1759?] 27
Letters to Clevland. Admiral Samuel Cornish; Manila
Bay, October 31, and November 10, 1762 44
Letter to Lord Anson. Admiral Samuel Cornish; Manila
Bay, November 1, 1762 60
Letters to Earl of Egremont. Sir William Draper;
Manila, November 1, and November 2, 1762 65
Draper's Journal. Sir William Draper; [Manila?], 1762 81
Rojo's Journal. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra;
Manila, December 23, 1762 104
Anda and the English invasion, 1762-1764. Simon de
Anda y Salazar, and others; Manila and Bacolor,
October 8, 1762-March 9, 1764 132
Rojo's narrative. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra;
[Manila, 1763] 176
Synopsis of letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y
Salazar; Manila, June 22, 1764 262
Letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y Salazar;
Manila, July 23, 1764 269
Letter to Gonzalez. Baltasar Vela, S.J.; Manila,
July 24, 1764 288
Synopsis of communications to Cárlos III. Simon de
Anda y Salazar, Manila, June-July, 1764 296
Draper's defense. In two parts. I. A plain narrative.
[Sir William Draper; London, 1764?]. II. Colonel
Draper's answer to the Spanish arguments. Sir William
Draper; London, 1764 309
Letter to Rueda. Eugenio Carrion, S.J.; San Pedro de
Macati, July 8, 1765 333
Letter to Mesquida. Bernardo Pazuengos, S.J.; Santa
Cruz, July 20, 1765 336
References. Editorial compilation of titles 343

Bibliographical Data 347

ILLUSTRATIONS

Plan of Manila Bay, October, 1762; photographic facsimile
from copy in British Museum Frontispiece
Manila and the Philippines, 1762; from Scots Magazine,
1763, xxv, facing p. 224; photographic facsimile from copy
in library of Harvard University 35
Chart of Philippines, showing path of Manila galleon; from
London Magazine, 1763, xxxii, p. 292; photographic facsimile
from copy in Library of Congress 49
Plan of city of Manila, showing sites occupied by the British
in 1762; photographic facsimile of original manuscript in
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla 95
Plan of city of Manila and its fortifications, 1762; from
Le Gentil's Voyage (Paris, 1779-1781), ii, plate 6;
photographic facsimile from copy in library of Wisconsin
Historical Society 107
Plan of port of Cavite and its fortifications, by Tomás de
Castro y Andrade, ca. 1762; photographic facsimile of
original manuscript (in colors), in Archivo general de Indias,
Sevilla 183
Plan of Mariveles Bay, 1764; in collection of Charts by
Alexander Dalrymple ([London], 1781), ii, p. 63; photographic
facsimile from copy in Library of Congress 199
Autograph signature of Simon de Anda y Salazar; photographic
facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo general de
Indias, Sevilla 285

PREFACE

The theme of the present volume is throughout the conquest of Manila by the British in 1762, and events consequent to it. The various accounts we have drawn from both Spanish and English sources, in order that we might present the matter from the standpoints of each nation, and we have aimed to give the story in great detail from as many points of view as possible. The subject must have special interest for Americans by reason of the operations of 1898. In some measure the captures by both the British and the Americans are analogous, because in each case it was rather a side demonstration than the main object of the war, and because of the ease with which it was accomplished. Here, however, the analogy ends, for British occupation was at the best precarious while it lasted, and made scarcely any headway outside of Manila; and while naturally the questions of religion, commerce, and civil affairs generally were discussed, nothing lasting was done. It may well be that the ease with which Manila was taken by the British gave the Filipinos some idea, though slight, of separation from Spain, or a desire for a larger degree of independence; although, in truth, all such ideas appeared to be effectively stifled with the strengthening power of the religious orders. Of special interest will be found the operations of Anda y Salazar, a true patriot, though like the Count de Frontenac, of Canada, of a hasty and impetuous nature; and his contest with the incapable archbishop. It is to be noted throughout that all English dates are one day in advance of the Spanish dates, as the English had the same dates as the Portuguese, who reached the Orient by way of the Eastern route. This is a momentous period in many parts of the world.

The first document in this volume consists of a plan outlined by an unknown writer, but one who has been among the Philippines (and who is, perhaps, General Draper), for the conquest of the southern islands, evidently received at London November 23, 1762--a good prelude to the conquest of Manila. Weighing the arguments as to the expediency of such a conquest, the author decides in favor of it, as the silver which is taken from the Philippines to India in the Manila-India trade, and which comes direct from America, will pass to India direct from the latter country if the islands are conquered. The present plan, however, does not contemplate the reduction of Manila. The islands could be held either permanently or only until the conclusion of peace, the advisability of taking them to rest upon either one of the following reasons: that they are important enough to meet the expenses of the expedition; or that the enemy can be harassed thence. The chief end for which Spain holds the Philippines is religious, and if the missions are considered, Manila might be ceded, though if that does not happen, the holding of them will be an important item in the peace conclusions. Operations carried on among the southern islands would have especial point, for the Spaniards would fear an alliance between the restless Moros and the enemy. The Spaniards care only about the Acapulco galleon and do not trouble themselves about the rest of the islands, which are governed badly. The natives, in danger from Moro raids, are ripe for revolt. Proceeding directly to a consideration of the southern islands, the writer names and describes the most important of them, making use to some extent, in his description, of Colin and San Antonio. The population that the British would receive by such a conquest would be an advantage. The expedition should proceed first against the fort of Zamboanga, which can be easily taken, and then abandoned and demolished or left in charge of the present Spanish garrison if they will take the oath of allegiance. Next the forts of the islands of Misamis and Cebú should be taken, both of which are important. They can count upon the help of the Moros, and of the Boholans, the latter of whom are now in revolt. All this can be done with one European ship with about fifty soldiers, and several smaller ships, the best time for the expedition being the northeast monsoon.

This is followed by two letters by Admiral Cornish to one Mr. Clevland, evidently some secretary in the office of the Admiralty. In the first letter, dated October 6, 1762, Admiral Cornish reports the success in the operations against Manila, which has fallen on the sixth of October, and gives a short account of the expedition. After hastening preparations for the expedition as rapidly as possible, he sends Commodore Tiddeman with five vessels from Madras to Malacca on the twenty-ninth of July. He himself following with all but two of the remaining vessels on August 1, reaches Malacca on the nineteenth, but Tiddeman fails to appear until the twenty-first because of calms. Leaving Malacca on the twenty-seventh, the fleet makes the coast of Luzón, September 19, but owing to rough weather is unable to enter the bay of Manila until the twenty-third. Cornish and Draper, abandoning the previous plan to attack Cavite first, resolve to proceed directly against Manila, as that once taken, Cavite must also fall. Accordingly troops are landed on the twenty-fifth through a heavy surf, and occupy Moratta (Malate) one and one-half miles from the walls. That same day also Cornish despatches three vessels to capture a sail that is seen coming up the bay, which when captured is found to be a vessel with the mail and news of the Acapulco galleon "Filipino," which has itself remained behind at Cagayan. On the twenty-sixth Draper's forces take up a position two hundred feet from the glacis of the Manila wall, and Cornish lands 700 seamen to aid them. Under cover of the fire from the ships Draper works on his batteries. The entrenching tools, of which there is great need, are supplied by the timely arrival of the storeship, although the latter is driven ashore by the heavy sea. Draper opens with his batteries on October 4, and to so good a purpose that the combined forces are enabled to make the assault on the morning of the sixth, in which they carry everything before them. Draper and Cornish immediately go ashore to make arrangements with the governor. The surrender of Manila and Cavite, and the islands and forts dependent on the former, is agreed upon; and in addition the payment of 4,000,000 dollars or pesos as a ransom to the English for the preservation of the city. Cornish's ship captain, Kempenfelt, takes possession of Cavite on the tenth. In that place are gained abundance of naval stores, and fresh food is secured. The men have borne themselves well through the short fatiguing siege, and land and sea forces have maintained harmonious relations. Cornish encloses a list of the ships with the seamen and marines landed from each one, and of those killed and wounded during the siege. This shows a landing force of 1,017--17 killed, and 17 wounded. The letter of November 10 reports the capture of the "Santísima Trinidad" by two vessels detached for that purpose. This large vessel, which had sailed for Acapulco some time before with a rich cargo, but has been obliged to put back, is taken to be the "Filipino" which is expected from Acapulco with the situado, until actually boarded. For the present it is anchored at Corregidor Island, but Cornish purposes to send for it soon.

In a letter from Cornish addressed to the famous Lord Anson, the former mentions the great advantages that accrue to his fleet in the possession of Cavite, for he can obtain all needed supplies and food, and can repair his ships, some of which are unseaworthy. He complains bitterly of the East India Company, whose employees at Madras, with the exception of but one, have endeavored to obstruct the expedition in every way. The two companies of troops furnished by the company are composed of French deserters and released prisoners. Further information can be secured from Captain Kempenfelt, the bearer of his despatches, who is also in charge of some engraved plates containing a map (the famous one by Murillo Velarde) of the islands.

Letters from General Draper to the Earl of Egremont, dated November 1 and 2, respectively, are practically duplicates, the first appearing to be the rough draft of the second. They announce the taking of Manila on October 6, and praise the bravery and forbearance of the men who acted with great humanity, notwithstanding that Draper's own secretary is killed under a flag of truce. In company with Cornish, Draper dictates the conditions under which Manila will be preserved from pillage, which are accepted by the Spanish. The East India Company is to have one-third of the ransom. Manila and Cavite have been delivered to the Company's representative, as per orders. It would be well to hold Manila and the islands, if possible, for they are very wealthy. The season and the need of repairing the ships prevent the taking possession of the other places ceded. Draper praises highly Admiral Cornish, his officers, and the seamen and marines for their efficiency, as well as his own officers and men, especially the 79th regiment. Following these letters are three sets of "proposals" and "conditions," all dated October 6. The first, consisting of 12 "proposals" made by the archbishop-governor and others, touches rights of property, religion, trade, residence, and government; all the proposals are granted by the conquerors, but some of them with certain reservations. The second set, consisting of the four "conditions" under which Manila will be preserved from pillage, is proposed by the British and accepted. The latter outline the status of the Spanish officers and men, who are all to be regarded as prisoners of war. All military stores must be surrendered, as well as Cavite and other places dependent on Manila. In addition a ransom of 4,000,000 dollars or pesos is to be paid, half immediately and the balance at some future date, for which hostages are to be given. The third set, consisting of "proposals," and also submitted by the British, relates to the surrender of Cavite, and the method of payment of the ransom.

The important journal of the British operations, kept by General Draper, and sent with his letter of November 2, follows. The first part of the journal is rather general in nature, while the latter part is more specific and definite; but as a whole it well supplements the preceding letters by Cornish and Draper. The troops, consisting of the 79th regiment, a company of royal artillery, 30 artillerymen furnished by the East India Company, 2 companies of Frenchmen, also furnished by the Company, 600 Sepoys, and other natives, and reënforced by Cornish's seamen and marines, a total of 2,300 men, sail July 29 and August 1 for Malacca, where they are to water, taking precautions on the way to prevent the Spaniards from learning of the expedition. Malacca is left August 27, and the fleet anchors in Manila Bay September 23, completely surprising the Spaniards. A summons to the governor on the twenty-fourth elicits no satisfactory reply, and, accordingly, operations are begun immediately. From that date until October 6, when Manila is taken by easy assault, the siege is one of ceaseless activity on the part of the British, who struggle against heavy seas and rains which aid the Spaniards. The latter, 800 strong, are reënforced by 10,000 Pampangos, "a fierce and barbarous people." To the latter is due the killing, under a flag of truce, of Draper's secretary, Lieutenant Fryar, who is sent to the Spanish lines with a nephew of the archbishop-governor who has been captured with a vessel despatched from the Acapulco galleon. This has arrived on the Luzón coast in September, with news of the war, and Cornish endeavors to capture it. The British base of land operations is the suburb of Malate, from which successive advances are made, although a few sallies by Spaniards and Pampangos give the British forces considerable trouble. The Pampangos, however, meet with so severe losses, that becoming disheartened, all but 1,800 of them desert. The British landing force, consisting of both troops and seamen and marines, is well supported by the ships. At the assault, one hundred Spaniards and natives who refuse to surrender are all killed. The archbishop-governor and his chief officers retire to the citadel and surrender at discretion. The officers are allowed to give their parole, but all natives are simply dismissed. When Cavite is surrendered, three hundred Spanish troops mutiny and desert with their arms. The total number of Spanish officers and men, taken prisoners, both of the army and navy, amounts to 361. The British loss, as shown by an appended list, is 36 killed, and 111 wounded. Many war supplies are captured in Manila and Cavite, a goodly proportion of which is unserviceable.

This is followed by the journal of the archbishop of the defense and assault of Manila, from the appearance of the British in Manila Bay, September 22, until the capture of Manila October fifth. It differs in some of its details from Draper's journal, especially in the number of the British forces, and the number of the British killed (both undoubtedly exaggerations on the part of the archbishop), and gives details not mentioned by Draper.

This is followed by a valuable series of documents (mainly in synopsis) concerning Simon de Anda y Salazar, the patriotic auditor, and the English invasion. The various letters, etc., consist of communications between Anda and the weak archbishop, Rojo; Anda and the British; the archbishop and the Filipinos; and the British and Diego Silang, the insurgent. By means of them one may follow fairly accurately the course of events after the taking of Manila. Throughout, Anda's tone is one of intense bitterness toward the archbishop, whom he accuses of venality and collusion with the British. The archbishop, on the contrary, accuses Anda, whom the British proscribe, of usurping power not his own, and of lack of patriotism. The abortive Chinese insurrection, instigated by the British, is put down by Anda with terrible vengeance. There are charge and countercharge between Anda and the British (whose proscription Anda has met) of inhumanity, each side striving to clear itself from such an imputation. Anda is slow to accept the assurances of peace, and to grant a truce to hostilities, for he fears some British treachery. He demands that they leave the islands, in accordance with the terms of the treaty (made in February 1763), and by which they should have left the islands in August 1763. Early in 1764, the treaty is sent on a British vessel which also carries orders for the British to go to the Coromandel coast; with which the Spaniards are left in peaceful possession of the islands.

The archbishop-governor writes a long relation of events (probably in 1763) preceding and following the assault by the British, in which his chief aim is to justify his own conduct, as many charges have been preferred against him. He has been mindful of the peace and harmony of the islands, has healed breaches, has encouraged agriculture, has looked after the defense of the islands, and increased the navy. The repair of the public works has engrossed a part of his attention, but his plans are not to be perfected, for the English spoil that. He has also bettered the condition of the treasury; and in view of the fact that the whole concern of the people is centered about the annual trading galleon, has tried to improve the lethargy, idleness, and vice into which they fall when that matter is attended to. He relates the story of the siege and assault, and the dispositions of the British, and the general events of the period immediately following. Throughout he justifies his own conduct, as in the letters to Anda, recounting his troubles with various Spanish officials, the British, and Anda. He protests that he has acted only for the interests of the Spanish monarch, and indignantly repels the idea that he has been in collusion with the British. This is in many ways an especially interesting document, and supplements the information of the other documents considerably.

In a letter to King Cárlos III, dated June 22, 1764, Anda relates the measures taken by him in his office as Audiencia, governor and captain-general. These measures cover a wide range, extending to things social, economic, moral, and religious. A fixed tariff for provisions, etc., the coinage, the Chinese, who are allied with the British, the military, the seculars, the surveillance and care of the Filipinos, the churches, agriculture, proscription of certain British officers, the curfew, prohibition of gambling games, regulation of the sale of intoxicants, and strict regulations regarding theft--all these engage his attention.

Another letter from Anda to Cárlos III, dated July 23, 1764, is devoted entirely to the archbishop, who is characterized as wanting in loyalty. Anda, while protesting his own loyalty and devotion to the crown of Spain, declares the many acts of the archbishop (who is now dead) during and after the assault. The latter has written violent letters to Anda, and has acted entirely in the interests of the British. His boon companions have been the traitors Orendain and Fallet, by whom he has been influenced to sign the cession of the islands. Anda has been proscribed at his instigation as a rebel, but that cannot be, as he has never consented to become a vassal of the British, and his loyalty to the Spanish monarch is known. Although the archbishop was urged to give up his foolish pretensions to the governorship, he would never do so. That position rightfully belonged to Anda after the assault, and even the British always spoke of the archbishop as the ex-governor. The latter's want of loyalty is exemplified by his refusal to send the royal seal to Anda, though he could easily have done so.

Baltasar Vela, S.J., of Manila, writes his nephew, Brother Antonio Gonzalez, S.J., of Madrid, July 24, 1764, informing him that the British have at last left Manila, after a rule there of eighteen months. That city fell because of the lack of political sense of the Spaniards and their insufferable pride, for it could have been easily defended, as it is impregnable almost by its location alone. Its loss he charges to the methods of Spanish traitors who won over the archbishop, so that it was arranged that everything should be left open for the assault by the British on the fifth of October. There was no breach made in the walls, he affirms, but the British soldiers scaled them by means of holes in the soft stone. The attempt to kill Anda was arranged by the traitors with the Chinese and British. The latter were aided throughout by the traitorous Spaniards, the Chinese, and the natives whom they manage to corrupt; but most of their plans outside Manila come to nought. The letter closes with several personal matters, among them a request for reading matter.

A series of representations, forty-six in all, made by Anda and Francisco de la Torre (governor ad interim) in June and July of 1764, treat in part of the matters covered in preceding documents. Notices are given of the insurrections in Ilocos and Pangasinan, both of which have been instigated and aided by the British, and both of which are finally put down, the latter with the aid of Bishop Ustariz. Anda praises the religious orders, especially the Augustinians, although he notes that some of the religious of St. John of God have been discontented. Joló affairs and the British alliance with the king of that island are discussed briefly. Orendain, who has been disloyal to the king, has gone with his family to Madras with the English. The fines imposed upon Villacorta and Viana do not appear to have been rightly adjudged. Torre asks that a rule be given regulating the conduct of the single member left to represent the Audiencia, as in the case of Anda, should such a contingency again occur. Anda's conduct deserves only complete and hearty approval.

Two declarations are presented by General Draper (both probably in 1764), in which he protests against the charges of inhumanity that have been brought against him in regard to the affair at Manila, and urges the payment of the remainder of the ransom which the Spaniards refuse. The Spaniards charge the British with breaking the agreements of the capitulation, but it is they themselves who have broken them all. By various subterfuges they have endeavored and are endeavoring to escape the payment of the ransom. Less than one-half million dollars of the four millions have as yet been paid. The story of the siege and subsequent events is in part gone over, including some little of Anda's operation. The action of the East India Company, to whom the city was turned over shortly after the assault, causes the captors to lose about 200,000 dollars. The second declaration is made necessary because of the new arguments put forward by the Spanish to evade payment of the ransom bills given on the Spanish treasury at the capitulation of Manila. The British have a right to that city until all the ransom has been paid.

A short letter from Eugenio Carrion, S.J., to Joseph de Rueda, S.J., written from San Pedro Macati, July 8, 1765, notes the conclusion of peace and the arrival of a new proprietary governor, Francisco Raon. Francisco de la Torre, governor ad interim, has left Manila in a good state of defense and has begun operations against the Moros, which will doubtless be continued by Raon. This will make the trade of the Visayan Islands flourishing once more. In their retirement from the islands the British have lost one-half their boats and men, the latter numbering in all 8,000. News of the Chinese affairs will have been received through the Portuguese fathers. There are still about thirty fathers in that empire, ten or eleven of whom live openly in Pekin, while the others are in hiding. Carrion prays that the Society may safely weather the storm (the approaching suppression) that has assailed it as a whole.

The last of this series of documents is a letter from Bernardo Pazuengos, S.J., the Philippine provincial, to Joaquin Mesquida, S.J., the procurator-general, written from Santa Cruz. The first part of the letter, dated June 17, 1765, complains of Francisco de la Torre, who has lived as a libertine and has been especially hostile toward the religious orders. The arrival of a new governor is awaited eagerly by all the decent inhabitants. The Jesuits and Dominicans are fully resolved to resign their missions as existing conditions of affairs will not permit them longer to hold them. So poor are the fathers, whose stipends are no longer paid, that they are compelled to make their shoes out of the parchment of their books. Their missions are heavily in debt. The Moros, and even the Christians, have raided the missions. The Visayan Islands are ruined, and one-half their inhabitants have been killed and captured. Jesuit estates have been burned. The Recollects have escaped no better, in all probability. Auditor Galban has declared that the pious funds are the ruin of the islands and of trade. Vigorous measures are being taken against the Jesuits. The fiscal urges action against all the religious orders. The arrival of the "Santa Rosa" with the new governor on July 3 is noted. The letter finally closes on July 20.

The Editors

January, 1907.

DOCUMENTS OF 1759-1765

CONQUEST OF MANILA BY THE ENGLISH, 1762, AND OTHER EVENTS,
1762-1765

Plan of an expedition for the conquest of the southern
Philippines. [Sir William Draper?; ca., 1759?]
Letters to Clevland. Admiral Samuel Cornish; October 31, and
November 10, 1762.
Letter to Lord Anson. Admiral Samuel Cornish; November 1, 1762.
Letters to Earl of Egremont. Sir William Draper; November 1,
and November 2, 1762.
Draper's Journal. Sir William Draper; 1762.
Rojo's Journal. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra; December 23,
1762.
Anda and the English invasion, 1762-1764. Simon de Anda y
Salazar, and others; October 8, 1762-March 9, 1764.
Rojo's narrative. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra; [1763].
Synopsis of letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y Salazar;
June 22, 1764.
Letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y Salazar; July 23, 1764.
Letter to Gonzalez. Baltasar Vela, S.J.; July 24, 1764.
Synopsis of communications to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y
Salazar; June-July, 1764.
Draper's defense. In two parts. I. A plain narrative. [Sir
William Draper; 1764?]. II. Colonel Draper's answer to the
Spanish arguments. Sir William Draper; 1764.
Letter to Rueda. Eugenio Carrion, S.J.; July 8, 1765.
Letter to Mesquida. Bernardo Pazuengos, S.J.; July 20, 1765.
References.

Sources: The first document, the third, and the first part of
the fourth, are from MSS. in the British Museum; the second,
second part of the fourth, and the fifth, are from Scots Magazine
for 1763; the sixth, from Le Gentil's Voyage, ii, pp. 232-235,
236, 237-239, 241, 242, 243-247, 248-252, 255-259; the seventh and
eighth, from original MSS. belonging to the Ayer Collection; the
ninth, tenth, and twelfth, from the Ventura del Arco transcripts
(Ayer Collection); the eleventh, fourteenth, and fifteenth, from
the original MSS. in the Simancas archives; the thirteenth, from
the two publications named therein; the sixteenth, editorial
compilation of titles.

Translations and Compilations: These are by James A. Robertson.

PLAN OF AN EXPEDITION FOR THE CONQUEST OF THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES

Before we consider this Subject in the View of Probability Let us examine how far it may be expedient: It is well known a very lucrative Commerce is carried on from India to Manila under Sanction of Moorish Colours. It might therefore be alleged that considerable Disadvantages would accrue to the General Commerce of India were the Spaniards deprived of the Philippin Islands from a Presumption that the Silver now received from thence would be lost. But when the footing on which the Spaniards at present admit this Commerce is duly attended to, It cannot be doubted a quite contrary Effect would follow.--Silver is the Produce of the Trade carried on from Manila to America and if the Spaniards had not Manila America would open her Arms to the Importers of those Conveniences which India & China only can afford them: This Navigation might be opend if supported in time of Open war by a Port on California.

It is true this Circumstance may be reckoned not entirely relative to the present Plan which does not propose the Conquest of Manila. But it cannot be deemed quite foreign to the Subject as the Possession of the Southern Islands would be a great restraint on the Spaniards at Manila.

There are two Reasons fully sufficient to warrant Attacks in war. The Conquest of a Place important enough to answer the expences of the Expedition by maintaining it after the war is over or by relinquishing it at the Conclusion of a Peace on a valuable Consideration & distressing an Enemy by harassing him in different Quarters & facilitating any other attempt against him or preventing his acting offensively: The Expedition here proposed may be considered in either Light. Certain it is the Chief Motive of the Spaniards for maintaining these Islands arises from religious Zeal So that admitting the Southern Islands to be subdued It is far from being impossible that in Consideration [of] Permission to the Missions Manila itself might then be ceded & Perhaps Valuable Commercial Priviledges granted also to Us.

But if the Spaniards should not acquiesce in valuable Cessions for Permissions to the Missions they must be extremely piqued & alarmed to have so large a part of their Dominions severd from Manila particularly as they suffer already greatly from the Inroads of the Moors and the relinquishing them would undoubtedly be a Point of Consequence in a Treaty of Peace.

But supposing the Spaniards are so indifferent about them as neither to give any valuable Consideration in lieu or for Permission to the Missions, It is necessary to shew the Islands would answer the Charge of Conquest & be worth maintaining.

However Previous to this we think it most eligible to consider the Subject in a different Light we mean as it may effect the War:--The Philippin Islands are so far severd from the other Spanish Dominions that any attack of them can have no Influence on other parts So that Manila only can be affected by the Expedition here proposed. If there be any attempt intended against the Capital It undoubtedly would have infinite Good Effect to alarm the out Islands perhaps in drawing some force from Manila but much to the purpose by perplexing them with the apprehension of a Junction with the Moors & Southern Islanders to attack them behind & cut of all resource by Land & starve them by a Blockade at the same time that their apprehensions would be justly raised of a General Revolt of the Indians under their Dominion who tired out with oppressions are weary of the Spanish Yoke & ripe for Revolt. Some as Bohol have rebelld & the Tagalas who lye around Manila have implord the Assistance of Sooloo to protect them in Independance. The Spaniards consider nothing but the Galleons Cargo & Erections Leaving the Moors almost without Molestation to ravage & spread Distruction thro the Southern Islands from whence they have carried into Captivity many thousands within these few Years & have in a manner put an End to Commerce from the hazard to which Coasting Vessells are exposd. It is no wonder if the Natives who are still forced to pay Tribute should be ready to join any Power from whom they may expect Protection.

Besides Luzon which is not at present under Consideration There are 9 considerable Islands.

Paragua of which a part only is under the Spanish Jurisdiction;--Mindanao whereof they have--the sole Possession on the W. N. & part of the E. Coasts Samar, Leyte, Bohol, Zibu, Negros, Pany & Mindoro.

The Islands of mean Size are more numerous; Besides Dumaran whereof part is claimed by Sooloo we may reckon 23 worth naming--Luban, Maricaban, Marinduque, Tablas, Romblon Sibuyan, Masbate, Burias, Ticao, Capul, Catanduan Polo; Maripipi, Panamao, Mactan, Siguyod, Panaon Guimaras, Cuyo, Lalutaya, Sinacapan, Calamian & Buvugan.

It is proposed to give some account of each of these tho it is not to be presumed we can treat of each with much or equal Precision.

The Chief Establishment of the Spaniards on Paragua is at Tyty on the No. End The Fort named St. Isabel de la Paragua is built a top of a small rocky hill, the further part not a musquet Shot from the Sea & part of it washed by the waves; It is built of Stone: They have in the same Province several other small Forts on the Islands Cuyo, Lalataya, Linapacan & Calamian or Culion but all these last are only Garrisond by the Natives or Militia & indeed are only intended for Security against the Inroads of the Moors. [1]

The Possession of Tyty seems rather as a Check on the Moors than from the Number of its Tributarys or Produce at least under its present Masters; this part of Paragua abounds in excellent Harbours scarce any exceed that of Tyty but Malampaya on the West Coast: the Island is very populous but the greatest part are under the Jurisdiction of Sooloo if we consider the whole Island the Productions are very valuable & by description few surpass it Gold, Cowrees, Rice, Canes, Rattans, Batata, Kuma False Amber & many other valuable articles are in abundance It is very populous on the East Side but the Natives are almost solely Joloan: Their antipathy to the Spaniards would not probably prevent the English reaping the Benefit of their Industry & Commerce to the Articles abovementiond we may probably add Birds Nest as the Calamianes abound in the whitest & as the Nature of this part of Paragua promises to yield it in abundance.

The two Islands of Calamianes give name to the Province the first Spanish Establishment having been made there: They are 3 considerable Islands Linapacan, Calamian & Busvazon [2] besides a great Number of small ones on every side. They yield Birds Nest; wax which they gather twice a year, the Land is rugged & the seas dangerous; the Natives are bold & industrious & have Rice, Hogs & Poultry in abundance.

Under the same Jurisdiction are the Islands Cuyo which are 5 in number close together & contain about 500 Familys. They are docile & more attached to the Spaniards than the Calamians or Paraguans: they have abundance of rice, Hogs & Poultry. The whole Jurisdiction does not seem to contain above 4 or 5000 People. [3]

The Islands Leyté, Samar & several small ones adjoining are under the Jurisdiction of the former.

Samar which is divided from Leyte by the narrow Strait of S. Juanico lyes on the East of the Philippins. On the Side which looks to the Ocean it is named Ibabao & that part within is called Samar the Port of Borongon on the East Side formerly afforded Shelter to the Galleons from a Dutch Squadron in 1620 & Palapa on the North might have done the same to the Cabadong [4] It is entirely sheltered from all winds & we presume is what Anson's Voyage calls Ialapy Calbalagan is the Chief Town & residence of the Alcalde; The Island is very full of fine Timber [word illegible] for Ship buildg the country is Rough & Mountainous but its Plains are fertile in rice wax & abacca of which last they manufacture Cloth. It in common with the other Philippins abounds in Cattle.

Leyte is more fertile on the East Side where the Plains are so fertile that the Crops yield 200 fold: a ridge of high Mountains divide it nearly in the middle which occasions a very great Diversity of Seasons: So that whilst it is winter on the N. Side (which happens during the N. E. winds) it is Spring on the South & vice versa. In the middle they have double Seasons & both good Crops. It has on all Sides many rivers which fall from these high Mountains & in these rivers and Seas are great abundance of excellent Fish particularly the Harbor of Quibot opposite to the Island of Camote. This Island abounds in fine Timber for Ship Building & Harbours for their Security. Besides Quibot there are several on the west Coast, Palompong, Lagnoag, Tigas, Leyti, &c. Leyte is the only one on the No.--Cacaliaton on the E.--& on the So. Liloan formed by this Island & Panaon which strait is very famous for being the Entrance of Magellan & Legaspi to the Islands; & there are still remains of some small Guard Houses built by Legaspi.

The Plains abound with Game as Deer Hogs & Fowls, besides Domestick ones & the Plenty of Cattle originally brought from China: It yields Rice wax & Abacca Cloth which is their common wear. It also abounds in Coconut Trees, & Fruits of various kinds. The People of these two Islands are open & ingenious & the Climate is cooler than Manila.

Leyte has 19 Towns which contain 45,229 Souls, Liloan 330, Poro 1505, & Samar 53,260 in 17 Towns the whole 100,332. It ought to be observed indeed that this Numeration was before the late Incursion of the Moors who for abt 10 years passed have annually infested the Islands carrying into Captivity seldom less than 1000 tho chiefly women & Children: So that we shall suppose they do not now exceed 80,000 altho we presume this deduction too great as the Number of the Inhabitants of the other Islands are from so late Information as 1761, & as many of the Captures have been made from the other Islands particularly the small ones of whose Inhabitants we have no Numeration & even many from the Island Luzon which we now consider.

Annexed to the Province of Leyte are several smaller Islands which in general as well as the two larger abound in Cacao: Panamao also yields much Sulphur & Maripipi, which affords by report a most agreeable & remarkable appearance, Plenty of Gold.

Bohol adjoining to Leyte also appertains to the Province of Zebu it is a rocky & barren Island of Rice but rich in Mines of [illegible] a[n]d ores of gold it also yelds Cowries. [5] It contains 9 Towns which are all situated on the Sea ashore they are never infested by the Moors being esteemed a valiant People they have no Forts nor Spaniards on the Island but Jesuit Fathers they have however enclosd most of their Towns for Security against Invasion: It is reported they offerd to protect the Islands against the Moorish Inroads if they were exempted the Tribute But this offer was refused Undoubtedly it would well answer the expence were they not only freed from Tribute but paid a ratio of Rice which they obtain by Commerce with the other Islands, for this Service Some of them are at present revolted & having killed two Fathers retired into the Mountains.

They have many tame & wild Hogs & the Seas are full of Fish: Cotton is in abundt. & their women Manufacture it into fine Cloths. The Natives are whiter & better disposed than their Neighbours but speak the Bissaya Language. It is pretended the Sooloos originally came from Bohol or the Natives of it from Sooloo for it is not well agreed which & not much Probability to support either opinion. It contains at least 40,000 People.

Zebu the Next Island to Bohol was that on which the Spaniards first established themselves: it has an excellent Harbour formed by that of Mactan, a small Island chiefly famous for the Death of Magellan. Zebu was greatly injured by the removal of the Seat of Government to Manila. However it has still many Inhabitants particularly Sangleys some whereof are worth 20,000 Dollars. there are many Houses & Convents of Stone: The Number of Inhabitants on the Island is about 25, or 30,000. The Productions of this Island are Borona a small Grain like Millet which is the chief food of the Common People as rice is scarce, Tobacco Abacca & Cotton of which two they make Cloth; It also produces the Best Cacao & some Gold & the Mountains yield some wax & Civet.

Seguiyod [6] which is a small Island to the Southward of Zebu is inhabited by a valiant People but is remarkable for little else except the number of Fire-Flies from which it is said the Name Isla de Fuegos was given it.

Negros is divided into two Jurisdictions under the Corregidor of Ylog the Southern Part to Dumagueté & the N. Part under the Corregidor of Sily established about 10 years ago. The Island is double Land; very fruitful in rice which it transports to Zebu & other places adjoining: Yonote or Gumatty: The Coasts are inhabited by Bissayas to the Number of 20,000 & the inland by many Negros who are hitherto unsubdued & Are very savage.

The Next Island to be mentioned is Pany: Not without reason held the most populous & fruitful of the Philippins: It is divided into two Alcaldeas Capis which contains 40,000 People & Ylo Ylo which has 100,000. It is not only the Granary of Samboango &ca. but sends considerable Supplies to Manila; There are also about 10,000 independant Savages in the Mountains.

This Island besides very great Quantities of Rice, [has] very fine wheat; Plenty of Wax, oil, Abacca; Dammer & several kinds of Cloth of which their women manufacture some very fine: The People are strong, corpulent & fit for any kind of Labor. They are much inclined to hunting the wild Hogs & Deer which are plenty as well as Tame Cattle. The E. Coast has many excellent Harbours but the W. is destitute of Shelter for Shipping the whole Island abounds so much in Rivers that there is nowhere a league of Coast without one & to this [is] owing the extraordinary fertility of the Country.

The Island Mindoro is high double Land with rugged Mountains covered with wood & abounding with various kinds of Palms as Buru, Yonote, or Gumatty of which they make Sago &ca. & in all Country Fruits: In some Places Rice is very plenty as well as Cowrees but the People are the most indolent of the Philippins; The Mountains which yields much wax is inhabited by various tribes of independant Savages. There is one Jurisdiction on the Island the Corregidor whereof resides at Baco:--The Island Marinduque is under this Jurisdiction & yields Dammer wax & Rice: it is remarkable for an excellent Harbour capable of admitting the largest Ships & sheltered from all winds. The Inhabitants in this Jurisdiction are about 20,000.

The Spanish Dominion on Magenda [7] comprehends the whole Coasts from Samboangan by the North to Carayas. In General it yields much Gold, particularly Butuan, wax, Cinnamon, Civet, good Cacao, Cotton, Sago, Rice, & Pepper thrives very well, they have many fine woods Brazil Ebony &ca. & the Country also yields Sulphur & Salt Petré. It is not indeed without Reason this is held the richest of the Philippins & from its many Lakes & Rivers extremely convenient for inland Commerce. The Natives are very numerous inland & besides those under the Spanish Yoke may be divided into three Denominations--The Subanos or Nation of the Rivers who are Gentiles & very numerous. The Illanon who are under many petty Princes situated around the Lake of Mallanao & the Magindaos: the two last being Mahometans & at war with the Spaniards. The Natives under the Spanish Dominion are few in Number compared with the others & we omit their Number to make up any Deficiency in the other Jurisdiction. [8]

Amongst the smaller Islands which remain unmentioned Masbate is the Chief: it yields wine Civet, some amber & when the Spaniards first settled much Gold. The others are not remarkable for their Productions except Polo which yields much Gold & Ligu [i.e., Ligao?] Alloes Lampon opposite to this Island has been proposed for landing the Treasure from Acapulco in war for which it is extremely convenient being only 36 hours Journey to Manila.

It may appear wonderful that so many Islands so excellent in Situation should yield so little for foreign Commerce except Provisions however that is not to be ascribed to the Barreñess of the Country but solely to the Indolence & Bad Government of the Spaniards--However it is past doubt that were there a more equitable Jurisdiction established, that the Benefit attending the Possession of these Islands would be very considerable to be convinced of this it is only requisite to take a review of the Number of People they contain:

Calamian abt. 5,000
Leyte Province 100,332
Bohol abt.-- 40,000
Zebu abt.-- 25,000
Negros 20,000
Pany 140,000
Mindoro abt. 20,000
-------
Total 350,332

From which making a deduction of 20,000 for the Captives made by the Moors the Number of Indians in these Islands, exclusive of Luzon, under the Spanish Dominion must exceed 330,000. The Value of such an acquisition we presume is too evident to need Discussion.

We are now to consider the Practicability of the Conquest.

There are several Forts of Stone on the Southern Islands besides Stockades. But as all these were originally intended against the Moorish Incursions they are not formidable to a European Power if we may be allowed to form a Judgemt from those esteemed by the Spaniards the strongest viz. Samboangan & Ylo Ylo. of which two we have had an opportunity to form some Idea from Personal Observation.

Samboangan Fort & Town mount 65 Guns. But as the Fort is upon the Shoar & deep water close to it the reduction is a matter of few hours the Garrison when Compleat abt. 2 or 300 Guushinanzas but at present very few as we have been assured.

Ylo Ylo is of Stone cracked in several Places it mounts about 50 guns some 18 & 24 pounders & 3 Mortars & had in the End of 1761 a Garrison of 46 Guerchinanyas & 34 Pampanga Soldiers this is the only Fort on Pany & is within Pistol Shot of Shipping but of difficult access & indeed I do not conceive in the S. W. winds that it would be practicable to go thither with large Ships It has no Ditch or Glacis.

Such being the Condition of the two Principal Let us pass [to] a Description of the others but as they occur in the Expedition proposed.

It is proposed that a Europe Ship shall sail for Sooloo in Company with one or more smaller Vessells equipped for war with a Detachment of abt. 50 Europeans & some Seapoys for Sooloo the Europe Ship to take in the Cargo there for China & to proceed for Samboangan the reduction of which Fort we consider as a Matter of Course. The only Use of Samboangan is to prevent the Incursions of the Moors by the Strait of Basilan But this is a Point of no Consequence as it only makes them pass on the S. Side of Basilan it is therefore proposed to dismantle Samboangan or to leave it with the present Spanish Garrison provided they will take the Oath of allegiance till a General Peace settles the Fate of the Philipinas & in that Case to leave them only a Quantity of Ammunition sufficient for occasional Defence.

It is then proposed to proceed to Missamis where a small Stone Fort built lately to command the Pass of Panguel Lake This Place is a Station of the utmost Consequence as the Possession of it opens a Communication with the Illanon with whom by the mediation of Sooloo the Confederacy must be made. The Possession of Missamis will be supported by a Garrison of 25 Europeans & a Guard Ship for which Service a Ship built for a Man of War there may be used & it mand with a Detachment of 30 Men from the Europe Ship whose Place may be supplied with transports or Guachinanyas from Samboangan It is proposed to make a Declaration at taking Samboangan that in Case the Islands do not submit they must stand the Consequence of the Moorish Incursions & a Confederacy with the Moors may be made to aid them in infesting the Spanish Districts by supplying them with Ammunition. The General Terror of the Moors will influence as well the Indians as the Padres to submit when they find that this only can protect them from in truth the greatest of all Calamitys.

It is proposed the Ships shall proceed from Missamis to Zebu the reduction of which City will be a matter of equal Facility & Importance as the Fort is very inconsiderable close to the Sea without Ditch & the Garrison according to the Spanish writers a Compy of 100 Guichenangas & another of Pampangas & Cagayans tho it appears that it is now even more inconsiderable. Adjoining to Zebu is Bohol now in rebellion & said to be apostatized certainly they have murderd & ejected at least some of the Fathers they are considered as of the same Original as the Sooloos & are held the Bravest of the Philipinas. Such Circumstances evince not only the Facility of a Confederacy with them but of the Consequence of this in making a Divission against the Spaniards & protecting the Conquerd Islands to which it may not be improper to observe that some time ago the Boholons offerd if the King of Spain would remit the Tribute that they would protect at their own Charge all the Bissayas which Proposal was however neglected.

There is a Ship at Sooloo which may have good Consequences we mean redeeming with Captives as may be found useful as Guides in the different districts of the Bissayas.

The reduction of Zebu should terminate the action of the Europe Ship which should then proceed to China with her Cargo & on her return call at Manila to Convey the Sultan if he can not be sent sooner. The operation of the other Vessells should be directed towards the reduction of Leyte & Samar which are destitute of Forts & which are solely under the Jurisdiction of the Jesuits.

The N. E. Monsoon is the most convenient time for the attack of Ylo Ylo unless a Detachment could be made from Magendanao. The reduction of Pany is an important Object in two Lights as a Granary to the Bissayas in general & therefore a Security for their Submission & as a Place from whence all our Possessions & even Manila itself may have resource. However the Junction of Bohol & the Moors seem to require the Zebu Rout.

[At the beginning of this document is written the date "23 Novr. 1762," probably the date of the receipt of this plan in London. [9]]

LETTERS FROM CORNISH TO CLEVLAND

Admiralty Office, April 19.

Copy of a letter from Vice-Adm. Cornish, [10] to Mr. Clevland, dated in the bay of Manila, the thirty-first of October 1762.

It is with the greatest pleasure I have the honour to acquaint their Lordships with the success of his Majesty's arms, in the reduction of the city of Manila, which was taken by storm on the morning of the 6th instant. [11] In my letters of the 23d and 31st of July, I acquainted their Lordships with my proceedings to that time; after which I used every possible means at Madrass for dispatch, the decline of the S. W. monsoon making it of the utmost importance. To promote this end, I completed the Elisabeth, Grafton, Lenox, Weymouth, and Argo, with such of the troops and military stores as they were to take on board, and on the 29th sent them away under the command of Commodore Tiddeman, to proceed to Malacca, with a view that they might complete their water there by the time I should arrive with the remainder of the squadron.