Chapter IX: Part 9

The Spaniards have assigned my Breach of Faith in the Capitulation, as one Reason for their Refusal of Payment: I cannot, therefore, servilely stoop, or submit to the heavy Load of Guilt, with which they have endeavoured to overwhelm me. But perhaps, a Second Gondemar [196] is arrived amongst us: Yet the Happiness of the Times, we have the good Fortune to live in, forbids me to carry the Allusion any farther; nor have I the Vanity to compare myself to the great Raleigh, even in Miniature; a very unjust and vindictive Accusation, forms the only Part of the Parallel betwixt us. But as the execrable Days of James the First can never be renewed under the Reign of our most just, good, and gracious Sovereign, I will not harbour the least Suspicion that I shall resemble that illustrious Man in his Misfortune; or remain unprotected, or be sacrificed for my poor Endeavours to serve my King and Country; to whose Judgments I most dutifully and humbly submit my Cause.

I have the Honour to be, my Lord, With great Respect and Esteem, Your most obedient, humble Servant,

William Draper

The Spanish Arguments for refusing Payment. [197]

The English Generals who made themselves Masters of Manila proposed, on the [198] Fifth of October, 1762, a Capitulation to the Archbishop, who acted as Governor; by which they promised to preserve the City from Pillage, if the Governor and principal Magistrates would consent to, and sign the Articles of, the said Capitulation; which they were forced to do, being threatened to be put to the Sword, in Case of Refusal.

Notwithstanding this shameful Capitulation, extorted and signed by the Means of Violence and Rigor, General Draper ordered or suffered the City to be sacked and pillaged, for forty Hours, by Four Thousand English, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars. [199]

Therefore the said Capitulation ought to be void, because it was signed by force; and because General Draper first violated and broke the Capitulation, by permitting the City to be pillaged. Consequently, that Capitulation only, which was proposed by the Governor, accepted of, and signed by Admiral Cornish and General Draper, upon the seventh of October, ought to be considered and respected in this Affair.

The First Article of which grants to the Inhabitants of Manila, the peaceable and quiet Possession of all their Effects; the Fourth and Sixth grant them the Liberty of Commerce, under the Protection of his Britannic Majesty.

Refutation

It is a known and universal Rule of War amongst the most civilized Nations, that Places taken by Storm, without any Capitulation, are subject to all the Miseries that the Conquerors may chuse to inflict.

Manila, my Lord, was in this horrid Situation; of Consequence the Lives of the Inhabitants, with all belonging to them, were entirely at our Mercy. But Christianity, Humanity, the Dignity of our Nation, and our own Feelings as Men, induced us not to exert the utmost Rigours of the Profession, against those wretched Suppliants; although my own Secretary, Lieutenant Fryar, had been murdered, as he was carrying a Flag of Truce to the Town. The Admiral and I told the Archbishop and principal Magistrates, that we were desirous to save so fine a City from Destruction, ordered them to withdraw, consult, and propose such Terms of Compensation as might satisfy the Fleet and Army, and exempt them from Pillage, and its fatal Consequences.

The Proposals they gave in, were the very same, which the Spaniards most artfully call a Second Capitulation; and were afterwards agreed to, and confirmed by us (with a few Restrictions) but at that time were so unsuitable to their desperate Situation, that we rejected them as unsatisfactory and inadmissible. As Conquerors, we took the Pen, and dictated those Terms of the Ransom which the Spaniards thought proper to submit to; for they had the Alternative, either to be passive under the Horrors of a Pillage, or compound for their Preservation; they accepted the latter.

The Objection and Pretence of Force and Violence may be made use of to evade any military Agreements whatsoever, where the two Parties do not treat upon an Equality; for who, in War, will submit to an inconvenient and prejudicial Compact, unless from Force? But have the Spaniards forgot their own Histories? Or will they not remember the just Indignation expressed against Francis the First, who pleaded the like Subterfuge of Force and Violence, to evade the Treaty made after the Battle of Pavia, and his Captivity?

Should such elusive Doctrines prevail, it will be impossible, hereafter, for the Vanquished to obtain any Quarter or Terms whatsoever: The War will be carried on usque ad internecionem; [200] and if a Sovereign shall refuse to confirm the Conditions stipulated by his Subjects, who are in such critical Situations, the Consequences are too horrid to mention.

By the same fallacious Sophistry, a State may object to the Payment of the Ransoms of Ships taken at Sea, and to Contributions levied in a Country which is the Seat of War. But it is always allowed, that in such Cases, a Part must be sacrificed to save the Whole; and surely, when by the Laws of War, we were entitled to the Whole, it was a great Degree of Moderation to be contented with a Part.

The Destruction that we could have occasioned, would have trebled the Loss they suffer by the Payment of the Ransom. The rich Churches and Convents, the King of Spain's own Palace, with its superb and costly Furniture, the magnificent Buildings of every Sort, the Fortifications, Docks, Magazines, Founderies, Cannon, and in short the Whole might have been entirely ruined, the Spanish Empire in Asia subverted, and the Fruits of their religious Mission lost for ever, [201] together with the Lives of many Thousand Inhabitants, who were spared by our Humanity. As a suitable and grateful Return for this Lenity, the Spanish Memorial affirms, that after the Capitulation was signed, General Draper ordered or permitted, the City to be sacked and pillaged forty Hours together, by Four Thousand English, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.

As my own Character, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour, is so wickedly attacked by this unjust Accusation, I must beg Leave to state the whole Affair, in its true Light; and do appeal for its Veracity to the Testimonies of every Officer and Soldier, who served in the Expedition, and to all of the Marine Department.

We entered Manila by Storm, on the 6th of October 1762, with an Handful of Troops, whose Total amounted to little more than Two Thousand; a motley Composition of Seamen, Soldiers, Seapoys, Cafres, Lascars, Topasees, French and German Deserters. [202]

Many of the Houses had been abandoned by the frightened Inhabitants, and were burst open by the Violence of Shot, or Explosion of Shells. Some of these were entered and pillaged. But all military Men know, how difficult it is to restrain the Impetuosity of Troops in the first Fury of an Assault, especially when composed of such a Variety and Confusion of People, who differed as much in Sentiments and Language, as in Dress and Complexion.

Several Hours elapsed, before the principal Magistrates could be brought to a Conference; during that Interval, the Inhabitants were undoubtedly great Sufferers. But, my Lord, this Violence was antecedent to our Settling the Terms of the Capitulation, and by the Laws of War, the Place, with all it's Contents, became the unquestionable Property of the Captors, until a sufficient Equivalent was given in Lieu of it. That several Robberies were committed, after the Capitulation was signed, is not to be denied; for Avarice, Want, and Rapacity, are ever insatiable: But that the Place was pillaged for Forty Hours, and that Pillage authorized and permitted by me, is a most false and infamous Assertion. The People of Manila, my Lord, have imposed upon their Court, by a Representation of Facts, which never existed; and to make such a groundless Charge the Reason for setting aside, and evading a solemn Capitulation, is a Proceeding unheard of until now, and as void of Decency, as Common Sense.

The following Extracts from the Publick Orders, given out the very Day we entered the Town, will sufficiently convince your Lordship, of my constant Attention to the Preservation of those ungrateful People; who have almost taught me to believe, that Humanity and Compassion are Crimes.

Extracts

October 6th, Manila.

"The utmost Order and Regularity to be observed.

"All Persons guilty of Robberies, or Plundering the Churches and Houses, will be hanged without Mercy.

"The Guards to send frequent Patroles both Day and Night, to prevent all Disorders.

"The Drummers to beat to Arms, the Officers to assemble with their Men, and call the Rolls.

"The Adjutants to go around the Town, and take an exact Account of the Safe-guards, posted for the Protection of the Convents, Churches, and Houses.

October 7th.

"All the Inhabitants of Manila are to be looked upon and treated as His Britannick Majesty's Subjects: They having agreed to pay Four Millions of Dollars, for the Ransom and Preservation of their City and Effects.

"The Criminals executed for Robbery and Sacrilege, to be buried at Sunset." [203]

I hope the foregoing Extracts, are sufficient to vindicate my Character. Moreover, the strictest Search was made on board the Squadron by the Admiral's Orders, and amongst the Troops, to recover what had been stolen and secreted; and all the Money, Plate, and Jewels, so recovered, were put into the Treasury, and allowed, and accepted of as Part of the Ransom.

Now let us examine the Foundation of the Spanish Pretensions. In the first Place, they have misstated the Propositions, and made our Proposals antecedent to theirs, which is impossible. For how could our Fourth Proposition take Notice of, and consent to theirs, unless from a previous Knowledge and Perusal of what they had to offer? And indeed, the whole force of the Spanish Arguments, depends entirely upon the Second Capitulation, as they are pleased to term it: But the Liberty of Commerce, and all the other Privileges which they there insist upon, were granted conditionally, upon their Compliance with the Fourth Article of our Propositions. It expressly declares, that the Proposals contained in the Paper, delivered on the Part of his Excellency the Governor and his Council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their Payment of Four Millions of Dollars; the Half to be paid immediately, the other Half to be paid in a Time agreed upon; and Hostages [204] and Security given for that Purpose. It is therefore most evident, that they had not the least Shadow of Right to any Privileges, until this Article was most punctually fulfilled.

How it has been fulfilled, has been but too clearly manifested, by the Court of Spain's Refusal to pay the Two Millions of Dollars, for which we trusted to the Honour and Punctuality of that Nation. Until that Sum is paid, it is impossible even to name the Galeon.

Postscript

It is now pretended that the Spanish Governor exceeded his Powers, that he had no Authority to draw Bills, of such a Nature, upon his Court: But will not unforseen Events, demand unforseen Expedients? In Europe, where the Distance will allow of it, it is undoubtedly the Duty of every Governor or Commander, to consult his Sovereign (if an Opportunity offers) before he presumes to give his Consent to, or ratify any Agreement that may be prejudicial or dishonourable to his Crown. But can such Formalities be required or observed at the Distance of half the Globe? The Persons entrusted with such remote Commands, must be left to their own Discretion; to the Fertility or Barrenness of their own Invention and Resources. A State may undoubtedly punish the Man who is found to have betrayed its Dignity or Interests; but at all Events, it must abide by his Decisions, how prejudicial soever.

We find in History, that the Romans, have sometimes delivered up to the Enemy such of their Generals, who had made a shameful or disadvantageous Peace, without the Consent or Approbation of the Senate: But that Practice has been universally condemned upon the truest Reasons; because the Delivery of an Individual could never be adequate to the Advantages they might acquire by the breaking of a bad Treaty; or compensate their Enemies for the Opportunities and Advantages they might give up, or lose, upon the Faith of such an Agreement.

I flatter myself that the Spaniards will not copy that great Nation in its Defects, but imitate its Virtues.

It is also asserted, that the Ransom Bills were given and accepted only to preserve the private Property of the Inhabitants; But I do most solemnly aver, my Lord, that the Ransom was general, as well as particular. Can Six Hundred Pieces of Brass and Iron Ordnance? can the Fortifications of the Citadel and Town of Manila, with those of the Citadel and Port of Cavite, the publick and royal Magazines, Store-houses, Docks, &c. be called private Property? They belonged, most undoubtedly, to his Catholic Majesty, and by the stern Rules of our Profession, might have been destroyed, had the Admiral and I been disposed to have carried on the War with that Barbarity, of which other Nations have more than once set us the Example: But we considered rather how Englishmen should act, than what our Enemies might have suffered. But let us, for a Moment, admit that the Bills were drawn for the sake of preserving private Property only: Even in that Case the Spaniards are bound in Honour to oblige the People of Manila to pay the Money; and they are now very able to discharge the Debt, since they have received all the Treasure of the Philippina Galeon.

Our Court has shewed them a most bright and laudable Example, by taking Care that all the Ransom Bills, due even to the Enemy's Privateers, should be most punctually paid, since the Conclusion of the Peace. Surely such upright Proceedings on our Side will infuse the same religious Observance of good Faith in all concerned in this Business. Otherwise we must say with Grotius, ab Injustitiâ excusari nequeunt, qui, cum pacta improbent, tamen retinent, quæ, sine pactis non haberent. "They cannot avoid the Imputation of Injustice, who disapprove of Treaties, and yet keep Possession of what they could not have been possessed of, but by the Means of those Treaties."

We have an indisputable Right to Manila, and all its Dependencies, if the Ransom Bills are not faithfully paid.

I do therefore, my Lord, in the Names of all concerned (the Navy, Army, and East India Company) implore the Assistance and Protection of the Government, and its effectual good Offices, to maintain our most just Rights, and recover the Part of the Ransom as yet unpaid.

[Here follow the "Proposals" and "Conditions," q.v., ante, pp. 75-80.]

LETTER FROM CARRION TO RUEDA

Jesus

Pax Christi, etc.

After our misfortunes which happened at the capture of Manila by the English, we are breathing a bit. Hardships have not been lacking here since then, but they have been accompanied by relief.

Last year it was God's will to bring us safely the ship "Santa Rosa" with peace signed and a new governor ad interim for these islands. [205] As no other boat was left, the said "Santa Rosa" was fitted up and now it has returned to us, bringing us the regularly-appointed governor Don Francisco Raon. This is the beginning of the recuperation of these islands.

For the rest, one could have feared the total ruin of these domains, according to the unbridled manner in which the Moros were killing and capturing through the Bisayas. The governor ad interim has placed Manila in a state of the best defense against European powers, and has opened about it a very wide ditch and made some very high intrenchments. If eight thousand Europeans were necessary to capture it before now fourteen or sixteen thousand will be necessary.

There is no doubt but that the present governor will perfect these works, and that he will more eagerly check the boldness of the Morillos. [206] That being done, the trade of Bisayas will again flourish, which is almost necessary for the conservation of this capital.

God has placed a very heavy hand upon our friends the English in their retirement. It is enough to say that seven of their fourteen ships have been lost, and one-half the men whom they brought here, who numbered in all about eight thousand. Of a truth their hopes saw a sorry fulfilment. Cruel Micenas, fugitibo Eneas, etc.

Concerning the unhappy condition of the missions of the empire of China, your Reverence will already have had accurate information through the Portuguese fathers who were ordered to be taken to Europa by their not king--"I am not king," as he said at the time of the earthquakes, and as he has caused us to see afterward in our misfortunes. [207] What has become of Father Master Manuel Guevara, who was confused with the Portuguese? Has he died or has he been restored to our province of Toledo? If he is living, a thousand greetings [to him].

We have had the latest news from two Portuguese fathers (who had come here previously from the provinces, and who on that account did not fall into the clutches of the sparrow-hawk), which is reduced to saying that about thirty fathers are left in that empire--about ten or eleven in the court of Pequin, and the others scattered through its vast provinces. Those of the court are living openly with the license of the emperor and the rest are keeping hid. But all lack the aid which formerly was sent to them from Goa. May God aid them and give them strength to leave the shore after so fierce a storm, and withdraw us all from the other storm which is lashing all the vast body of the Society. [208] San Pedro Macati, July 8, 1765.

Your Reverence's humble servant,

Eugenio Carrion (rubric)

I beg your Reverence to communicate this letter to the reverend father Orea, as one of those small morsels which was supplied to him when he was our beadle in the school of Murcia.

[Addressed: "My Father Joseph de Rueda."]

LETTER FROM PAZUENGOS TO MESQUIDA

Jesus

Pax Christi.

I am writing this letter, in doubt as to the arrival of your Reverence, and with hopes of the arrival here of the ship "Santa Rosa" and with desires of the coming of a governor to free us from the abominations in which we are. Don Francisco Xavier [de la] Torre is the most detestable robber ever seen in the East or West Indias, a man without shame or trace of Christianity. All this might be tolerated if he took any care of the defense of the Indians; but he has wholly abandoned the fields of Christendom, saying that a cornucopia of the islands is given to him, and that the king our sovereign will abandon them, or transfer them to the French. Thereupon, he has given himself over to a libertine life, so far as his morals are concerned. He looks after nothing else than selling the offices dear, and robbing king and vassals. He obtains it all with abun[dant] [209] stipends, but does not pay them, but feigns very well that he issues vouchers for them. But [what?] will your Reverence say on learning that he has bondsmen who give him opinions, ... testimonies contrary to all justice and truth? We have a bishop ...; and for that reason I have already sent four [students] so that they may be ordained [at] Zebu. I am sure that it will be necessary to send all the others, who have finished and who are studying. He has hoisted the flag against the religious orders with all his might, and I am sure that all the orders will write this year, resigning their ministries into the hands of his Majesty. [210] The Society and the Dominicans are determined to do it, for the auditors and some of the city have resolved to censure and dishonor them. The Frenchman Solano, formerly a barber and wig-maker is alcalde-in-ordinary of Manila, and today a regidor of this city. Who would believe that such a ... thing could be? This vile man, incited by the governor, by the auditor, ... and by the fiscal of his Majesty, had the insolence to get out on the highway of Meyha with two thousand workmen and widen it by more than two varas. Although he knew that it was ecclesiastical property, he answered that the last thing that leaves the body is the soul. What can such governors, [such] auditors, and such alcaldes occasion, if not the ruin of the community?

Not less ruined are the Bisayas, as they are without stipends, and cannot be helped from here, since they have no boats which can resist the Moros, for the governor has not made a grain of powder nor a single boat, although it is a fact that he has cost the king almost a million pesos. The fathers are compelled to go almost naked, and they have had to make shoes out of the parchment of their books. They have been assisted as much as possible, and already those missions owe thirty thousand pesos to the province. Of the ten churches built of stone and mortar, and a like number of houses in the residence of Hilongos, only two are left, and all the rest are ruined and burned by the Moros. Your Reverence may conjecture almost the same thing of other less defensible villages. All [the inhabitants of] the two villages which were formed under the charge of Samboangan are dead or captives, and I am sure that the missions of the Recollects have suffered greater ruin, proportione servata; for I am told that the entire jurisdiction of Caraga is reduced to one thousand tributes. Since your Reverence left, one-half the Indians of Bisayas have been captured or killed. May God bring us a governor, may God bring us some auditors, who shall recognize and appreciate the defense of the Catholic religion and of the poor Indians!

The estates of Calatagán and Looc, burned and sacked by the Moros; the estates of Meysilo and La Piedad, burned and sacked by the Christians; that of San Pedro Tunasan, sacked by the Indians, commanded by six Franciscan friars; Lian and Nasugbú delivered to the Joloan [? Jelaco in transcript] king by treaty; that of Naic abandoned to the robbers; San Pedro Macati burned by the English, with the exception of the house and church! Those which have suffered less are Marquina, Payatas, and Calamba, although they have suffered considerably.

Don Manuel Fernandez Thoribio has been appointed governor of Samboangan, and has secret instructions to ascertain what estates and what manner of livelihood the Jesuits have. In general, all the alcaldes who have been sent out carry instructions against the regulars. The fact is that stipends are not to be paid to the ministers, and no alms or aid is to be given to carry on the missions.

Since my arrival, neither from the royal treasury of Mexico, nor from these [in Manila], has the least stipend [been given] to the four subjects in Samboangan ... treasury, by royal decree, that they be paid here, and from those of here, for ... in order to pay from the treasury of Mexico. Consider, your Reverence, what must be the condition of this po[or] province.

There is another war declared, in which Señor Galban has unfurled the banner against [the] pious [funds]. He declares that the pious funds are the ruin of [trade] and of the islands; as if the trade of the islands had any other foundation. I, ... procurator, have come to the opinion that God is abandoning this His kingdom; ... I doubt that on other occasions, there may have been greater or equal mi[sfortunes], but surely, the ministers of the king, our sovereign, must have had more application and better intentions. It might be that Señor Cegado has them, since he is ... it. They pass no measure that is not intended for the ruin, and tell ... the liberty in which they live, would be to paint a detesta[ble] and scandalous community.

Against us in particular, is aroused a very perplexing storm, ... the case, that in the college of Manila, a [mis]sion was held during Lent. On the next to the last day, Father Puch explained the seventh command[ment] and named the kinds of robbers that existed. He named alcaldes-[mayor?] of provinces, adding what St. Xavier said of these at seeing ... that they received the decree deleantur de libro viventium. [211] On the ... day, while I was resting, I received a bloodthirsty denunciation from Señor Galban, which I [sho]wed to Father Puch, who explained on Sunday afternoon in great-detail what I have mentioned, and what he ought to say. But on the third day, I received a royal provision passed by an extraordinary meeting of the assembly, in [which] they told [me] to censure Father Puch who was to be ordered to give sat[isfaction] to the royal assembly, and to the public for the excesses committed upon the alcaldes-mayor. The last two days of the mission, I formed their ... assessorship at the university of Santo Thomas, and at four of the ... all acquitted, and I with them, Father Puch. Thereupon, I presented myself before the royal assembly on the twenty-seventh [of] March, and they have been silent until now. They gave the matter for review to the fiscal, who presented himself in person on the seventeenth of May with a fiscal review, in which he censures and reproves my conduct, and reproves and censures that of Father Puch. He censures all the religious orders, for, he says, we are all united in incriminating the alcaldes-mayor; that there is no obedience to the king in the islands; that the religious are the masters of the islands, despotic, tyrannical, cruel. He requests the royal assembly to reproduce before the king our sovereign, the memorial of Palafox against the religious, and that secular priests be assigned to the ministries; and that although the provision taken in the royal assembly ought to be urged on me, and although another ought to be despatched against the Dominicans, already the conspiracy of all the religious is known, and that the royal assembly will obtain nothing more than disrespect, disobedience, and insults, and that it will be best to inform the king, our sovereign, of everything, passing by my petition of testimony made in triplicate in order that I might have recourse to his Majesty. I have seen nothing, and have been informed of nothing. Thereupon, I sought my remedy, and have recourse with three testimonies to the king, our sovereign. I greatly fear, however, that the matter will be neglected in Madrid, and the connivance of our procurators; but for this I also ask the remedy farther on.

A boat was built in Pangasinan in order that it might be sent to Nueva España. It was launched in the middle of May in a river, but it could not get out because of the bar. Means are being discussed, hopes abound, but it is now considered impossible for a voyage to be made this year. The "Santa Rosa" was expected at the end of May, but we are sure that there will be no voyage unless one of the ships from the mainland is bought. If the "Santa Rosa" brings no money we must all go to live in Visayas and Tagalos. To this point have I come, today, June 17. If there is anything to add later, I will add it in a separate paragraph, or in another letter.

The "Santa Rosa" arrived July 3, with the new governor. The "Santa Rosa" is being prepared for its return trip to México, for the ship of Azevedo has not arrived, and is not expected, although it left the bar on the third of this said month. The boat of Misamis is being equipped for México. I do not consider it necessary to give instructions to your Reverence, for I expect that without them, you will perform the duties of your post fully, and our friendship.

Santa Cruz, July 20, 1765.

Your Reverence's most affectionate servant,

Bernardo Pazuengos (rubric)

[Addressed: "My Father Procurator-General, Joaquin Mesquida."]

REFERENCES

Accounts of the capture and occupancy of Manila, and contemporaneous events, will be found in the following:

1. Vivar, Pedro del, O.S.A.--Relación de los alzamientos de la ciudad de Vigan, cabecera de la provincia de Ilocos, en los años de 1762 y 1763. Composed in 1764; published as part of vol. iv, of Biblioteca Histórica Filipina. An account of the insurrections of Diego Silán and Nicolás Cariño.

2. Castro, Agustin Maria de, O.S.A.--Reseña sobre la guerra de los ingleses ca. 1765. MS. in Augustinian archives, Manila; and a copy of which is owned by Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A., at Valladolid. Cited by Montero y Vidal, and by Pérez (Catálogo).

3. Le Gentil de la Galaisière, Guillaume Joseph Hyacinthe Jean Baptiste.--Voyage dons les mers de l'Inde (Paris, 1779-1781), ii, chapter ii, articles xvii and xviii, pp. 230-275. This book contains the Journal of Archbishop Rojo concerning the siege. Le Gentil criticises the method of the British operations; and influenced by his friendship for Rojo's nephew passes a severe criticism on Anda, which has caused him in turn to be criticised by the Spaniards.

4. Malo de Luque, Eduardo (pseudonym of Duke of Almodovar).--Historia política de los establecimientos ultramarinos de las naciones europeas (Madrid, 1784-1790), v, chaps. ix, and x, pp. 234-310. Contains many of the original documents and letters connected with the conquest period.

5. Martinez de Zúñiga, Joaquin, O.S.A.--Historia de las Islas Philipinas (Sampaloc, 1803), chaps. xxxiii-xxxvii, pp. 601-687. Treats of siege, capture, insurrections, operations of Anda, and the peace.

6. Mas, Sinibaldo de.--Informe sobre el estado de las islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1843), i, no. 2. Uses preceding authorities largely.

7. Buzeta, Manuel, O.S.A., and Bravo, Felipe, O.S.A.--Diccionario (Madrid, 1850), ii, pp. 289-291. A very short and unsatisfactory account.

8. Ferrando, Juan, O.P.--Historia de los PP. Dominicos en las islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1871), iv, chaps. viii-x, pp. 611-742; v, chap. i, pp. 1-25. Contains Dominican history and general account of the conquest, etc.

9. Montero y Vidal, José.--Historia general de Filipinas, ii, chaps. i-iii, and part of iv, pp. 7-119; and portion of appendix, where he gives various documents of conquest period. Uses foregoing freely.

10. Jordan de Urries, Pedro, marqués de Ayerbe.--Sitio y conquista de Manila por los Ingleses en 1762 (Zaragoza, 1897). Based on ordinary authorities, and especially on an unpublished MS. written by Alfonso Rodríguez de Ovalle, to the marqués de Cruillas, ancestor of the marqués de Ayerbe, which is conserved in the library of the latter. Ovalle sailed on the "Santa Rosa" with royal despatches notifying the city of Manila of the treaty of peace between Spain and England. While in the Philippines, he wrote a minute journal, accompanying it with plans and statistics, of the late events in Manila and the provinces. The dates of this journal are September 13, 1762-March 13, 1764.

11. Diez Aguado, Manuel, O.S.A.--Biografia del P. Agustín Ma. de Castro, Agustino (Barcelona, 1902). This contains a short account of the siege and capture of Manila. It is drawn in large part from Augustinian sources. The author has had the benefit also of manuscript material possessed by Augustinian friars in his convent at Valladolid, some of which manuscripts were written by Castro. [212]

12. War Department.--Annual Report, 1903 (Washington, 1903), iii, appendix ix, pp. 435-454. Part i, Historical sketch of the walls of Manila, compiled and written under direction of various U. S. military officers. Part ii, translation of chapter ii, of no. 10, by Capt. A. C. Macomb, 5th U. S. Cavalry; rather free translation. Contains many half-tone reproductions of Manila walls and fortifications.

13. MSS. in the Archivo general de España, at Simancas; estado 6958.--Concerning the capture, sack, capitulation, and surrender of Manila, the propositions of the English, its recovery, etc.; 1762-1765. This contains also the documents regarding the capture of the "Santissima Trinidad." This legajo contains much correspondence from the Spanish minister in England; and a number of letters written in English. Legajo 6954 is dated "London, 23 de Sept. 1763;" and treats of the restitution of the Philippines.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The following documents are obtained from the original MSS. in the British Museum:

1. Plan of an expedition.--Jure Empt. 19, 298; Plut. CLII. E.

2. Letter to Lord Anson.--Hardwicke papers; Vol. DL. Navy papers, 1693-1779; Add. 35, 898; fol. 278, 279.

3. Letters to Earl of Egremont (letter of Nov. 1).--East India military letters; Add. 5939; fol. 80 verso--82 verso.

The following are taken from Scots Magazine for 1763; from a copy belonging to the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society:

4. Letters to Clevland.--Pp. 232-235.

5. Letters to Earl of Egremont (letter of Nov. 2).--Pp. 225-227; the third set of "Proposals" are taken from Draper's A plain narrative (pp. 27-30).

6. Draper's Journal.--Pp. 227-232.

One document is from Le Gentil's Voyage, from a copy belonging to the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society:

7. Rojo's Journal.--ii, pp. 232-235, 236, 237-239, 241, 242, 243-247, 248-252, 255-259.

The following are from MSS. in the Ayer Collection:

8. Anda and the English invasion.--From MS. (copy of 1765), entitled "Documents for the history of the invasion and war with the English in Filipinas, 1762-1764."

9. Rojo's narrative.--From original MS., entitled "Operations in Manila."

10. Synopsis of letter to Cárlos III.--From Ventura del Arco transcripts, iv, pp. 641-649.

11. Letter to Cárlos III.--From Ventura del Arco transcripts, iv, pp. 597-620.

12. Synopsis of communications to Cárlos III.--From Ventura del Arco transcripts, iv, pp. 621-640.

The following are from the original MSS. in the Archivo general de Simancas, all bearing pressmark "Secretaría de Gracia y Justicia; leg. 691."

13. Letter to Gonzalez.

14. Letter to Rueda.

15. Letter to Mesquida.

One is from two small bound pamphlets belonging to the Ayer Collection:

16. Draper's defense.--I. A plain narrative (London, 1764?). II. Colonel's Draper's answer to the Spanish arguments (London, 1764).

17. References.--Editorial compilation of titles.

NOTES

[1] This paragraph was canceled by its author. A sidenote reference at this point is to San Antonio's Cronicas de ... San Gregorio.

[2] Probably the island of Busuañga, the largest of the Calamianes Group; spoken of previously as Buvugan.

[3] A sidenote reference at this point is to Colin's Labor evangelica, and San Antonio's Cronicas.

[4] The Manila galleon captured by Anson, whose real name was "Nuestra Señora de Cabadonga." See the account of its capture in Kerr's Hist. and Coll. of Voyages, xi, pp. 489-501.

[5] Opposite this point is a sidenote reference to Colin, apparently to his Labor evangelica.

[6] i.e., The island of Siquijor. Ylog is probably for Ilong, and Sily, for Silay.

[7] i.e., Magendanao, or Mindanao.

[8] See VOL. XLIII, appendix, and notes.

[9] It is known that Draper when in Canton suggested the conquest of the Philippines (see note 12, post), and was ordered to outline his plan fully. That fact suggests that the present document is the fuller outline, and hence that Draper is its author.

[10] Facts regarding Samuel Cornish are few. In 1743, when captain of the fifty-gun ship "Guernsey," he destroyed a Spanish privateer of twenty-two guns, which had taken shelter under an eight-gun battery near Cape de Gatt. He also performed numerous other services of the same kind, and took and destroyed a fleet of zebecks laden with provisions. In 1756 he was captain of the "Stirling Castle," a vessel carrying 480 men, most of them the refuse of jails and the scum of the streets. In 1759 he was sent with reënforcements to the East Indies, in the "Lenox," Captain Robert Jocelyn commanding, where he was reënforced in 1760 with five ships. He was at the reduction of Pondicherry in 1760, and at the reduction of Mahe in 1761. Thence he went to Bombay to refit, and went to meet Commodore Keppel for the attack of Bourbon and Mauritius, although these orders were later changed. His promotions are as follows: captain, 1742; rear admiral (white), 1759, (red), 1761; rear admiral (blue), 1762, (red), 1770. He was made a baronet in 1766. His death occurred October 30, 1770. See Allen's Battles of British navy (London, 1878), i, pp. 147, 148; Clowes's Royal Navy (Boston and London, 1898), iii, pp. 23, 196, 240, 565.

[11] The war with Spain came partly as a consequence of the so-called "Family compact" signed between France, Spain, Naples, and Parma, at Versailles, August 25, 1761. England declared war against Spain, January 2, 1762. The diplomatic history of this period is especially tortuous.

[12] Sir William Draper was the son of a collector of customs of Bristol, where he was born in 1721. He received his education at Eton and King's College, Cambridge. Entering the military service, he went to the East Indies, where he entered the services of the East India Company, attaining the rank of colonel in 1760. In 1761 he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general for the expedition to Belle Isle. When in Canton, China, whither he went for his health after the defense of Madras in 1759, he took occasion to study conditions in the Philippines, and learned that the Spaniards had no fear of attack since they were so far from Europe. He communicated plans to Lord Anson and Lord Egremont for their conquest at the first rumors of war with Spain, and was ordered to outline his plan fully. The colors taken at the storming of Manila were given by him to King's College, where they were hung in the chapel. When the 79th regiment was reduced he was given command of the 16th regiment of foot, but resigned that post. His health rendered it necessary for him to retire to South Carolina, in 1769, and while in America he made a tour of the colonies. In 1769 he married the daughter of Chief-Justice Lancey of New York, by whom he had one daughter. He had reached the rank of lieutenant-general in 1779 when he was appointed governor-general of Minorca, which office he held until the surrender of that island. His death occurred January 8, 1787, while in retirement at Bath. See New and general biographical dictionary (London, 1798), v, pp. 146, 147; Chalmers's Biographical dictionary (London, 1813), xii, pp. 316-318; Rose's New general biographical dictionary (London, 1848), vii, pp. 138, 139; and Campbell's Lives of British Admirals (London, 1817), v, pp. 175, 176.

[13] The churches taken by the English and used as forts before the assault were afterward demolished by them in order that the Spaniards might not make use of them for like purpose against them (Montero y Vidal's Historia, ii, p. 15, note 1).

[14] Had our men taken thought to prevent the disembarking, perhaps they could have driven the enemy back, for they disembarked on a day when the waves were high and when there was a heavy surf, which overturned a lancha carrying a cannon of the caliber of eighteen. All its men fell into the water, and its equipment was rendered almost useless. Their men left the other lanchas with the water up to their breasts carrying their muskets and cartridge-boxes on their heads. Amid this discomfort, two hundred men reached the beach. They immediately formed ranks and allowed the others to disembark more quietly. See Martinez de Zúñiga's Historia, pp. 604, 605.

[15] i.e., The small island of Cahayagan, at the west entrance to port of Palápog, north of Samar Island.

[16] The "Panther" carried sixty-four guns, and the "Argo" thirty. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 15.

[17] During the gale, the chief boat of the English, which was trying to disembark troops on the beach at Tondo, was obliged to give up the attempt because of the fire that was directed from the fort of Santiago. This ship would have been surely lost, had not the archbishop, confused and lacking good advice, ordered a complete cessation of firing from the citadel. See Montero y Vidal, ii. p. 23.

[18] This officer, later a subordinate admiral, was in 1782 in command of the "Royal George," a three-decker of 108 guns, generally extolled as the finest ship in the British navy. While preparing for the relief expedition to Gibraltar under Admiral Howe, and while the vessel was heeled over for some trifling repairs, a sudden squall caught it, filling it with water, so that it sank with all on board, scarcely a person being saved. The wreck long obstructed the anchorage at Spithead. See Yonge's History of British navy, i, pp. 392, 393.

[19] This letter is published in the following eighteenth-century magazines: London Gazette of April 16-19, 1763, from which this letter, as well the other letters published by them, were taken by the other magazines; London Chronicle, xiii, no. 986, April 19-21, 1763, pp. 379, 380; Gentleman's Magazine, xxiii, pp. 177-179; London Magazine, xxxii, pp. 219-221; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 255-257; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 206-208; and vol. ii of The Field of Mars, 1781.

[20] i.e., The Naranjos Group lying in the strait of San Bernardino, south of Sorsogon, and consisting of six small islands: San Andres, Medio, Escarpada, Aguada, Dársena, and Rasa.

[21] Its artillery was in the hold, and it only carried above hatches, five cannons of the caliber of eight, and four of the caliber of four. Notwithstanding this surprise, the unfortunate condition of the vessel, and the formidable force of the English, its commander, who was a Gallego, and the other Spaniards who were aboard it, as if they knew what had happened in Manila, and were of a mind to vindicate the luster of their fatherland, there at stake, fought desperately, and received 1,700 balls of the caliber of 18 and 24. Thirty-five of the English were killed and eighteen Spaniards in addition to the wounded. The ship after being captured was towed to Cavite, where it arrived November 12, 1762. The silks, spices, gold dust, and other effects that it contained, were worth 2,000,000 pesos fuertes. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 16, 17, note 2.

"The Holy Trinity ['Santisima Trinidad'], a rich galleon, taken at the Manilas by Adm. Cornish, arrived in Plymouth Road, June 9, commanded by Lieut. Mainwaring Wilding." (Scots Magazine, 1764, xxvi, p. 348.)

"The Santissima Trinidad, the galleon which was taken in her voyage to Acapulco during the siege of Manila, is now advertised for sale at Plymouth. This ship is one of the largest ever seen in Britain. She is upwards of 2000 tons burthen; the gun-deck measures 167 feet 6 inches; the breadth, 50 feet 6 inches; the depth of the hold from the poop-deck, 30 feet 6 inches; and her draught of water when she arrived at Plymouth was 28 feet." (Ut supra, p. 515.)

"On the 14th of August, the great cause of the Manila ship, Santissima Trinidad, was determined by the lords of appeals for prizes, the sentence affirmed, and the Spanish claim wholly rejected." (Ut supra, 1765, xxvii, p. 493.)

[22] Also published in London Gazette, April 16-19, 1763; London Chronicle, 1763, pp. 380, 381; Gentleman's Magazine, 1763, p. 179; London Magazine, 1763, p. 221; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 257, 258; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 208, 209.

[23] Lord George Anson was descended from a family long established in Staffordshire, and was born at Shugborough manor, in the parish of Colwich, April 23, 1697. Choosing the sea as his career, he became second lieutenant May 9, 1716. In 1718 he took part in the action near Sicily in which the Spanish fleet was destroyed. The years 1724-27 he spent in a naval position in South Carolina, erecting there the town Anson Bourgh, and giving name to a county. He made two other trips to South Carolina, where he had acquired considerable property. On the outbreak of hostilities with Spain in 1739, he was chosen commander of the fleet to attack the Pacific Spanish-American settlements, and while engaged in this mission made his celebrated circumnavigation of the world, capturing the Philippine galleon on June 20, 1743. He arrived at England, June 15, 1744, after many dangers, in which he displayed great hardihood and courage. Shortly after his return, he was made a rear-admiral of the blue, and soon after that was elected to Parliament. December 27, 1744, he was appointed one of the commissioners of the admiralty, and April 23, 1745 was made a rear-admiral of the white. July 14, 1746 he was appointed vice admiral, and during that and the succeeding year performed many services for his country. June 13, 1747, he was appointed to the peerage. Most of the rest of his life was passed as a member of the admiralty board, he finally becoming its head, having attained the rank of admiral. He died June 6, 1762, so that the letter written by Cornish never reached him, being written indeed some months after that event. See New and general biographical dictionary (London, 1798), i, pp. 389-391; Chalmers's General biographical dictionary (London, 1812-1817), ii, pp. 294-311; Rose's New general biographical dictionary (London, 1848), ii, pp. 489-500; Barrow's Life of George Lord Anson (London, 1839); and the various editions of his Voyages.

[24] Le Gentil (Voyage, Paris, 1781, ii, pp. 247, 248), says of these Frenchmen: "The English, on arriving at Manila, had with them about three hundred and fifty Frenchmen, enrolled by force. These people formed a plan to desert them at the first opportunity. The English had not yet finished their battery, when the little French troop sent two trusty men to confer with the place and to agree with them for a sortie, during which the French troop would take the side of the Spaniards. Two men were sacrificed; they went without weapons, their arms crossed, to present themselves at the gate of the city. Instead of opening it to them, they were allowed to be massacred by the Indians who did not know them. At Manila, innumerable chimerical ideas have been formed as to the sudden arrival of these two men. But what can two men who come without weapons and with crossed arms to present themselves at the gate of a city do? What is there to fear from them to refuse to receive them? I believe that they were taken for English at Manila, and that a poorly understood religious motive was the reason for the very great fault of not opening the gate to them. Whatever it was, this treatment did not engage others to sacrifice themselves. But the English, having some doubt of some resolution on the part of the French, put it out of their power to attempt anything to their prejudice, by placing them between the Sepoys and their national troops, with orders to fire on these French, if they were seen to comport themselves differently than the others."

[25] Scots Magazine for 1763, xxv, p. 235, contains the following in regard to these plates: "They write from London, of April 21, thus. 'There were found at the Manilas, among many other curiosities, and brought here by Col. Draper, eight copper-plates, on which are engraved a most particular map of the Philippine islands, adorned with the customs and habits of the inhabitants of those parts, which was done by order of the governor, in 1734, and dedicated to his Catholic Majesty.'--By an advertisement since inserted in the papers, some few impressions are proposed to be taken of these original copper-plates." What is probably one of these impressions was sold recently by the firm of Henry Stevens, Son and Stiles, London, to the Library of Congress. This is the celebrated Murillo Velarde map. The map is printed in four sheets, as are also the pictures (three to a sheet) of the "customs and habits of the inhabitants," and are so arranged that the map is in the middle with the pictures grouped on its right and left sides. The map as sold by the above firm was arranged in two large sheets, with a margin left so that the sheets could be easily joined. The whole map if pasted on one single sheet with the pictures would measure about 1170 mm. wide, and 1082-1087 mm. high. The difference in height between the two halves seems to be due to the lines not being drawn quite true on the plates, although shrinkage of paper may affect it slightly. This map is described by Pardo de Tavera in his El mapa de Filipinas del P. Murillo Velarde (Manila, 1894); and La carte des Philippines du Pere Murillo Velarde (Paris, 1898), the latter being a separate or "Extrait du Bulletin de geographie," No. 1, 1897. Marcel reproduces several of the pictures. The map contained in the Ayer Murillo Velarde is unaccompanied by the pictures, and was engraved in 1744. We are indebted for much of this note to the courtesy of the above-named firm.

[26] Lord Egremont was a man of small ability who succeeded Pitt as secretary of state. See Hunt's Political History of England (New York and London, 1905), x, p. 32.

[27] Le Gentil (ii, pp. 264, 265), says that the British made many mistakes in the expedition against Manila. They should, he says, have first seized the posts about Manila, and the city would have fallen of its own accord because of its weakness, without the necessity of a siege; and in addition the "Filipino" would not have been able to escape. Another mistake was made in allowing Anda to form his army.

The following communications are interesting as showing the diplomatic side of the British expedition against Manila. These letters all bear the same pressmark as the present document (all being contemporary government copies of the real originals), and are to be found at folios 15-16 verso, 23, 23 verso, 33 verso, 34, and 45.

21 Janry 1763

To Gover. Crommelin

Sir

As it is my duty to acquaint his majesty's principal Secretary of State with all important Transactions in which his majesty's Troops in this part of the World are concerned. I beg leave to request you will send me the Paragraph of the Letter relative to the Capture of Manila that I may transmit it to England by this opportunity. I also request you will order the Packet to be kept open until you have received my Letter which shall be sent as soon as possible. Had I been acquainted with this sooner, I should not have troubled you to detain the Packet.

I am

&ca. S. L. M.

From the Goverr. 21 Janry 1763

Sir

I am favoured with yours of this date and agreeable to your Request our Secretary is directed to send you a Copy of the advise we received yesterday relative to the Capture of manila and to keep the Packet open till he receives your letter.

I am &ca.

Signed Cha Crommelin

From Mr. Ramsay 21 Janry 1763

Sir

I am directed by the Hoñble the Presedt, and Council to tend you the accompanying copy of a Paragraph of a Letter from the Chief and Factors at Tellicherry containing the agreeable news of the surrender of manila to his majesty's arms on which important acquisition, I beg leave, Sir, to congratulate and am respectfully Sir &ca

Signed Andw. Ramsay Secry

Copy of a Paragraph of a Letter from the Chief & Factors at Tellicherry to the President and Council at Bombay dated 10 January 1763 it received 20th following LB Express Boat, "We addressed you under the 28th. & 29th. ultimo LB ship Royal Admiral and the Chief having received by a Private Letter from the Resident at Calicutt, the agreeable news of a Macao ship arrived at Cochin, bringing advice of the surrender of manila in four days to Admiral Cornish we dispatch this Boat, tho unacquainted with any other particulars, Chiefly to advise your Honour &ca, of it, and Request your acceptance of our Congratulations on so Considerable an acquisition. Immediately on our learning any further accounts we shall send away another Boat with them,

A True Copy.

signed Andw. Ramsay Secry.

To the Earl of Bute 21 Janry 1763

My Lord

Having the Honour to Command his Majesty's Troops here, I esteem it my duty to send your Lordship the enclosed Paragraph of a Letter of the Governour & Council here received yesterday from the Chief and Factors at Tellicherry of which we hourly expect confirmation. I have the Honour to congratulate your Lordship on the success of his Majesties arms & of being with the highest respect

My Lord

2 Duplicates Your Lordp. &ca. LB Express over Land S. L. M.

From Mr. Ramsay Secretary 2d February (sic) 1763

Sir

I am directed by the Hoñble the President and Council to send you the enclosed attested Copy of a Paragraph of a Letter received yesterday from the Chief and Factors at Tellicherry and to acquaint you that the Tartar snow, which has hither to been detained at Surat Bar, in Expectation of receiving a more Certain and particular accot. of the Capture of Manilha will shortly be dispatched from thence, if therefore you have any further advices to transmit to Europe you will be pleased to prepare them, as soon as possible that they may be duly forwarded by Sir &ca.

signed Adw. Ramsay Secry

follows the Paragraph

"We have received no further particulars regarding Manilha except that the day of it's surrender was the 6th october.

To Mr. Ramsay 2d February 1763

Sir