Chapter X: Part 10

I have just now received your Letter enclosing a Paragraph from Tellicherry, and I here with send you a Letter for the secrety. of state, which I desire you will forward by the Tartar snow,

I am &ca.

S. L. M.

To the Earl of Bute 2d February 1763

My Lord

Having just now had the enclosed Paragraph sent me by the Governour & Council here I do myself the Honour of immediately transmitting it to your Lordship

I am &ca.

S. L. M.

A letter from "Captain Duff of the 89th Regimt.," dated "Fort St. George 24 Jañry 1763" contains the following:

"In my letter sent by Captn Morrison I mentioned the news of this place at that time, in particular the arrival of Captain Wood of the Company's Troops from Manilha with the account of the surrender of that place to General Draper the 6th of last October he says that the Field officers have all made their fortunes and that General Draper with Colonel Scott and two or three more officers were to go home in November on board the seahorse man of War. It is said each of the field officers have Cleared £ 12,000 and in the event of the acapulco ship being taken, of which they seemed to be pretty certain they should share very near as much more. The General and admirals shares are prodigious."

The above paragraph was sent by S. L. M. to the "Governour & Council, 4 march 1763"

A letter from "General Lawrence, Fort, St. George 9 February 1763" says:

"The Expedition to Manila has deprived us of so many men & we are not likely to have them again, that we are in great want here. I beg you will remind the Governour of sending the remainder of Monsons whenever opportunity's offer."

[28] A correspondent writes to the editor of Scots Magazine under date of June 21, 1767 (see Scots Magazine for 1767, pp. 305, 306) the following: "By an advertisement in the Daily Advertiser of the 13th instant, notice is given to the officers and soldiers who are intitled to share in the capture of Manilla, that they will, on the 3d of July next, be paid their respective shares of the sum of 8053 l. 17 s. 8d. arising from sales of stores taken at Manilla, and other prizes; 'one third part of the sum being first deducted, as the proportion allotted to the East-India company.' And as many disputes have arisen concerning the right of the East-India company to share in those conquests, permit me to state the matter in its true light. In the years 1757 and 1758, the East-India company's principal settlements in that part of the world, were in the utmost danger of being totally ruined, and their trade destroyed, by the superior forces of the French; and on a proper representation to government, a fleet was fitted out at a very considerable national expence, to save them from the then impending ruin. The forces sent out in the year 1758 for this purpose, met with the desired success: Calcutta was retaken; Pondecherry, Vellure, Arney, and several other principal forts, cities, and garrisons, were taken from the French, with money, stores, ammunition, and other effects, to the amount of some millions, which the East-India company, or their servants, took the entire possession of, and have appropriated to their own use, though by the laws of conquest, as well as by his Majesty's gracious declaration, the whole of the booty belongs to those brave officers, soldiers, and seamen, who were at the reduction of those important conquests. After the uncommon fatigues and hardships of his Majesty's troops in the reduction of those places, they were ordered to the siege of Manilla; which they took by storm: and that city being afterwards ransomed by the Spaniards for one million Sterling, this powerful and generous ally, the East-India company, was modest enough to demand only one-third part of the entire ransom; and one-fourth part of the said million Sterling being paid shortly after the conquest, and hostages delivered to his Majesty's commanders, as sureties for payment of the remainder, the East-India company were accordingly paid one third part of 250,000 l. and the hostages delivered over to their governor there; but, for reasons best known to themselves, their governor thought proper to deliver up the said hostages to the Spaniards, without taking any further security for the payment of the remainder of the ransom, being 750,000 l. and therefore not one shilling thereof has been since paid. This, Sir, is the true state of this shameful and scandalous transaction, which I have no doubt but you will speedily communicate to the public."

[29] Published with the first two of the following "Proposals" and "Conditions" in London Gazette, April 16-19, 1763; London Chronicle, 1763, pp. 369-370; London Magazine, 1763, pp. 212-214; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 245-248; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 199-201.

[30] This date is given as the 7th in Colonel Draper's Answer, and in Draper's Plain Narrative; but all other sources available give the 6th.

[31] These signatures are omitted by Scots Magazine; we take them from The Universal Magazine.

[32] These signatures are taken from The Universal Magazine.

[33] Possibly for Orden tercera, referring to the tertiary branch of one of the religious orders.

[34] Draper's Journal should be compared throughout with Rojo's. The Spanish figures for the English force are as follows: 13 warships, which the blind authorities believed to be a Chinese trading fleet (Malo de Luque's Establecimientos ultramarinos, Madrid, 1790, v, p. 238); 1,500 European soldiers; two companies of artillerymen; 3,000 European seamen armed with muskets; 800 Sepoy musketeers, and 1,400 for work--a total of 6,830 men. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 13; and Rojo's Journal, post.

[35] Some Armenian merchants from Madras told the archbishop that a squadron was being prepared there for the capture of Manila. A certain secular priest had a letter which contained the same news; while Father Cuadrado, O.S.A., received another letter which mentioned the declaration of war between England and Spain. On September 14, word was received in Manila from the outposts on the island of Corregidor of the appearance of a vessel there the preceding day. A small boat sent ashore from this vessel inquired how many vessels were in the bay, and whether the "Filipino" had entered. This vessel left on the 17th without any salute. This produced no other sensation in Manila than some slight suspicions, and no preparations were taken. Word was, however, despatched to the "Filipino" to make some other port than at Manila. See Le Gentil's Voyage, ii, pp. 236, 237; Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 12, 13; and Sitio y conquista de Manila (Zaragoza, 1897), by Marquis de Ayerbe, pp. 33, 34.

[36] While the Spaniards were deliberating on the defense of this place, the British captured it. Two companies of fifty men each who had been sent for its defense fled on seeing the British before them, with the exception of twenty-five men, under Captain Baltasar Cosar. See Sitio y conquista de Manila, p. 38.

[37] Called César Fallet in the Spanish accounts, but Le Gentil gives his name as Fayette. He was a French officer then in the Spanish service, and was later at Pondicherry. See post, Rojo's Journal. Rojo's account makes the Spanish force larger.

[38] The council of war called on the twenty-fifth of September (the twenty-sixth, English date) because of the English summons for surrender, was attended by the following, under the presidency of the archbishop: Auditors Villacorta, Galbán, and Anda; the fiscal Francisco Leandro de Viana; the marquis de Villamediana, master-of-camp and commandant of the garrison; Martin de Goicocoa, sargento-mayor of the city; the marquis de Monte-Castro y Llana Hermosa, Leandro Rodríguez Varela, alcalde-in-ordinary; José Antonio Memije y Quirós, alguacil-mayor; Antonio Díaz Conde, provincial alcalde of the Hermandad; Alberto Jacinto Reyes, accountant; and Fernando Carabeo, royal official. After Draper's letter was read, all voted unanimously: "That inasmuch as this place was in condition to continue its defense, as no especial harm had been seen to have been done by the enemy, notwithstanding the continual and lively firing from the 23d when the siege commenced until the present, therefore they are unanimous and in harmony in their opinion that this place should be defended until the last extremity; and the enemy should be informed to the effect that the Spanish arms did not surrender to any power, for they alone venerated their sovereign, whose royal sovereignty never deserted his faithful vassals, not even in the most remote part of this dominion, as were these islands, in which the love and loyalty of their inhabitants was great, and obliged them to the defense of this place." See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 16, 17.

[39] Cf. Rojo's description of the fortifications of Manila, post.

[40] Various boats were overturned during the wind, and some of those who escaped to land, among them some Malabar deserters, begged shelter from the Spaniards, but it was refused them with volleys, whereupon they fled. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 50, 51.

[41] "In Manila was a Beata who lived on the alms sent her from Mexico, or those which she collected in Manila. She maintained and supported a certain number of girls, who consented to retire with her and to lead the same manner of life--that is to say, a life of retreat and repentance. They followed the rules of no particular order. That community did not have the approbation of the court of Rome, but that did not prevent it from being tolerated, and even from being in excellent odour. She was called Mother Paula. The fiscal had much confidence in her, and sent the greatest part of his possessions to the house of this woman. This Beata assured him that Manila would not fall; that the English were all going to become Catholics; and that the fulfilment of her prediction would speedily be seen. The fiscal believed her. Completely enthused, he went to find the archbishop. 'Sir,' said he, on saluting him, 'we have nothing to fear; I have just left Mother Paula; the English are all going to be converted to the faith; we shall drink excellent wine at their expense.'" See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 240, 241.

[42] Accompanying the map shown on p. 95, is the following:

"Notice:

"Although yellow is generally used to designate works projected, it has been necessary to employ it here in the stone buildings existing, for the lack of carmen. For lack of verdigris, emery has been employed in the wash for the seashores, rivers, etc.

"That part washed with Chinese ink represents the islands that have at present houses of wood, bamboo, and nipa. Those which are designated by lines without washing were burned during the siege.

"The squares or islands with houses are represented by dots. Those unwashed are of stone, which were also burned.

"The part washed in verditer shows the gardens and rice fields.

"In the delineation and washing of this plan, several defects are noted, which are to be excused as it was made at sea, under the necessary discomfort of the balancing of the boat, and lack of what was needful for its perfection. The explanation is sent separately, as there is no room on this sheet [marco]." Scale 200 Castilian varas to 4 1/4 cm. The size of the original MS. map is 59 x 48 cm.

[43] The Marquis de Ayerbe says (Sitio y conquista, p. 60) that forty of these men were killed, among them being several wounded men, one of whom was the sargento-mayor, Martin de Goycoa (sic).

[44] Many of the inhabitants of Manila fled to the Pasig after the assault, and when attempting to swim across, were fired upon by the British, with horrible carnage. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 27, 28.

[45] The captors imposed several contributions on the conquered. They seized a champan and its money and effects that was despatched without a passport by Fernando Calderón to the provinces for purposes of trade. See Sitio y conquista, p. 70.

[46] At the assault of the royal gate, the enemy lost but four men, one of whom was a major, who received an arrow in the face. The commander of the regiment, Miguel Valdés and some men basely fled. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 60, 61.

[47] Published with the following appendices in London Gazette, 1763; London Chronicle, 1763, pp. 377-379; Gentleman's Magazine, 1763, pp. 171-176; London Magazine, 1763, pp. 214-219; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 248-255; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 202-206; and vol. ii of The Field of Mars, 1781.

[48] A number of maps by this man exist in the archives of the Indies, at Seville.

[49] See Report of the War Department for 1903 (Washington, 1903), iii, pp. 434-446: "Historical Sketch of the Walls of Manila."

[50] "The English knew as much of the weakness of that city as the Spaniards themselves, because of the voyages that they made there annually. There was (and the same was true in 1766 and 1767) the greatest freedom of going everywhere, of seeing and visiting everything. When I left that city, I could easily have given an idea of the plan of the fortifications of that place. The Spaniards were without distrust in this regard. The English knew besides that the garrison was very weak, and composed of Mexican soldiers, good enough indeed, but of little skill in the military art, as they had never fired a gun; and composed, in a word, of soldiers, sufficient to impose on Negroes, but incapable of opposing well disciplined troops, accustomed for some years to fighting in India." See Le Gentil, ii, p. 236.

[51] Cf. with this statement the letter by Baltasar Vela, S.J., post, pp. 288-295.

[52] This was Lieutenant Fernando Arcaya. See Sitio y conquista de Manila, p. 36.

[53] Ferrando (Historia de los PP. dominicos, Madrid, 1871, iv, p. 621), says that the first summons for surrender from Cornish and Draper demanded the immediate delivery of eight million escudos, the equivalent of four million pesos.

[54] "After consulting the royal assembly of these islands the governor replied: 'Gran Bretaña must know already that fear and threats are not the securest method nor the most fitting means to celebrate treaties with the noble servants of the Spanish sovereign. History has shown the world that Spaniards know how to die like good men for their God, for their king, and for their fatherland, but never to yield in the face of danger, much less to be intimidated by arrogant threats. Go, then, and bear this message to your chiefs; and tell them that we here are ready in any event to sell our lives dear.'" See Ferrando, iv, p. 621.

[55] After the taking of the Augustinian convent at Malate, the archbishop issued a circular to all the religious orders, telling them "that it was now time for them to leave their cloisters and aid in the defense of the city," which they did gladly. Later, he ordered all the orders to furnish soldiers, and many of the religious entered the ranks. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 39, 50.

[56] "These were the two churches that Arandía desired to have demolished one year before his death, and for which the friars tried to excommunicate him. It is quite certain that these two citadels which were only eighty toises from the body of the city, hastened and furthered the capture of the city. By favor of these churches, the English raised and formed their batteries of cannons and mortars with the greatest ease.... I have seen the ruins of one of these churches, whose walls were yet high enough to make excellent retrenchments with very little labor." See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 239, 240.

[57] In this boat were captured money amounting to 30,000 pesos, and other objects of value. See Sitio y conquista, p. 42.

[58] The Marquis de Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista) gives this force as consisting of two companies of fifty Spaniards, and more than two hundred Indians and mestizos with spears, muskets, and two eight-pounders. He was seconded by José del Busto.

[59] Of this sortie, Le Gentil says (ii, p. 243): "This sortie was only a kind of boast and bravado, for how could one flatter himself, with at the most sixty men (for I do not take any account of the eight hundred Indians and two small cannons) that he could give any trouble to six thousand men of good troops, withdrawn into two or three citadels, which it would really have been necessary to have besieged in order to try to dislodge them; for the walls of all these churches are made of cut stone, and are as thick as the walls of the royal observatory, namely, five or six feet thick, and are octagonal." The reënforcements sent to Fayette consisted of two Spanish companies and 1,500 Indians, commanded by Pedro Iriarte; and later one other company commanded by Fernando de Araya.

Opinions are divided as to the conduct of Fayette (Fallet), some accusing him of treason and others exonerating him. Ferrando (iv, p. 623) says, when speaking of his night sortie, that he retired only because of superior numbers, and adds: "Without reason and justice, the suspicion of treason against the French official (Sr. Fallet) who directed that sortie according to good principles of [military] science (which do not always triumph over tenfold the number of legions), would lie then on the conscience of the country." At the assault, however (ut supra, p. 628), Fayette, who was ordered to guard the breach in the wall, was with some reason accused of treason because of the lukewarmness which he displayed in its defense; and because he finally went over to the British lines, being received there gladly. In fact when the British were forming for the assault Fayette had ordered the Indian archers to retire from the breach under pretext of taking some refreshment and rest before the assault--which was well calculated to aggravate suspicions. The English, seeing this move, were quick to take advantage of it. Monterory Vidal says (ii, p. 27) that he played the traitor at the assault by not offering any resistance. The Marquis de Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, p. 44) calls him a Swiss.

[60] This was doubtless the officer with the second British summons for surrender. It was probably at the council held in consequence of this (see ante, note 38), that the fiscal, Leandro de Viana, was appointed to see after the supply of provisions for the defense of the city. He issued orders to the alcaldes-mayor of the various provinces, and to the procurators of the convents, from whose estates much rice and other effects were received. Viana advised the archbishop to leave all military matters to the sargentos-mayor of Manila and Cavite, but the latter refused to do so. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 17.

[61] On the twenty-sixth 3,000 Indian archers from the provinces of Pampanga, Bulacán, and Laguna; but neither these volunteers nor 4,000 others armed with quivers, who joined later were very greatly feared by the English because of their inexperience in the art of war and their primitive armor. A contemporary paper gives the following data: "Report of the men-at-arms whom it has been possible to collect inside and outside the place, without including the troops or militia: 600 men from the province of Bulacán, in Bancusay; 1,950 Pampangos, in San Fernando and the barracks of the accountancy; 150 Pampangos in the palace, in charge of Santa María; 133 men in the archiepiscopal house, 38 of them with muskets being Tagalogs; 110 men from Meycaoyan and Bocaue, in the house of Dorado; 153 men from Hagonoy; 150 men from Bulacán; 60 from Guiguinto; 72 from various villages; total 3,378." See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 18.

[62] He refused absolutely to accept the freedom offered him by Draper until he received an order from the archbishop to that effect. See Sitio y conquista, p. 43.

[63] The Marquis de Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, p. 48) says that 500 Indians left the plaza de armas in command of the archbishop, ministers of the Audiencia, and some of the citizens, on the twenty-ninth, but that they were quickly put to flight by the English fire.

[64] September 30, the Spaniards received a reinforcement of 609 men from Bulacán, as follows: from Paombong, 82 men, under command of Sebastian Lorenzo; Bocaue, 149 men, under command of Augusto Percumenla; Calumpit, 16 men, under Juan Panganiban; Malolos, 45 men, under Anastasio Bautista; Obando, 53 men, under Pedro C. Salvador; Angat, 79 men, under Nicolás de Aquino; San José, 30 men, under Nicolás Matías; Polo, 75 men, under Juan Roque; and Bigáa, 80 men, under Domingo Francisco. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 21. On the first and second of October they were furnished with arrows, spears, and other weapons (Sitio y conquista, pp. 51, 52).

[65] At dawn of the third of October, a sally was made by 2,000 Pampangos arranged in three columns: the first in command of Francisco Rodríguez and their valiant leader Manalastas; the second in command of Santiago Orendaín; and the third, in command of the volunteers Esclava and Busto. The first reached the church of Santiago, which they found empty, but were driven thence by the British. The second bore down upon Ermita, where they were at first successful, but were speedily driven back by the British, with a loss of 200 men, Orendaín fleeing at the beginning of the engagement, which is regarded as proof of his treachery. The third column, which was to have attacked by the sea side, grew faint hearted and retreated. Many natives, alarmed because the British had hanged more than sixty Pampangos whom they had captured, returned to their homes. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 22, 23.

[66] The military men who were mainly Americans, counseled surrender, at the council held by the archbishop on the third of October, but their advice was overruled by the marquis de Monte-Castro, the magistrates, the religious, and the merchants. This council, as is evident from the record by Orendaín, the government secretary, was called on account of a threatening letter from the British. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 23-25, and note; and post, pp. 206-208.

[67] Some religious were ordered by the marquis de Monte-Castro to lead some Indians to the foundry to make tools for making the ditch. But this was not done, in spite of Father Pascual Fernández, of the Society of Jesus, teacher of mathematics, and the other religious, having worked with the greatest zeal. See Sitio y conquista, p. 56.

[68] The governor continued to give various orders which were not obeyed, and the master-of-camp limited himself to ordering the religious to prevent the Indians from mounting the bastions, on this account great confusion reigning in the city.

[69] As the British troops debouched into the square of the palace, their column could have been annihilated by the batteries of the fort of Santiago, but the archbishop did not permit them to fire, as he feared the vengeance of the English general. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 28.

[70] At the Parián gate, the resistance was but slight. Seventeen of the British were killed there, and but five of the Spaniards. See Sitio y conquista, p. 61.

[71] The archbishop promised the conquerors 1,000,000 pesos for the expenses of their squadron if they were exempted from the sack.

[72] Ferrando (iv, p. 631) says: "Finally the killing ceased, but the sack continued contrary to the previous agreement, without the lewdness of the soldiers pardoning either the honor of the married women or the virginity of girls, who were everywhere the victims of their brutal appetites.... According to old histories, many young women, who had taken refuge during the danger, at the beaterio of Santa Rosa of this city of Manila, were violated. The venerable mother Paula, foundress and directress of said institution, asserted that not one of the girl boarders and collegiates of the house had been violated by the brutal soldiery."

"There also entered the plaza de armas on this day [October 5], five hundred marines, dressed, armed, and uniformed like the regular English troops, who committed all kinds of excesses in the convents, churches, and houses." A MS. by Alfonso Rodriguez de Ovalle entitled Sitio de Manila (written in 1763), cited by Marquis de Ayerbe, p. 60.

[73] Evidently Lieutenant Hardwick.

[74] The following account of the assault is taken from Le Gentil, ii, pp. 252-255:

"Archbishop Roxo was a capable man for the good management of finances. He was clever in business and very zealous for the service of the king. But he did not understand anything of military affairs. Consequently, the factions which were formed, and which he was unable to resist, were the cause of his not capitulating in time, and those factions caused the misfortune of Manila.

"It would be difficult to form an idea of the embarrassment in which this prelate found himself, and of the consternation of the entire village. I have been assured that the name of Arandia, that man whom the friars had, two years previously, dubbed a heretic, and toward whom they had been so hostile that no one could be found who would take charge of his funeral oration, was heard pronounced several times. 'If Arandia were living,' said one, several times during the siege. It was perceived then that they lacked a man to direct. Several times the archbishop wished to capitulate, but he was prevented. Don Andres Roxo has assured me very emphatically, that had the archbishop been alone, and had he not been besieged on one side by the auditors, and on the other by the friars, he would not have waited until the English had mounted to the assault. It was in fine a notorious fact at the time of my stay in Manila, that the fiscal and especially an auditor, who has died since my departure, were the cause of Roxo not capitulating in time. Many councils, indeed, were held, but nothing was determined there. These councils, besides, were very illy made up; for, if the military men were excused from it, what good could come from appealing from the auditors there, who knew nothing in this line, and from fanatic friars. The latter made use of Mother Paula, whom they pretended had had visions of St. Francis. They carried the news of those visions to the archbishop, and did what they could to support him in the flattering idea that St. Francis would work a miracle in favor of the inhabitants of Manila and that one would see him on the breach, with his cord in his hand, defending and sustaining the assault, as he had formerly repulsed the Chinese, who, so they said at Manila, had risen against this city to the number of more than twenty thousand.

"While the English were pressing Manila, the auditors were besieging the archbishop, and prevented any one from approaching to speak with him. Monsieur Fayette, more experienced than the other officers, seeing the evident danger which was threatening the city, tried, in spite of the difficulty in penetrating thither, into the presence of the archbishop, to leap the barrier. Auditor ---- was performing constant guard duty in the anti-chamber. It was impossible for Monsieur Fayette to get nearer. He told the auditor what brought him. The latter sent him back very roughly, giving him to understand that he was an ignoramus in the trade; that the governor was better informed than he; that the ministers of the king, who were there to assist the governor by their counsels, knew all that was to be done. 'Do you take us,' said he in wrath, 'do you take us for traitors to our fatherland? Do we not know our obligations?'

"Monsieur Fayette retired. That same afternoon, the archbishop desired to go in person to view the breach (a fact that has been attested to me) but Auditor ---- and the fiscal prevented him. They did not wish, they said, to have his most illustrious Lordship expose himself to so evident a danger. It is true that, since they were near his person in order to assist him with their counsels, it would have been necessary for the two auditors to have accompanied him in his visit.

"Don Andres Roxo has shown me a copy of one of the letters written to the king by this prelate, when he was near death, in which he gave his Majesty an account of his conduct, and asked his pardon for the errors which he had committed. When speaking of the matter that we have just seen concerning the visit to the breach, he says 'Would to God that a cannon ball had then shortened my days.'

"Next morning bout six o'clock, the same officer (Monsieur Fayette) returned to make a second attempt. He succeeded finally in getting quite into the apartment of the archbishop, but it was after he had deceived and thrown the watchful auditor off his guard. It was then too late to deliberate. A messenger announced that the enemy were at the breach, in possession of the bastion of the foundry.

"The English were divided into three columns. The one which was to mount the breach was preceded by thirty volunteers and pioneers who were the first to mount, but who probably well knew that they would find but very little or no opposition.

"The breach was scarcely practicable, and these volunteers had some difficulty in mounting. Arrived at the bastion, they saw no one to dispute the ground with them. They cried out to their comrades that they had found no obstacles, and in fact, the few people that had been stationed on the bastion had become affrighted, and had fled in both directions along the wall. Some even threw themselves down from the walls. The column seeing that these volunteers met no resistance on the bastion, bravely mounted the breach, and took the bastion. The volunteers went to the royal gate, where they found a feeble guard, who, frightened, had taken refuge under an altar of the Virgin which was in the guardhouse, and before which all the guard were wont to recite the rosary night and morning. The guard thought that they were safe from all danger, but the English, having few scruples, massacred them. They opened the gates to the rest of the troops, who were only Sepoys, who composed the second column. Thus was Manila taken by assault."

[75] Anda's baptismal record which is published by Montero y Vidal, ii, appendix, pp. 606, 607, shows that he was baptized in the church of San Esteban Protomártir in the village of Subijana de Alava on October 23, 1709. His burial (ut supra, p. 608) is noted in the burial book of the Manila cathedral under date of October 31, 1776. He was buried by the famous archbishop, Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina, who was, like Anda, a fighter. See also VOL. XVII, pp. 297, 298.

[76] Law clxxx is as follows: "In some of our Audiencias of the Indias, it has happened, and it might happen, that the auditors of it may be absent, and only one auditor remain. We declare in such case that the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued with only one auditor." [Felipe III, San Lorenzo, August 14, 1620.] For law lviii, see VOL. XVII, pp. 313, 314.

[77] All the religious orders but the Jesuits proved loyal and assisted with money and actual force. The latter maintained most cordial relations with the enemy. In the summary exposition which was sent to the pope regarding this matter, it was shown that they preached against the government, and that their provincial had illicit relations with Draper during the occupancy of Manila. This was partly the reason for their expulsion by Cárlos III. In the archives at Simancas, legajo 288 of "Gracia y justicia," exists a document charging the Jesuits as traitors for their action during the war with the British. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 36, and note. See the letter, post, in which the Jesuits charge the archbishop with direct treason. The following items from British magazines are instructive and may partly explain the Jesuit letter.

"Letters from France advise that his Catholic Majesty will be no great loser by our taking the Manilas, as the whole of that trade was in the hands of the Jesuits. A proposal was made to the late King of Spain, to put a stop to that trade, it being a loss to both his Majesty and the Spanish nation; but the Jesuit had art enough to prevent its taking effect." (Scots Magazine, 1763, p. 235.)

"London, Nov. 3. They write from Cadiz, that the treasure belonging to the Jesuits at Manilla, lately confiscated by orders of the court, was said to amount to near 20,000,000 pieces of eight, exclusive of jewels, diamonds, and church-plate." (Scots Magazine, 1763, p. 605.)

"London, Sept. 24. According to letters from Madrid, three eighths of the treasure drawn from the commerce carried on between Manilla and Acapulco, had centred among the Spanish Jesuits, amounting annually to eight millions of dollars." (Scots Magazine, 1767, p. 494.)

[78] This letter is published by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 268, 269; Mas, i, p. 142; and Montero y Vidal, ii, appendix, p. 579.

[79] Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 269-276; Mas, i, pp. 142-146; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 580-583.

[80] Law lvii is as follows: "We order that in the absence of viceroy or president, so that he cannot govern, our royal Audiencias succeed to the government, and that the government reside in them, as it could in the viceroy or president when they performed those duties. The senior auditor shall be president, and he alone shall make and enact all the measures belonging to and annexed to the president. And if the president should be captain-general, the senior auditor shall also exercise that office until his successor is appointed by us, or until one is sent who shall have powers to act as such by our orders, unless the opposite or contrary is ordered in some Audiencias by the laws of this book." [Felipe II, Toledo, May 25, 1596, ordinance 43, concerning Audiencias; Felipe IV, Madrid, April 8, 1629; and in this Recopilación.]

[81] This testimony, which is given by Mas, i, pp. 139-141, and Montero y Vidal, Historia, ii, appendix, pp. 577-579, notes that Anda was appointed by the archbishop, in his capacity of governor and captain-general, as lieutenant governor and captain-general of the islands, in due form, sealed with the arms of the archbishop and countersigned by Ramón Orendain, chief government secretary, on October 1. On the same day he was appointed visitor general, by the royal Audiencia, of all the provinces of the islands, the royal provision therefor being despatched with the royal seal registered by Andres José Rojo, lieutenant of the grand chancellor, and countersigned by Juan de Monroy, assembly secretary. He was received in his official capacity in the province of Bulacan, and when, on the fifth, news was received of the assault and capture of Manila by the British, upon him devolved the duties of the royal Audiencia, and of the governor and captain-general. The treasurer Nicolás de Echauz Beaumont was ordered to move the moneys in his charge into the interior. Accordingly he went to the province of Laguna, but for greater security was ordered to go later to Pampanga.

[82] Montero y Vidal's version reads "loyalty to the king, ... and defense of these provinces, without giving or allowing terms for their foreign subjection to the slightest degree"--a better reading.

[83] Anda left Manila with but 500 pesos. See Sitio y conquista, p. 80.

[84] Montero y Vidal reads "what is not allowed."

[85] This passport reads as follows: "This is to certify that Don Simon de Anda y Salazar, minister of his Catholic Majesty, has my permission to come with all safety to this city. This order is directed to each one to whom it pertains, so that he may allow him to pass, in accordance with its contents. Guillermo Drapert, commander-in-chief. General barracks, October 25, 1762. I retain the original in my possession, in order that it may run no risk [of being destroyed or lost]. Your Lordship may come without the slightest fear. The Archbishop."

[86] This date is easily explained by the fact that the British used the calendar of India, which was one day in advance of that of the Spanish in the Philippines.

[87] An edict issued by Anda on October 26, 1762, after protesting against British occupation, orders the alcaldes-mayor to pay no heed to despatches or orders issued by the archbishop, either in his own name or that of the British. The bearers of such despatches are to be arrested.

[88] On September 24, the British leaders had issued their first manifesto for the native populations, reassuring the natives that no harm would be done them and that they would be allowed freedom of worship if they did not aid the Spaniards. See Ingleses en Filipinas (MS.), pp. 80, 81; and Sitio y conquista, pp. 39, 40.

[89] Published by Montero y Vidal, in his Historia, ii, appendix, pp. 587-589. It is dated October 28 in this version, and is signed by Juan Monroy and Ramon de Orendaín, in addition to the archbishop. It is also contained in another MS. belonging to Edward E. Ayer, where it is dated October 28.

[90] The "Filipino" carried according to a contemporaneous account, two and one-half millions of pesos fuertes. See Ferrando, iv, p. 624.

[91] Dawson Drake took over the command of Manila October 10, 1762. See Sitio y conquista, p. 69.

[92] Other things demanded in the petition of the natives were: the return of the tribute that had been collected; the removal of the schoolmaster and the church fiscal; the removal of the alcalde-mayor of the province; permanence of office for the then master-of-camp of the province (Ferrando, iv, p. 660).

[93] The Marquis de Ayerbe says (Sitio y conquista, pp. 91-93) that nine hundred Sangleys conspired against Anda at Guagua, who in connivance with those of Manila, numbered more than 5,000. Anda was informed of the conspiracy by a native. By his promptness of action, he attacked and defeated the entrenched Sangleys, capturing from them nine barrels of powder, many guns, and nine thousand pesos.

[94] In the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid, there is a tastefully carved plate of some hard Philippine wood, on which are three separate inscriptions, also carved in the wood. This plate was set up by Anda on the gate of the village of Sesmoan in the province of Pampanga. When the walls were destroyed, this plate was preserved in the house of the parish priest and was later (1857) sent to Manila where it was preserved in the Audiencia building (June 1, 1858), as a memorial of the signal services of Anda.

[95] Published by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 278-281; Mas, i, pp. 167, 168; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp, 590, 591.

[96] The provincial and all the fathers of the college of Santa Cruz were imprisoned on mere suspicion; and the same was done with the prior of the Augustinian convent. All the religious and students of Santo Tomás were imprisoned, and charged with urging the soldiers to desert. The British took advantage of this to search the convents and carry off what they wished. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 75, 76.

[97] Bernardo Pazuengos was born at Garnica in the diocese of Calahorra, May 22, 1706. He was admitted into the Jesuit order, October 9, 1720, and went to the Philippines in 1732, where he taught philosophy and theology at Manila. Returning to Spain as procurator, he went to Mexico in 1754. In 1764 (sic, in Sommervogel, but this date must be an error, as he is provincial in 1763), he was made provincial of the Philippines. See Sommervogel, vi, cols. 413, 414.

[98] When Villacorta was arrested, the English promised to liberate him if Anda would retire from Pampanga to some other province (Martinez de Zúñiga, p. 648).

[99] Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 290-292; Mas, i, pp. 170-172; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 593, 594.

[100] The library of Mr. Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago contains a series of manuscripts bound into one document, and entitled: "Papers apropos of the representation of the royal Audiencia and the posts of governor and captain general having devolved upon Sr. Don Simon de Anda y Salasar; and the measures taken by him as such during the invasion of the English at that capital." From a paper accompanying this MS. we translate as follows: "In the 63 useful sheets of which it is composed, it contains original testimonies of those appointments, acts, measures, and autograph orders, dictated and directed by Anda to all the authorities of those islands in order that he might keep the country obedient and under the dominion of his Majesty, during the war sustained against the English in 1762 and the following years, in which the English gained control of Manila and Cavite, until they were expelled and said places recovered by the Spaniards; with the original replies and testimonies of obedience and respect, which were given to Anda as such captain general by the prelates, alcaldes-mayor, provincial chiefs, reverend fathers of the religious orders, and all the natives of the country; evidence of the offers made him; replies of the said Anda to them; and other details interesting on account of their text, and the form and originality which they show." These are the originals, or contemporaneous copies thereof, and cover the years 1762-1764. Lack of space forbids the use of any of them here.

[101] A German lay brother and Santiago de Orendaín went completely over to the English. They burned many summer residences in the suburbs, and caused all the prisoners to swear allegiance to the British, although many failed to keep this forced oath. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 73, 74.

[102] Among the prisoners taken by the enemy were the king of Joló and his son Israel, who bore themselves like brave men, and more honorably than some of the Spaniards who fought there. When the British forces left, the king of Joló also fled in a ship of the English East India Company. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 90, 130.

[103] Published in part in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 293-310; Mas, i, pp. 172-181; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 594-602. The most interesting part, that reproduced above, is omitted by each of these writers.

[104] Space will not permit us to give in extenso an account of the insurrection headed by Diego Silán or Silang. It was the most obstinate of all the insurrections that broke out against the Spaniards during the English occupation. Diego Silán was born December 16, 1730, in Pangasinan province. As a lad he served the cura of Vigan, but being sent down to Manila, the boat in which he took passage was wrecked on the coast of Bolinao. All his companions were killed by the barbarous inhabitants, but he was kept as a slave, being finally ransomed by a Recollect friar. Later he became a messenger for the parish priest at Vigan, and being found trustworthy was appointed to carry the letters to Manila annually at the time the Manila boat was expected. In this service, he acquired a wide acquaintance; and it was comparatively easy for him after the assault of Manila to rouse the natives, under pretext of protecting themselves from the British since the Spaniards were no longer able to defend them. Demands formulated and presented by the insurgents include the deposition of the alcalde-mayor, Antonio Zabala; that office to be held by the provisor Tomás Millán; the election of one of the four chiefs of Vigan as justice; the expulsion of all the Spaniards and mestizos from the province; the appointment of Silán to make head against the English. The insurrection makes great headway, and is soon found to be an attempt to break with all Spanish authority, and the insurgents are incited by the British, who appoint Silán alcalde and governor of the province of Ilocos. Silán meddles with ecclesiastical matters, opposing Bishop Ustariz, whereupon the latter pronounces an interdict in Vigan. Augustinians seized by Silán are imprisoned three separate times. Silán is finally killed by a Spanish mestizo, Miguel Vicos, May 28, 1763. This insurrection was quickly put down after the death of Silán, who was its life and exhibited a certain amount of shrewdness and resource. But shortly after, another insurrection was started under Silán's uncle, Nicolás Cariño, which gained considerable headway, although it was finally stifled and quiet restored. Anda took various measures against these insurrections, but it was impossible for him to leave his post in Bulacan, where English matters occupied his attention. These insurrections were perhaps the most serious that the Spanish power in the Philippines had yet suffered. For accounts of them, see Relación de los alzamientos de la ciudad de Vigan, cabecera de la provincia de Ilocos, en los años de 1762 y 1763, by Pedro de Vivar, O.S.A. (written in 1764; but published in Manila, 1893, in vol. iv, Biblioteca historica filipina), in which many documents are given; and Montero y Vidal's Historia, ii, pp. 77-114. Isabelo de los Reyes, the Ilocano writer and demagogue, praises Silán highly. See also post, pp. 298-306.

[105] Draper and Cornish sent an edict to the Filipinos on September 24, 1762, announcing that the Filipinos need have no fear of the British fleet, provided that they do not join the Spaniards or assist them in any way. They will be received under British protection; their women and children will be free from outrages; full prices will be paid them for food; they will be free to go and come as they please; and freedom of worship will be conserved to them. If they do, on the contrary, aid the Spanish, then they must fear the punishment that will be inflicted. May 13, 1763, Silang writes the British assuring them of obedience and non-aid to the Spaniards. In the same month, the British write Silang promising to send him soon, troops, weapons, and war supplies. The British successes in Manila, Pasig, and Maysilo, are mentioned, while in the month just past, the fort of Batangas in Bulacan has been captured. They are attracting all the natives of the islands to their banners, and have treated them humanely, freeing them from the tribute and the various ecclesiastical oppressions. The Augustinians have been especially active against the British, and against the vows of their profession have taken up arms, thus occasioning the shedding of much blood. They have also treated Silang cruelly. Therefore the British will esteem it if Silang will secure the Augustinians, the alcalde, Antonio Zavala, and all other Spaniards, and send the same to the English, taking possession besides of all their property and estates. The lack of priests for the present may be filled by seculars until the archbishop can appoint others. The British wish to conserve the Catholic religion. No duties shall be charged on their trading boats. The provinces of Pangasinan and Cagayan will also be admitted under the protection of the British, if they desire it. Silang's aid is asked against Anda and his men. With the letter are sent copies of a manifesto inviting trade. (All these documents are contained in the manuscript entitled Ingleses en Filipinas.)

[106] This edict is as follows: "Inasmuch as many malcontents of the district of Señor Anda frequently come to the villages of Santa Cruz, Binondoc, etc., for the purpose of killing the officers and soldiers whom they meet; and since said malcontents flee precipitously as soon as our troops go out in pursuit of them: therefore, notice is given to all the Spaniards living in said villages, to come to live within the city of Manila inside of one week, since we can protect them in this way. If, perchance, they neglect to obey this order, they must stand the consequences, for if many of said canaille gather together, it is feasible that the governor will be necessarily obliged to order the cannon fired among the houses, for the purpose of driving them away." (Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 284-285; Mas, i, p. 183; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 602, 603). This edict Anda answered on the nineteenth at Bacolor. In it the British are styled as dishonorable men, for regarding as rebels those who are loyal to their king, and for their offer of a reward for Anda alive or dead. The statements in the edict of the seventeenth, namely, that the loyalist Spanish troops are canaille and that they are on the lookout for opportunity to murder British officers, are branded as utter falsehoods. In return, the three men who have signed the above edict--Drake, Smith, and Brook--are proscribed, and a price of ten thousand pesos offered for each one, dead or alive. This edict further orders that the humane treatment of the Spanish toward English captives or deserters be continued as hitherto, to the extent possible. (The version from which we condense is evidently an abridgment of the edict, which is given entire by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 285-290; Mas, i, pp. 183-185; Ferrando, iv, pp. 647, 648; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 603-605.)

[107] January 28, 1763, the fiscal Viana fled the city, going to Anda's camp, where he was gladly received, and where he became very useful. Later Villacorta also escaped to Anda's camp. The latter and Galbán, who had been very far from doing their duty in the time of danger, conspired to wrest the command from Anda in case of Rojo's death, on the grounds that most persons believed that the government of the islands should be given to Bishop Ustáriz of Nueva Segovia. The Franciscan and Recollect provincials, and the Jesuit superior declared that the command belonged to Anda; while the other religious institutes were neutral or sided with Bishop Ustáriz. The Augustinians pronounced for Villacorta. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 65, 66.

[108] The preliminary peace treaties were signed between Great Britain, France, and Spain, November 3, 1762, and the treaty of peace at Paris, February 10, 1763.

[109] A Manila paper published in 1904 tells of the finding near the Pasig River, during a removal of a part of the old Manila wall on that side, in order to increase the customs warehouse capacity, of two old British cannons, probably six-inch mortars, with the royal arms of England and an eighteenth-century date upon them, that were turned up by the workmen. Evidently these cannons were brought by the British at the time of the siege of Manila. (Letter from James A. LeRoy, October 20, 1904.)

[110] This man commanded a British force sent out to invade the provinces and cripple Anda. He was opposed chiefly by Busto who had joined Anda some time before. The British force attacked the church and convent of Marisanto, where they were opposed by the alcalde-mayor, about seventy Spaniards, and about five thousand natives, as well as by Busto. Finally, the English took the convent and killed the alcalde-mayor, and some Recollects and other Spaniards. Some of the wounded took refuge in a garret of the convent, but were captured and handed over by Slay to the Sangleys, who killed them after inflicting severe tortures. Only two escaped by swimming across the river. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 95-98.

[111] Some of the religious quit their habits and became leaders of bands of ladrones. Most of the religious, however, remained loyal. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 79, 80.

[112] By the death of the archbishop, January 30, 1764, the British changed their tactics and recognized Anda as legal governor and captain-general. But even after this the British soldiers sacked the churches and houses of Cavite. See Sitio y conquista, p. 126.

[113] This treaty is published in Scots Magazine for 1763, pp. 134-142.

[114] When the British forces left, about four hundred prostitutes, who were abandoned by their departure, fled from Manila. See Sitio y conquista, p. 130.

[115] The Spanish troops entered Manila May 31, 1764, possession of the city being taken by Anda, accompanied by Busto, since the new governor ad interim, Francisco de la Torre, was sick. That night a banquet was given to the British commanders. June 4, Brereton tendered a banquet to Anda and other officials on his ship, the English praising Anda profusely. June 10 and 11, the British vessels left the bay for India. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 129-131.