Chapter XI: Part 11

[116] Montero y Vidal (ii, pp. 66, 67) says of the archbishop: "The unfortunate archbishop Rojo died January 30, 1764. The English gave him a solemn funeral, their troops granting him all the military honors. This prelate was more imbecile than traitor.... His obstinacy in submitting the islands to the dominion of the English; his struggles against Anda, ... the absolute ignorance as to his powers, and his mission and obligations; his pardonable ignorance of whatever concerned the military defense of the archipelago; ... his calm submission to whatever the English advised, even in matters which were clearly opposed to the integrity and interests of Spain; and other inexplicable acts: ... give an exact idea of the capacity and character of the unfortunate one who had the misfortune to exercise a command in such anxious times, for which he lacked the intelligence, valor, and the conditions necessary for its proper performance." See also ante, pp. 129-131, note 73.

[117] See document by this man in VOL. XLVII, pp. 251-284.

[118] At the death of Governor Arandía, June 1759, the government ad interim was assumed by Miguel Lino de Espeleta, bishop of Cebú. When Rojo took possession of the archiepiscopal see, July 22, 1759, he claimed that the government belonged to him. The auditors Villacorta and Galbán voted for Espeleta, and Calderon and Dávila for Rojo. Espeleta, however, was backed by the troops, and the matter was accordingly decided in his favor. His first measure was the repeal of the celebrated ordinances of good government compiled by Arandía. His next step was the prosecution of Santiago Orendaín, the favorite of Arandía, as he believed him to be the originator of the regulations contrary to the religious, charge of the prosecution being given to Auditor Villacorta. Orendaín took refuge in the Augustinian convent at Tondo, but was given up and lodged in the fort of Santiago. Escaping thence, he was received into the Recollect convent, whence he was taken by soldiers. The matter stirred up the opposing forces, and excommunications followed in rapid succession on both sides, the two auditors, Calderon and Dávila being among those excommunicated. The matter was quashed by the archbishop upon the arrival of a royal decree appointing him governor ad interim (July, 1761). Orendaín was liberated and the records of the case sent to Madrid. See Montero y Vidal, ii. pp. 7-9.

[119] See account of this revolt in VOL. XLVIII.

[120] See Anda's letter to the archbishop, ante, pp. 156-158.

[121] See VOLS. XLIII and XLIII; appendices in vol. ii of Montero y Vidal's Piratería; Barrantes's Guerras piraticas, appendix: for the negotiations between the king of Joló, and his brother Bantilan, and the Spaniards and English respectively. The king Ali-Mudin and his son were taken to Joló by Brereton when the British forces evacuated Manila in 1764. The king abdicated in favor of his son Israel. Thereupon, the Joloans divided into two factions, one in favor of the English and the other, headed by Israel, against them (Montero y Vidal's Piratería, i, p. 338).

[122] "The most singular of these imposts, however, is the Crusade. It was born in the ages of folly and fanaticism during which millions of Europeans set forth to wear themselves out in the East for the recovery of Palestine. The court of Rome revived it in favor of Ferdinand, who in 1509 undertook to wage war against the Moors of Africa. It still exists in Spain, where it is never less than 12 sols 6 deniers, or more than 4 livres. One pays more dearly for it in the New World, where it is collected only once in two years, and where it rises from 35 sols to 13 livres, according to the rank and fortune of the citizens. For this sum, people obtained the liberty of being absolved by their confessors from crimes reserved to [the cognizance of the] pope and the bishops; the right to use on days of abstinence certain forbidden articles of food; and a multitude of indulgences for sins already committed or which might be committed. The government did not strictly oblige its subjects to take this bull, but the priests refused the consolations of religion to those who neglected or disdained it; and perhaps there is not in all Spanish America a man sufficiently courageous or enlightened to brave this ecclesiastical censure." (Raynal, Etablissemens et commerce des Européens, ii, pp. 310, 311.)

[123] Orendain was a mestizo (a lawyer by profession) and maintained cordial relations with Diego Silán, the insurgent; and the communication of the latter may easily have taken place under his auspices. He bought the Augustinian convent and its library which were sold by the English with the understanding that if the latter abandoned the country, the religious could not claim their property. Embarking with the English after the peace, he was killed in Cochinchina by order of the king of that country. Vivar's Relación, p. 299, note.

See also ante, p. 121, note 64.

[124] The laws above mentioned are as follows:

Law lxii: "We declare that the appointment of those who are to be judges of the causes and suits, which are handled in our royal Audiencias, belongs to the viceroys and presidents of them, in those cases, which by virtue of our cedulas, or in any other cases shall arise; and this must be observed in accordance with what is the practice in our councils and Audiencias of these kingdoms of Castilla." [Felipe III, Madrid, March 28, 1620.]

Law lxiii: "The appointment of the judge who is to supply the absence of auditors because of their death or inability, for the determination of matters with the auditor remaining in the Audiencia, belongs to the president of the Audiencia. This is to be the rule on all the occasions that arise, any ordinance to the contrary notwithstanding." [Felipe IV, Madrid, September 30, 1634.]

Law lxxxviii: "We declare and order that, in our Audiencias of the Indias, the least sum for the examination and determination of suits shall be and shall be considered to be three hundred thousand maravedis; and that if the sum does not exceed that amount, suits may be examined and determined by two auditors whose votes must be in harmony in every respect. Two auditors may also try and sentence, in all instances, suits representing a greater sum, in the same manner, except the Audiencias of Mejico and Lima. In those Audiencias it is our will that three votes be unanimous in every particular in order to try and sentence suits representing a greater sum, as is prescribed by the laws of these our kingdoms of Castilla." [Cárlos I, in the new laws of 1542; Felipe II, Aranjuez, September 24, 1568; Felipe IV, Madrid, September 22, 1626.]

Law cvi: "We order and command that when the auditors agree upon the sentence, they summon the clerk of the cause, and secretly order him to write before them the points and the effect of the sentence which they are to give. It shall be set down there and written neatly, and shall be signed before it is pronounced; or at least when it shall be pronounced, it shall be brought in written neatly and be signed by all who were in the assembly, although the vote or votes of one or some may not conform to the contents of the sentence. Consequently, at least in ordinary matters, the sentence shall not be pronounced until it is agreed upon and written neatly and signed. After it shall be published, it cannot be changed in any wise. The clerk shall immediately give in the court a copy of it to the party if he asks it, under penalty of a fine of two pesos for the courts." [Cárlos I, and the queen regent, Madrid, July 12, 1550, ordinance 14, concerning Audiencias; Felipe II, in said ordinances, no. 144.]

Law cxi: "The auditors of our Audiencias where there are no alcaldes of crime, shall try criminal causes in the first instance in the city where the Audiencia resides, and five leguas about it, provided that the prison orders are assigned by at least two auditors." [Cárlos I and the queen regent, 1530.]

Laws cvii-cxix refer to the manner of signing sentences; law cx relates to the action of the Audiencia outside the five-legua district.

[125] A village on the west coast of Panay.

[126] See Anson's description of the voyage of the Acapulco galleon, Kerr's Hist. and coll. of voyages (Edinburg and London, 1824), xi, pp. 406-411.

[127] This vessel made three efforts to make the voyage. In the second it lost its topmasts. Having refitted with spare masts, it sailed again on October 2. Struck by a severe storm, the vessel lost its masts again near the Ladrones, thus necessitating its return to the Philippines. See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 224, 225.

[128] Point Cabcabe, located on the southeast coast of Bataan.

[129] Bantay is the Tagalog word for sentinel, and in the text is given a Spanish plural. See Noceda and Sanlucar's Vocabulario.

[130] A minute of the council of war held September 25, 1762, signed by Ramon de Orendaín, with names of those attending and the decision pronounced by the archbishop is contained in a MS. owned by Edward E. Ayer.

[131] In our original the word is pasionero, which is "one who sings the passion during holy week." It seems probable that it is an error of the amanuensis for prisionero, "prisoner."

[132] According to manuscript maps in the archives of the Indies, at Seville, by the engineer Feliciano Márquez, dated September 30, 1767; and the pilot Francisco Xavier Estorgo, of 1770, the bastion of Carranza is another name for the bastion of San Andrés. An Irish pilot named Raymond Kelly was killed by the British while defending this bastion (see Sitio y conquista, p. 61)

[133] At the council held on the third of October, it was proposed that the women, children, and aged be sent out of Manila. It was also proposed that the governor, courts, and most of the citizens withdraw, leaving the city in charge of a leader with instructions for its defense or surrender. The fiscal recommended system and order in the matter of provisions and supplies, and the advisability of assigning pay to the Indians. But no decided action was taken as many disputes marked the council. The religious were, however, urged to look after the Indians, and aid in the defense of the walls, being permitted in case the city was indefensible, to capitulate, as well as to spike the cannon. Reports of this council, and the ones held on October 26 and 27, and the reply of the officials to the archbishop on October 23, are to be found in an original MS. owned by Edward E. Ayer. An extract from the council of the third is given by Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 24, 25, note; and one from the council of the twenty-sixth, appendix, pp. 584-587. See also Sitio y conquista, pp. 56, 57.

[134] The fiscal Viana, in a deposition made July 6, 1764, attests his losses by the sack of Manila in 1762. He lost his silver service, best clothing, and other things, all amounting to a value of about 4,000 pesos. In the "Santisima Trinidad" he lost 600 pesos. From the beaterio of Santisima Trinidad was also taken a trunk full of silver plate and money belonging to Viana. (From an original MS. belonging to Edward E. Ayer.)

[135] Draper sent forty Frenchmen ahead the morning of the assault to fill up the ditch with the ruins of the bastion; to examine whether there was any ditch which impeded their passage; and communicate everything by signs. This duty was accomplished satisfactorily, for they met no obstacle. See Mas, i, p. 131.

[136] The column that occupied the wall by the left of the foundry took possession of everything as far as the bastion of the gate of Santa Lucía. The greater part of the people were killed, and the gate of Santiago alone was left free. See Sitio y conquista, p. 61.

[137] Ferrando gives this name as Nicolás de Ruiz (Historia, iv, p. 627), but all other accounts give it as Echauz.

[138] Anda was sixty-two years of age when he left Manila to undertake the defense of the provinces. See Mas, i, p. 138.

[139] "Since the natives of these islands, who were living at present, had never seen war like this, and now saw with their own eyes the effects of it, namely, the change of government, the cowardice of the Castilians, and the complete upheaval of order, they were caused great surprise, and thought that the end of the world was come. Consequently, most of them, that is, the herd, not all, began to commit thefts and to commit assaults on the highway, committing many murders, rapes, and other outrages, as is usual on these occasions; especially those who had been imprisoned in the jails for crime, to whom liberty was given in order that they might be of service in this war. Notwithstanding that the English hanged very many without trial or examination, as I saw several times in this place after it was lost, where I stayed for some months. They needed no gallows, for the criminals were hanged from any window grating like bananas." From History of the siege of Manila, by Father Agustín de Santa María, whose MS. is conserved in the Augustinian archives of Madrid. See Mas, i, p. 135, note.

[140] The castellan of Cavite at first refused to surrender the fort, and prepared to defend it. But the soldiers deserted and the natives began to loot the arsenal, whereupon the castellan also fled. See Mas, i, p. 136.

[141] The Augustinian fathers were imprisoned in their convent, although they were permitted to leave it at times provided it should be within the city. Suddenly a counter order was given and they were deprived of that permission. It was believed that the English were making such demonstrations in order that the Augustinians might surrender to them the silver that they had hidden. But since the procurator was firm in not revealing it, they were treated as traitors because their brothers favored the side of Anda. The English collected religious to the number of twelve, and embarked them to take them to Europa. One of them was released at the request of the archbishop. After the fathers had embarked, the English entered their convent and sacked it, so that nothing was left in it. They found six thousand pesos of coined silver which had been hidden in a garden, and the wrought silver which had been concealed when the question of paying the million was discussed. They did not pardon the relics of the saints, which they threw on the ground, in order to take the reliquaries in which they were kept. See Martinez de Zúñiga, pp. 641, 642.

[142] In the convent of the Augustinians in Manila, the British seized 8,000 pesos in money, and 20,000 in goods. The archbishop under threats of the conquerors ordered the heads of the Augustinian order to submit to the British authorities. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 73, 76.

[143] Probably Juan Manuel Maldonado de Puga, author of Religiosa hospitalidad, which has appeared in our VOL. XLVII.

[144] The archbishop offered José Pedro Busto (who had come to the islands with his friend Governor Arandía) the post of provincial in the name of the British government with a salary of 5,000 pesos per year, together with the perquisites of the office and the aid that he would need. But he refused it, and left Manila with twenty Cagayans, who accompanied him, and although pursued by mounted Sepoys, was not overtaken. Joining Anda, he became the real military arm of the opposition. At an estate held by the Jesuits in Mariquina, and where he was aided by the Jesuits, he urged the natives to resist British rule, being followed by the majority of them, whereupon he was able to attack and punish some of the ladrones of the region. He obtained many advantages by fighting in guerrila fashion. When Anda finally entered Manila as the British were about to evacuate the city, Busto accompanied him. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 85-89. et seq.

[145] The British exiled the superior of the Augustinians from Manila, and forbade him to live in any of the four neighboring provinces; and confiscated all the property of that order (Sitio y conquista, p. 83).

[146] Anda's force, says Le Gentil (ii, p. 262) consisted of about 9,000 men, of whom 2,000 were armed with muskets, and about 300 Europeans, most of whom were French deserters from the British. To such an extent did the desertion of the French occur that the British sent those left them (about 150) back to India. Anda refused the offer of a French sergeant to endeavor to cause the desertion of the Sepoys, on the ground that they were Mahometans. Anda's force, before he surrendered the command to Francisco de la Torre, is specified by Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, pp. 132, 133), as follows: 12 infantry companies, consisting of 1,370 men, of whom 223 were deserters from the British; 2 cavalry companies, consisting of 293 men, of whom 100 were Spaniards, and the rest Cagayans, and 50 of whom had muskets, 50 blunderbusses, and the rest spears; 100 cavalry dragoons; 281 artillerymen, some of them deserters, most armed with sabers, and a few with muskets; 100 Indians commanded by the native colonel, Santos de los Angeles. 60 being infantry with muskets, and 40 cavalry with short firearms and spears; 300 native and mestizo commissary troops armed with muskets and bows and arrows, whose duty it was to prevent the entrance of food into Manila; 3 Boholans, armed with lance and shield, who acted as Anda's bodyguard; 400 Visayans, armed with bows and arrows; 2,000 Indians, enlisted in the villages near Polo, as a reserve; in addition to the natives used in other employments. Le Gentil (ii, pp. 266-268) accuses Anda of inaction, although he had an army of more than 10,000 men. But he adds that Anda could not count on his native troops, and had no large guns.

[147] The British troops under Thomas Backhouse, who invaded the provinces November 8, 1762, easily forced an entrance into the village of Pasig, driving the natives who opposed them like a herd of frightened sheep (Mas, i, pp. 162, 163).

[148] Anda's agents scoured the environs of Manila for contributions, and it is said that they committed many exactions. See Le Gentil, ii, p. 269.

[149] The letter written by the archbishop on October 29, to the provincials of the religious orders. His own sins he fears have been the cause of the loss of Manila and other places. But God has been merciful in much, and liberty, trade, and religion are preserved for the inhabitants. An attempt is being made to collect the one million of the ransom money demanded, and the rest will be taken from the "Filipino" and bills of credit on the Spanish monarch. It is necessary to cede the islands because of the force of the enemy in order to avoid greater misfortune. This cession is merely a temporary deposit made to the British sovereign. The aid of the religious is asked in preserving order and the statu quo, by not opposing the British.

[150] A copy of the letter written by the archbishop to Draper under date of October 29, 1762, and translated from the Latin, in which it was couched, into Spanish, is contained in a MS. owned by Edward E. Ayer. The archbishop servilely addresses Draper as "Prudent and most clement conqueror," and "most humane sir." The inhabitants are doing their best to gather the million demanded at once, and the archbishop has given all the silver of his church (except what is absolutely necessary for the sacrifice of the mass) and even his pectorals. He bewails the fate that makes it necessary for him to cede the islands to the English. Draper's letter on the twenty-seventh (twenty-eighth, English calendar) of October follows this, although it should properly precede it. It dwells on the humanity of the English, and the fact that by the cession of a few places, the archbishop has avoided much ruin, for the English arms would easily have reduced them; and the inhabitants have been left freedom of worship, trade, their possessions, churches, and convents. Those who persuade the archbishop through a false sense of honor not to cede the islands will be responsible for the consequences. The auditors are to immediately sign the cession. The cession signed on the thirtieth (English date) is as follows: "Sir: All the islands subordinate to that of Luzon, of which Manila is the capital (in the manner and form at present under the dominion of his Catholic Majesty) are to be ceded to his Britannic Majesty. The latter is to be the recognized sovereign until the peace between both kings decides their fate. Their religion, goods, privileges, possessions, and trade are to be conserved to the subjects of España who inhabit these islands, in the same manner that they have been conserved for the inhabitants of Manila and on the island of Luzon. All the alcaldes, governors, and military men shall enjoy the honors of war if they give their word of honor not to serve or bear arms against his Britannic Majesty during this war. The archbishop and auditors shall sign this agreement. [Signed] Guillermo Draper." It is to be noted that the archbishop's synopses of the various letters mentioned in the text correspond with the letters themselves.

[151] When Draper left Manila, he took what he wished from the archbishop's palace in which he lived. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 76, 77.

[152] A reference to Matthew xvi, 26, the Latin of the Vulgate being: Quid enim prodest homini si mundum universum lucretur, animæ vero suæ detrimentum patiatur? Aut quam dabit homo commutationem pro anima sua? This reads as follows in the Douay version: "For what doth it profit a man, if he gain the whole world, and suffer the loss of his own soul? Or what exchange shall a man give for his soul?"

[153] Various disorders were committed in Laguna province by the Indians. Dissatisfied with their alcalde-mayor because he favored the archbishop, the captain of Pagsanban issued a circular against the alcalde-mayor, treating him as a traitor. In return he was arrested and publicly lashed. The Indians, infuriated, ill-treated the alcalde-mayor's family, killing his brother-in-law, and later the alcalde himself. For this they were pardoned by Anda, who saw himself powerless to pursue any other course just then. See Mas, i, pp. 159, 160.

[154] Anda wrote Bishop Ustariz asking his coöperation in the maintenance of quiet in the provinces, in view of the British invasion, and the danger that threatened the Catholic faith. This letter the bishop sent to the Augustinian provincial with one of his own, asking him to conserve Spanish interests as much as possible, and to enrol the aid of the natives. An order promulgated by Anda, October 6, 1762, enjoins watchfulness on the part of the alcaldes-mayor. They are to forbid all passage to Manila, both of persons and supplies; are to deny all aid to the British and all strangers in their jurisdiction; and are to arrest or kill all suspects. See Vivar's Relación, pp. 294-296.

[155] Villacorta, whom Le Gentil terms a "just and impartial man," asserted that Anda was unjust toward Rojo, who was very sincere in his devotion to the Spanish sovereignty (Le Gentil, ii, p. 271). Villacorta had however himself conspired against Anda.

[156] See the British figures regarding the ransom money, post.

[157] The admiralty archives in England may have various data regarding this.

[158] With Cornish also went Auditor Pedro Calderon and his daughter, who went to Spain, and some missionaries, officers, and soldiers (Sitio y conquista, p. 77).

[159] More than four hundred houses were ruined in the barrios of Santa Cruz and Binondo by the British after the assault (Sitio y conquista, pp. 72, 73).

[160] The British found some copper on the "Filipino," and before setting fire to the vessel, spiked the cannon (Sitio y conquista, p. 72).

[161] In order to secure the release of Villacorta, it was alleged that he was insane; but his release was only accomplished after a money payment (Sitio y conquista, p. 75).

[162] In the province of Panay, the alcalde was corrupted by the English, but was prevented from surrendering the province, as he was seized and imprisoned by the Augustinians there, an act approved by Anda. In Cebú, quiet was restored after the alcalde was hanged with the aid of the loyal Augustinians. See Mas, i, pp. 161, 162.

[163] See synopses and excerpts of these letters, ante, pp. 153-160.

[164] The provinces of Pampanga and Bulacan remained faithful during the English invasion and were the only resource for the Spaniards (Mas, i, p. 160).

[165] The Indians and Chinese revolted in San Pablo de los Montes, killing their priest, Francisco Fierro, O.S.A. The people of Tanavan also killed their priest, Andres Enriquez, O.S.A. Other priests of other orders were killed, but members of the Society of Jesus escaped. For they showed themselves two-faced, since on one side, they were for the English, while on the other side, they declared for Anda, who, however, greatly mistrusted them. See Mas, i, pp. 160, 161 (citation from the MS. of Jesus de Santa Maria).

[166] Ferrando (iv, p. 638, note) has the following from a contemporary MS.: "But the most celebrated and comical, was the disappearance of one hundred and thirty-five American soldiers, who by means of a rare stratagem deceived the vigilance of an English company which was guarding them in the castle of San Fernando or the alcaicería of the Chinese. In order that they might succeed in their projected attempt, they mined a bit of land as far as the outlet of the guardhouse, and then asked for permission to enact a farce. Their request was granted without any difficulty, and on the day assigned for the representation, the one who took the part of the comedian began to make his conclusion while the others were going out of the mine. Finally the comedian concluded by saying that he was going to call his companions, and went away to where they had escaped. When the sentinels saw that they delayed in coming, suspecting what had really happened, they searched the place where the actors ought to have been. But the latter were already outside of Tondo, and immediately joined a company which Anda, previously notified of the project, had sent them. On account of this jest the English were greatly ashamed, and although they were angry at the occurrence, yet they praised the ingenious stratagem."

[167] This order was given at Apalit, January 27, 1763, and the four churches mentioned were those of Malate, Ermita, Santiago, and San Juan de Bagumbaya. The alcaldes and other officials were ordered to fire any public buildings, churches, or convents, which might serve as fortification to the enemy, immediately, if the village were attacked. See Malo de Luque, v, pp. 281-284; alto Montero y Vidal, ii, appendix, pp. 591-593, where it is published entire.

[168] Biñang, in Laguna.

[169] i.e., Drake, Smith, and Brook, the representatives of the East India Company, who were left in charge after Draper and Cornish left.

[170] This is the "Manifesto juridico defensorio en respuesto de los reparos hechos por el Padre Fray Antonio de las Huertas, de el Orden de Predicadores, a un Memorial que en Real Consejo de las Indias presentó el Padre Luis A. de Morales de la Compañia de Jesus, Procurador de su Religion, por las Provincias de Filipinas. Escrivele el Padre Pedro de Espinar de la Compañia de Jesus, Provincial General de su Religion, por las Provincias de Indias [Madrid, ca., 1680]." Pedro de Espinar died at Madrid, August 31, 1795. Luis de Morales was born at Tordesillas, September 29, 1641, and entered the Society August 28, 1658. After going to Manila he acted as missionary at various places, and in 1685 went to Europe as procurator. He was appointed visitor of Mexico, and then provincial of the Philippine missions, and finally rector of the Manila college, where he died, June 14, 1716. See Sommervogel's Bibliothèque.

[171] This last paragraph is evidently a note by Ventura del Arco.

[172] The British forces were greatly diminished through intemperance, sexual excesses, the heat, and carelessness of diet. They asked aid from Madras, which was about to be sent when the news of the peace came. At that time the forces at Manila were reduced to eight hundred men, and were already resolving on means of defense, and if need be, capitulation. See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 265, 266.

[173] Le Gentil (ii, pp. 272, 273) records that Anda was made a counsellor of Castile by the king as a recompense for his services. In addition he also asked money from the friars for the service which he had rendered them, but they refused to give him any, employing to convey their refusal a lawyer of Manila, named Dr. Aranas.

[174] Fayette was offered the command of the government at Zamboanga for the English; as was also a Spaniard named Luis Sandoval: but it was refused by both (Mas, i, p. 137).

[175] The English took charge of Rojo's obsequies since the Spaniards were too poor to do so, according him military honors on a magnificent scale (Le Gentil, ii, p. 271).

[176] See synopsis of this letter, ante, pp. 142-143.

[177] See ante, pp. 136-137, note 80.

[178] Le Gentil (ii, p. 268, et seq.), who was influenced by his friendship with Rojo's nephew, jests at Anda's pretensions to the office of governor and captain-general and underrates his ability.

[179] During the sickness of the archbishop, the question arose as to his successor in the government (an office really held by Anda). Villacorta, who had joined Anda, and who had been left in Bacolor by the latter who had gone to attend to camp matters, claimed the office as senior auditor. Anda, hearing of the matter, immediately returned to Bacolor. Villacorta passed the matter off as mere conversation. But Anda investigating further, found that Galbán and Viana claimed that Bishop Ustáriz should be governor, in accordance with royal orders. Anda sought advice from various ecclesiastics, but they all refused any direct answer except the Jesuit, Franciscan, and Recollect provincials, who declared in Anda's favor. The discussion was finally ended by the arrival of the new governor ad interim, Francisco de la Torre. See Mas, i, pp. 188-191.

[180] On arriving at Bacolor, Anda speedily improvised a powder factory and foundry, and assumed the offensive immediately. The powder factory was directed by fathers Eugenio Garrido, parish priest of San Miguel de Mayumo, and Agustín María Castro, O.S.A.; and the foundry, by Father Facundo Acosta. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 39 and note.

[181] The original of this letter exists in Academia de la Historia, Madrid, "Colección Mata Linares, tomo 97" (Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 50, note).

[182] Shortly before leaving Manila the British lost a ship which was burned at Cavite, forty-three men perishing (Sitio y conquista, p. 130).

[183] This is probably the Mercure de France, which was founded by Visé, in 1672, under the name of Mercure galant, and is the second oldest paper of France. The name Mercure de France was adopted by Lefevre in 1714. In 1788 a political part was added under the title "Historical and political news." The publication of the sheet was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814-1823, and definitely abandoned in 1825. A number of papers have adopted the name Mercure in imitation of it. See Grand Dictionnaire (Paris), vol. xi.

[184] When Manila was surrendered, in order to receive the Augustinian convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay 10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be considered as proper in the courts of Madrid and London. The British court approved the operations of the English council, and by virtue of their sentence, an Englishman went to Madrid to collect the 10,000 pesos. See Mas, i, p. 195, note.

[185] Upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in Pangasinan, Anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (Mas, i, pp. 148, 149).

[186] A communication from Drake to Silán, May 9, grants him the titles of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of Ilocos. Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 100.

[187] The title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of publication, or author) reads as follows: "A plain narrative of the reduction of Manila and the Philippine Islands." This is listed in the bibliography issued by the Library of Congress, Books of the Philippine Islands (p. 124), under the joint authorship of Sir Samuel Cornish and Sir William Draper, because the signatures of both are appended to the several "Conditions" and "Proposals" inserted at the end (which we publish elsewhere). It is probable, however, that the latter alone is the author of the Plain narrative, as is evident if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet, Colonel Draper's answer, which is signed by the latter. From the internal evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to believe that the Plain narrative was published at London in 1764, and prior to Colonel Draper's answer.

[188] The following items from various British magazines contemporary with the siege show the considerable place taken in English politics by the question of the ransom:

The Gentleman's Magazine for 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under date of November 15: "A categorical answer came over from the courts of France and Spain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of the Manillas, both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused by the said powers."

The London Chronicle for February 28-March 2, 1765 (vol. xvii, no. 1279) says: "We hear the Spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000 piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the Manillas, for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of October 1762, when it was taken by storm by the English forces."

"London, Jan. 25. By letters from Madrid we are assured that Lord Rochfort had, in consequence of orders from England, demanded the final sentiments of the Catholic ministry, respecting the payment of the Manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted." (Scots Magazine, 1766, p. 48.)

"London, May 20. They write from Madrid, that some dispatches, just received from Manilla, in the East Indies, which the court had impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of the ransom-bills; and that Lord Rochfort appeared to be on very good terms with the Catholic ministry." (Ut supra, p. 270.)

"London, Aug. 29. According to letters from Madrid, one reason alledged for the non-payment of the Manilla ransom is the delay of the expected flotas from New Spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of money." (Ut supra, p. 441.)

"Paragraph of a letter from Madrid. Our politicians are at a loss to know what will be the result of the demand made by the English ambassador, for the payment of the Manilla ransom. If the English court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the Spanish court would rather pay it, than venture another war with G. Britain. All I can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on, as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress of trade between Manilla and the South seas, as they seem to think the whole riches of the mines will be centered in China, with which this court has no trade. This seems probable enough since the expulsion of the Jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not pay for the additional fortifications of that place (Manilla) since it has been given up by the English. But if one may add his thoughts, I believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above demand, would be more powerful intercessors." (Ut supra, 1767, p. 549.)

"London, Nov. 19. A letter from Madrid has this passage: 'Sir James Gray, the British Minister, has already entered upon his negotiation, of which the Manilla affair and the West-India commerce are the first objects.'" (Ut supra, p. 605.)

[189] If this Ship was not admitted in the Capitulation by any Accident of Non Compliance with the Terms of the Vice Roy's Letter in that Case, we agreed to take his Bills on the King of Spain, he assuring us they would be duly paid. (Note by Draper.)

[190] The damage sustained by the Inhabitants before the plundering could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the Ransom. (Note by Draper.)

[191] A Spanish Galleon sailing from the Havannah a Month before the Arrival of Sir George Pocock and Lord Albemarle to attack that Place, and taken in her Passage to Cadiz by two English Cruizers off the Canary or Western Islands, might with the same Degree of Equity be claimed by the Spaniards under their Capitulation for the Havannah. (Note by Draper.)

[192] See ante, pp. 71, 72, note 28.

[193] This is reprinted in vol. ii of The Field of Mars (London, 1781). See Bibliography of Philippines (Washington, 1903), p. 124.

[194] The full title of this book is as follows: "Colonel Draper's answer to the Spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing payment of the ransom bills, for preserving Manila from Pillage and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl of Halifax, his Majesty's principal secretary of state for the southern department. London: printed for J. Dodsley, in Pall-mall. MDCCLXIV."

Scots Magazine for 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the money received by the English from the conquest of Manila:

Three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received on account of the capture of Manila. The first consisted of 526,306 Spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate, and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000 dollars. The second arose from the balance of the first account, and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores, confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a fraction. The third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at Manila and Fort St. George, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. Of each of these the East-India company received one third. Distribution has also been made of the effects saved out of the Spanish galley attacked and destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of Manila, amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. The total distribution to each class, being cast into Sterling money, comes out thus:

Between the Admiral, General, and
Commodore, 1/8th £.14120 12 9
To the Captains of the navy, and Field-officers
of the army, 2/8th, each 1539 0 8 1/2
To the Lieutenants and Masters of the navy, and
Captains of the army, 1/8th, each 165 4 8
To the warrant-officers of the navy, and
subalterns of the army, 1/8th, each 80 0 5 1/2
To the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm.
officers of the army, 1/8th, each 30 0 1
To the seamen and soldiers, 2/8ths, each 6 0 3

[195] i.e., The renown of the deed is enough for me.

[196] A famous Spanish Ambassador, in the Reign of James the First. (Colonel Draper's Answer, p. 9, note.)

[197] These arguments are presented by Draper in French and English parallel texts, the latter evidently being translated from the former.

[198] The Spaniards, by sailing to Manila, by the West, are a Day later in their Computation of Time in that Country. (Colonel Draper's Answer, p. 13, note.)

[199] The Marquis de Ayerbe says that the British soldiery left nothing of value in the private houses, and rendered useless what they did not care to carry away. They committed numberless atrocities. At the convent of St. Dominic, they cut off the head of the Virgin of the rosary. They sacked and profaned the churches. The archives of the Audiencia, secretaryship, offices of the treasury, and many private papers, were burned. They were aided by the servants of the Spaniards and the natives who had come to defend the capital. On the petition of the archbishop, guards were placed by Draper in the convent of the nuns of Santa Clara and in the beaterios. That being done, Draper ordered the sack for three hours, a period which was prolonged to more than forty. The drunken soldiers violated the defenseless women, looted, destroyed, and profaned the churches, being aided in this by the Chinese and criminals who had been given their liberty. At the end of twenty-four hours, the archbishop protested, but notwithstanding the orders of Draper, the sack continued. The most inhuman deeds are said to have been committed by the natives. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 67, 68; and Montero y Vidal, pp. 31, 32, and note.

[200] i.e., "Even to the death."

[201] Before the sack began, Draper ordered all the Indians to leave Manila. He also ordered whatever had been taken from the churches to be restored, but nothing was found except some vestments taken by the Sepoys, who appeared on the walls dressed in the same. Especially were the sacred places treated with deep respect. The religious were allowed to return to their convents, in an endeavor to gain their powerful influence. Especially did he try to win over the Augustinian ex-provincial Remijio Hernandez, then in charge of the province, writing him several letters. But he was unable to obtain his desire, for Hernandez remained firm in his loyalty. See Mas, i, pp. 134, 135, 137.

[202] A letter written to the London Chronicle, and published in that paper, for the issue of December 27-29, 1764, no. 252, p. 618, attests the humanity of General Draper. The writer, an eyewitness of the storming of Manila, asserts that Draper took very careful precautions to avoid the excesses that are liable to occur at such a time, with the miscellaneous troops under his command. As soon as the capitulation was in force, the chief men of Manila were allowed to retire into the country to escape possible contagion from the carnage. The writer denies any personal motive for the declaration, as he was really at Manila against his will, and has no connection with army or navy. "The following is nearly an exact list of the troops, that were employed on that expedition: 500 regulars, Mr. Draper's own regiment; 250 Marines; 500 seamen; 600 Seapoys (black troops); 250 French, who, to be free of a prison, had entered into the Company's service--a total of 2,100. The increasing these to 4000, and representing them as let loose to every degree of rapine, after the capitulation, are both equally unjust, and carry their conviction; nor can there be any greater evidence of Mr. Draper's humanity and presence of mind, than that with such a body of troops he should restrain their impetuosity at such a period." If the Spaniards fail in paying the ransom, they should surrender the city in the condition in which it was at the time of the surrender.

[203] Col. Draper's answer to this point is contained in Scots Magazine for 1764, pp. 722-724; and an extract is given in London Chronicle, 1764, p. 612.

[204] When Colonel Draper left Manila, all the Oyidores (the first Magistrates of the Place) were taken as Hostages: What has been done with them since that Time, he supposes Mr. Drake, the Deputy Governor, will inform the East India Company, and the Ministry. (Colonel Draper's Answer, p. 27, note.)

[205] Francisco Javier de la Torre.

[206] The diminutive of Moros.

[207] Evidently a reference to Sebastian Joseph Carvalho e Mello, Marquis Pombal, the Portuguese prime minister, who expelled the Jesuits from Portugal by the decree of September 1, 1759; and to the famous Lisbon earthquake of November 1, 1755. See Nicolini's History of Jesuits (London, 1879); Cretineau-Joly's Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus (Paris, 1859), v; and Griesinger's Jesuits (London, 1903, 3d ed.).

[208] The storm against the Jesuits, which ended with the expulsion of the order in 1770.

[209] The original of this document is worn in many places. Matter in brackets is conjectural readings; otherwise the lacunas are indicated by periods.

[210] This trouble with the Jesuits arose first from the sermon preached by Father Francisco Javier Puch, S.J., March 9, 1764, in which he accused the alcaldes-mayor of robbing both king and natives (Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 116, 117; and Ferrando, v, pp. 9-16).

[211] i.e., Let them be erased from the book of life.

[212] One of these MSS., entitled Breve noticia de los Religiosos Agustinos Calzados de esta provincia de Filipinas..., and which belongs to Bernardino Hernando, O.S.A., reader in the Valladolid convent, has the following data in regard to the contributions made to the English: "From the royal coffers, 12,469 pesos; from the governor, 6,991; from the cathedral, 9,000 pesos in coined silver, and 33,973 in wrought silver; the church of Quiapo, 716 pesos in wrought silver; that of Ermita, 5,117, ditto; from [the Order] of St. Dominic and tertiary branch, 16,028 in coined silver, and 11,616 in wrought; from the tertiary branch of [the Order of] St. Francis, 58,000 pesos in coined silver, and 970 in wrought; from [the Order of] St. Augustine, 25,556 pesos in coined silver, and 11,025 pesos in wrought silver; from the Society, 40,434 pesos in coined silver, and 8,794 in wrought silver; from the Misericordia, 196,042 pesos, 2 reals, and 4 granos in coined silver; from the minor Ruiz, 1,472 pesos in wrought silver, and 836 of the deposit belonging to Varela: all of which items make a total of 459,420 pesos. The wealthy citizens and families, to wit: Infante, Reyes, Jugo, Villar, Suárez, Ocampo, Memije, Varela, Bogan, Piñón, Monteroso, Mazo, Neyra, Lizárraga, Ruano, Noriega, Castro, Solano, Otal, Casañas, Cachit, Mantilla, Barrio, León y Verdugo--48,777 pesos. The sack amounted to 418,442 pesos. The English seized 25,000 pesos from [the property of] the absent Blanco; from the marqués de Monte Castro, 8,000 pesos; from the marquesa de Salinas, 10,000 pesos; in the seizure of San Pablo, the convent of the Calced Augustinian fathers, 60,000 pesos, which were buried, in coined silver, and 40,000 in wrought silver. To all these items must be added 2,000,000 pesos which were charged against his Catholic Majesty's treasury. The total sum is 3,069,639 pesos."