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Chapter VI: Part 6

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25. Great was the confusion of that day, and the grief of the fierce sack. After the sack had lasted six hours, the archbishop requested the general to forbid it, saying that neither church nor palace would be left. The general went in person to attend to this, and by the diligence of his men killed one, and maltreated another, who was wounded in an arm, and commanded three to be hanged among whom was an Indian of tender years, and it appears with small grounds as only a few balls were found on him. But as a matter of fact, the sack continued for more than thirty hours, as was asserted to the archbishop, on account of which the latter made frequent requests of the general. But in this madness of the sack, the very house servants had not a little part and guilt, taking advantage of this unfortunate occasion. And as regards the suburbs of the city, malicious persons and robbers by profession (who abound in these districts) as well as the very natives who had come from the provinces, and much more, the characteristic perversity of the Sangleys executed this destruction on the churches and many houses. [139]

26. The afternoon of the same day, both chiefs, Draper and Cornish, sent the archbishop the conditions under which the city would be free from the sack, the life of the citizens, and their possessions, commerce, and religion, saved, namely, by the surrender of Cavite, and the payment of four million pesos, two million to be paid at once. In this manner, they would consider the articles of the capitulation that had been signed by the archbishop, auditors, and city. Those articles were sent shortly after on the same day by the generals, approved with some restrictions as may be seen by all in their originals and in the testimonies placed in the collection of papers.

27. From that afternoon a general council was called of all estates, who met on the following morning to deliberate in regard to said conditions. The archbishop ordered all to discuss the matter of the said millions, while he was treating with the military men and auditor of war in regard to Cavite. The latter excused themselves from expressing an opinion under pretext of being prisoners of war, whereupon the archbishop wrote to the general, asking him to declare that those who were in the fort were not prisoners, and that meanwhile he could not answer regarding Cavite. But he had not despatched said letter, before he received a message from the generals in regard to the fulfilment of their conditions, with the instant and terrible threat, that if the contrary was done, they would put them all to the sword without excepting a single person. Within a few moments the same message was repeated by means of a Siquite [Sepoy?]. Both messages were heard by all the Spaniards of the council, and by many others who were in the palace; and it was learned for certain that the order was given to the colonel, who had drawn up his troops in front of the palace, and had taken the entrances of the streets. Answer was made that a reply would be given in a very short time. The archbishop, thereupon, turning to all the above-mentioned persons in the council, told them that they should determine without delay what was most advisable in regard to the millions, and that they should do it while he was deliberating with the military men regarding Cavite. The latter, with the auditor of war (forgetful of their opposition toward giving an opinion a short time before), not only gave one, by which Cavite was to be immediately surrendered, but even asked that with great insistence. Being reprimanded and asked why now they gave their opinion which they had refused so tenaciously a short time before, they answered that circumstances had changed in a few moments by the ruin that threatened all in a short time. [140] The council also resolved that the four millions should be given, the silver of the pious funds, chaplaincies etc., found existing being given immediately, while the rest demanded would be given from the wealth in the ["Philipino?" MS. worn]. What remained would be paid by his Majesty, since there was no other recourse except his royal clemency. The paper containing this proposition was signed by the archbishop, and by the auditors and chief citizens.

28. In such a predicament, in which the archbishop conceived all without any exception to be defendants and thrown into consternation, he found no other means than to agree to the above-mentioned proposition, which put in writing and signed by the chief persons, was taken by two commissaries to the generals, and also the order for the surrender of Cavite, stating that no move toward resistance would be made, and taking the precaution of sending a suitable officer for that purpose. The generals answered the commissaries that, if what they said was contained in the paper, they would allow them to ascertain that through their interpreter; and that since two of their ships had gone in search of the "Philipino," if they had already captured it, they [i.e., the Spaniards] ought not to reckon on it in the payment, of which they could make use if it were not already captured. In accordance with this, a letter was to be written to the commander of the "Philipino;" and the abovesaid notice was to be executed ordering him to come from Palapa to this [city? MS. worn]. This letter agreed to by all the council and signed by the archbishop was shown to the generals and was despatched to [that commander?] by two of the chief inhabitants, who sent it safely; though as yet we are ignorant of its receipt, and it has been rumored that it has been intercepted on the way, and that even a contrary order has been given without us knowing by whom.

29. The sum found in the pious funds, chaplaincies, etc., was really ascertained and delivered. There was some difference in it because of the small coins which had been clipped, and which were received by weight. To this sum was added the amount of the wrought silver of the churches (in which it appears that in some churches some of the silver was reserved). There was a measure enacted by the archbishop, in virtue of what was discussed in the general council and of present circumstances. The superiors and the administrators of said church, who were notified thereof, agreed, and they made the delivery without any answer or protest; for they saw well that, although the secular estate contributed with ¡ts interests in the "Philipino," it would be impossible to get during those days a suitable distribution among the citizens (and as it seemed), the destruction of the sack had left them without money or anything of value, as they declared. Besides all their powers could never make enough and be sufficient for the whole or half of the contribution demanded. And the silver of the churches being in sight, it was the best stimulus and incentive of greed, robbery, and of violence, and with profanation of the altars and of the sacristy, as had already been begun to be experienced, not only from the English troops, but also from the natives themselves and the domestics, and the especially covetous Sangleys. Not only did these misfortunes disturb the heart of the archbishop, but also the gloomy consideration of the Moros, those ancient enemies, who annually raided the provinces, and of whom it was conjectured that, hearing of our fatality, they would feed themselves with more audacity on their robberies, sacrileges, and piracies, as, in fact, has been experienced even in a village near the mouth of Marivelez which is the mouth of this bay. Thence, after their accustomed molestations, they have taken one hundred captives of both sexes, and, from the island of Marinduque, they have taken one hundred persons and the Jesuit missionary of that island.

30. It befell that in order to obviate so many inconveniences, they did not hesitate in taking from the altars the silver for the redemption and relief, which was the least danger to the faithful Catholics. By this arrangement, the payment of his Majesty was reduced, from whose royal magnificence has originated the rich adornment of the churches. But the sacred vases which belong immediately to divine worship were always reserved, as were also the chalices, cups, and monstrances. In these circumstances, the archbishop voluntarily delivered all his valuables and vases without reserving his pectoral or anything else, in order to aid so far as he was concerned in the ransom of the city, and in order that he might serve as an example, so that his [MS. worn] might not excuse himself from contributing voluntarily whatever was possible. And as it was not proper that, in these public calamities, and of the despoliation of his own spouse, the cathedral church, he should remain with adornment and should not be deprived of everything; and although his said possessions were not of any considerable importance, he had the consolation of not reserving anything and of giving them up with good will. Of money in cash he gave none, for he had none, nor, since he has been in these islands, has he had any left from his pay and stipends, for he has spent them all in the support of his household, on the poor, and for the relief of many necessities, always grieving at not helping them all, because excessive sums would have been required (as those necessities were many and grave). For this same reason, by order of the [English] commissary of artillery, the bells were taken down (as spoils that belonged to them) from the churches of the city and its environs. The archbishop, grieving over the loss of his charge, set his mind on ransoming the bells of the cathedral and royal chapel, but since he had not come to these islands with wealth to execute it, he gave an order against his agent in Cadiz, ordering him to pay the sum of five thousand pesos for which they were redeemed, notwithstanding that a very small sum remained in the possession of the said agent to comply with the order. But the great confidence which assists him in the above-mentioned animated the archbishop.

31. Advised of the scattering of the Spaniards since the day of the assault, and that they were going to the villages and mountain, where they were in danger from the barbarians and the revolted natives (as was experienced in many disasters, thefts, and murders), and their families in other directions not any more secure, and others in the city and its precincts, an order was issued for all to assemble and come to live in the city with those who were there. That order had little effect, for each one followed his own opinion and will, and began to lose his obedience to his superior. This was aided not a little by the example of those who by their employ and dignity ought to have given a better example.

32. Better fruit was obtained in ecclesiastical matters (although that not sufficient and advisable), for the prebendaries and some of the secular clergy continued to assemble at the cathedral, and in the convents of the regulars some religious remained. They were requested and charged not to abandon their churches, and to endeavor to have a suitable number of subjects for the continuance of divine worship, and to be the relief and consolation of the faithful, and that they might be able to attend to their necessities in the administration of the sacraments.

33. Thus was it done for the most part, but it was not that which was advisable and sufficient to meet other casualties, which the superiors of the Society satisfied. He was the only provincial prelate who remained living [in the city], together with that of St. John of God, whose superiors and subjects complied perfectly with their respective ministries. On account of this defect, or non-existence of the superior, it appears that the persecution by the English of the Augustinian fathers or their opposition to them had no reparation; and although their provincial was indeed near Manila, his passage to the city was prevented. [141] The other superiors, although not provincials, met respectively what arose in their orders, but their powers did not reach to the subjects outside [the city] nor did they gain the respect of the English within. And the English qualifying as having committed excesses those Augustinian religious and others, who appeared before them, who were commanding the natives outside, proceeded to imprisonments, exiles, and confiscations of property, especially in the above-mentioned, taking possession of their church, money, valuables, and everything else that they had. [142] It is enough to have touched this point, for it would be most tedious to set forth all its particulars in detail; and it does not belong to the archbishop to qualify the facts, since each superior must give account of them to the king, our sovereign, with the religious sincerity which he professes, and to show their complaints with the same truth. But he cannot restrain his wonder as to how the father visitor and the father of this province of San Juan de Dios, the reverend Father Puga, [143] a priest, with his community attended and attends to his institute, sheltering and assisting so great a number of sick and poor amid so great calamity and so many necessities, and who not having the slight regular alms, does not fail at all to his sick, the religious aiding them. This is properly a miracle of charity. The persecution which this superior and community has suffered, from the one who has taken command of the government is as painful as their patience is praiseworthy and exemplary.

34. The destruction which was experienced in the suburbs of Manila and in other more distant places, from robbery, murders, and other execrable atrocities, obliged the archbishop to endeavor to restrain the evildoers and insurgents by means of Don Josef Busto, a person of spirit and of great experience in the land, with a company of men to his satisfaction. He was ready to do it, but asked a suitable salary after he had formed his account. [144] Thereupon, the archbishop ordered that one of the citizens, who had not suffered from the sack and was wealthy, to make ready two thousand pesos which would be placed to his account and apportioned to the sum which was to be demanded from him for the contribution of the millions; and that the senior auditor, who exercised the office of auditor of war, would give the instructions and powers necessary to said Busto for the above-mentioned end. But both persons excused themselves most strongly, the above-mentioned citizen with the frivolous remark that he had nothing which he could supply, the auditor by saying that he was a prisoner of war, and a mere assessor in these matters. The first was a bit of frivolity, and the second a pretext, for when the governor is an ecclesiastic, the auditor expedites and determines by himself criminal causes which arise; and thus did it happen with the archbishop during the time of the siege and before in like causes with the same auditor. But since the reins of obedience and respect had already been broken, and there were no forces to reduce them to their duty, like other matters, this remained thus without the due remedy, and the disasters continued through insolence and libertinage.

35. During this time also, Auditor Anda had declared himself governor, captain-general, and royal Audiencia, and had despatched messages [cordilleras] ordering himself to be so recognized in the provinces. And he had ordered and commenced to cut off the provisions in the two districts of Bulacan and Laguna whence they come to the city. In these raids, happened the murders of natives and English in the suburbs, and the latter were mutilated and treated with other contempts suitable for barbarians. Other events had preceded with the religious of Bulacan where Anda was, and the English chiefs of whom it was spoken variously. The archbishop cannot speak with exactness, as he does not know of those events, only that on one occasion, posterior to that time, in which the Augustinian [145] fathers were discussed before many, the archbishop alleged publicly in their favor (led rather by his inclination to piety than by the judgment which he had formed then of their guilt or innocence), as well as in favor of all the religious who were present in their convents; for he held several divine offices, and protected them so far as he could, although he was unable to prevent the English from embarking and sending nine of them in the English fragatas which went to Madrasta.

36. It appears that, on account of the said causes, and (as is known) from other apprehensions or imaginations, the British leaders proscribed the above-named auditor, and it was added that they had offered a reward for his person. The auditors learning this, went to the archbishop with this notice, and great fright; and for the time being there were no means by which to assure their lives. But within a short time a hasty message from the general to the archbishop, ordering him to cause that auditor to appear, together with the alcalde-mayor of Bulacan and other nearby alcaldes in order that, on the twenty-fifth day of October, they might, together with the city and the military men, take the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, and give their word of honor not to take arms against his nation during the war, and until the kings should agree or decide the fate of these islands. The archbishop replied to this message that he was unable to cause the appearance of Auditor Anda, since they had proscribed him, which was equivalent to handing him over to death; and that so long as Anda was not secure of his life he could not make him appear. In regard to the alcalde of Bulacan and the others, he could as little cause them to come, because in the lack of any one to govern and restrain the natives, their disturbance and revolt would increase all the more.

37. In order that he might inform the auditors of this event, the archbishop had them summoned, and with them, namely, the fiscal and the senior auditor, he began to discuss what they ought to do in regard to Auditor Anda. While they were conferring thus, Auditor Galban came with the marquis of Monte Castro, who were with General Draper at the time when my above-mentioned reply or message was given to him. He sent them so that they might discuss and talk over this point with the archbishop. They told him that he could rest assured of the life of Anda, and the general answered the same through his envoy. The conference lasted for more than three hours, with various commotions, without the auditors caring to express their opinion, giving as an excuse that the said general had told those above-mentioned that they were all prisoners of war, with the exception of the archbishop. On the night of said day, said ministers presented to the archbishop a writing, leaving in his hands and judgment as the one to whom the matter pertained, the appearance of said Anda.

38. But in order to meet this matter better, he had some of the foremost military officers invited, to whom he told all that had passed. They were of the opinion that he should cause the said Anda to retire, under security of his life, for he was incurring a great danger, and exposing the lives of many with his disturbances; and to shut off the provisions carries the same risk. [They were all of this opinion] except one military man, who asserted that if Bulacan was a separate province and had a fort or bastion, Anda ought not to be summoned, for then he could defend himself. But said province is very near Manila, being separated therefrom by only a distance of three or four hours, and it never had a bastion or fortress except that which very lately was constructed by order of the said Anda, and which the English demolished as will be told later.

39. In accordance with this opinion, the archbishop asked the general for assurance of the life of the abovesaid, in writing, and it was sent to him in the English language. The archbishop had it translated into our language, and kept in his possession the original paper. The above-mentioned copy was enclosed to him, and at the bottom of it the archbishop assured him that it was a faithful copy, and that he had had it copied into our language in order that Anda might understand it. He gave Anda strict orders to appear, but the latter replied discourteously with several absurdities, which the archbishop answered by noting his rudeness, and stating that he should have been addressed with the title of governor, and of Anda's disrespect in judging him [i.e., the archbishop] to be the secretary of the British. The archbishop also showed Anda other errors which he suffered, and sent him the original paper of safety, so that he might make use of it in the way that he pleased, and said that he would make a charge before God and the king of his excesses.

40. From that time until the present Anda continued his orders to prevent any food from being taken down to the city. But he has never been able to succeed in more than that the price of food has risen. He has not considered that the greater part of the garrison were prisoners in the city with the archbishop, with their officers, two togated ministers, and the officials of the royal treasury (except the treasurer), and the majority of the persons composing both cabildos, ecclesiastical and secular, various religious of all the communities, a convent of nuns, the beateríos and schools of both sexes, and most of the citizens of all classes and estates. He has not reflected that his obstinacy in this measure in any event and in any manner in which it might have any desired effect, resulted, before any injury to the English, in that of all these vassals of the king, afflicted and opposed by both parts. He has taken no account of the lack of success that could be hoped for from such a project, as has been shown, as he has not sufficient arms or disciplined men with which to oppose a nation which, besides having the city garrisoned and that of Cavite, and in both a good provision in the storehouses, dominated also the sea with their boats, with which in case of necessity, they could furnish provisions in plenty. [146]

41. This temerity has been the origin of many evils, which have increased the misfortune of these inhabitants, both secular and religious. They have been reduced to prison on various occasions, with sufficient contempt, occasioning that, together with injury to the natives, notable disturbances, disasters, fires, murders, robberies, and rapines have been experienced through the same agents and other evildoers. They have even been propagated through diverse places and estates with the destruction of their fields and herds; and, on the other side, the English irritated, not only have committed in the vicinity of Manila, many annoyances, burning of villages and buildings, and taking by force of arms (without resistance), all kinds of grain and animals, food, and a very great number of buffaloes, which were destined for the plough and the cultivation of the land, but they have also penetrated into some provinces with very few men, taking therefrom whatever they have wished, as they did in the month of November in the village of Pasig, where especially the food of all the Lake of Bay was gathered, and where trenches had been made in the church and convent. With all kinds of arms they had been occupied by ten thousand Indians, who were defeated at their first arrival by five hundred English. About one thousand five hundred of both sexes and all ages were killed, part of them with gun and cannon, and part precipitated into and drowned in the river Pasig. From that time a detachment of English troops remained in said village. [147] For that reason the English have penetrated about all the lake and through the province of Taal and Balayan, and have always brought vast supplies of food for their troops and for the storehouses. All these inhabitants always furnish them (for their money) with flesh, wheat, and palay. In any other way they would have suffered many more miseries. In the month of February, they did the same in Bulacan, which was the province where the above-mentioned Anda had established his fort in the church and convent. They advanced and forced his trenches, where some Spaniards and religious were killed, and four hundred Indians were put to the sword. The only difference was that in this place they did not carry back provisions or fortify themselves, but retired after demolishing the fortifications in the convent. They have also made many extortions in other villages which they would not have done had they not been provoked. [148]

42. All these injuries and many others, which are the necessary sequel of them, the archbishop thought over from that beginning, [which had been] without any fruit or advantage to our side, but, indeed, had, on the contrary, the pernicious effects that experience has proved, and which had already commenced to show themselves. Consequently, he found it necessary to write to Anda again, mitigating with the greatest mildness the ardor of his preceding letter, in order that Anda might consider these calamities, and change direction, increasing and arranging the terms of his commission as visitor of the land and lieutenant of the captain-general. But there was no other answer to this letter except notice of its receipt written on its envelope.

43. A like effect was obtained by the order that he gave in his letter to the treasurer, ordering him to transfer to the city the money in his care, in order that it might escape the theft which many evil natives had attempted. They would have succeeded in one of their most vigorous attacks, had not this disturbance been calmed by the alcalde of Pagsanjan, the marquises of Villamediana and Monte Castro being present. The latter were abused by three Franciscan religious, who, armed, captained the Indians in order to get possession of the treasury. In order to avoid this danger and the loss of this money, the archbishop had conferred with the generals, saying that he would hand it over to them on condition that it be reckoned as a part of the millions demanded, and that they supply him with the pay for the ministers, officers, troops, and others whose support depended on his Majesty. The relief of the community would also follow the exhibition of this treasury, and would lessen the payment of his Majesty. Nothing sufficed to make the treasurer Echauz obey. He went to Pampanga with the treasury, which he placed at the disposition of Auditor Anda, who began to use it recently for the expenses which he believed advisable or necessary, according to his projects.

44. To the question of the British, which was urgently put to him, in regard to the royal treasury and possessions, the archbishop responded briefly and truly, showing them that the king, his master, had no temporal interest in these islands, but only that strictly of the souls of his vassals, and the causing them to live as civilized beings and Christians, according to the Catholic law for their salvation; and that in order to maintain them with his ecclesiastical and secular ministers, he spent the tributes which were collected with so great right, and the two departments only of buyo and wine. In this regard he distributed very large sums annually from the treasury of Mexico. In no other manner could these islands subsist.

45. The city, orders, and Spaniards having been summoned to the royal palace, in order to express their loyalty and not to take arms against his Britannic Majesty, before his generals, an act in which their loyalty and love to his Catholic Majesty, their legitimate king, shone forth brightly, through the unwillingness, sadness, and repugnance, with which it was celebrated. Slightly before as well and separately was given the word of honor not to take arms during the war or until another arrangement was made by the sovereigns (in a certain Latin form, and which necessarily contained nothing of vassalage to his Britannic Majesty), by the archbishop, auditors, and royal officials present. The polite representation of the archbishop to the generals in the said house where they were lodging, namely, the archiepiscopal, enabled them [i.e., the above officials] to gain exemption from mixing with the others, or in their formula [of loyalty or allegiance to the British sovereign].

46. Thence, at their instance, they [i.e., the cabildo, religious, and Spaniards] were conducted to the royal palace, and in the presence of so numerous a gathering, a paper was read, in which the archbishop was reproved as one who robbed from the churches, the sum to which their silver amounted, and that of the pious funds already delivered and received; and that in regard to this, that silver would soon complete a million. And now he was about to surrender the forces and islands dependent on Manila. By that paper the heart of the archbishop was wounded as if by a double-edged sword. On two points he was unable to restrain his wrath, and he uttered in the presence of the two generals the words that his zeal dictated to him, namely, that the instance and threat of the victors had been necessary for the withdrawal of the abovesaid silver, and there were no other resources near at hand. He does not rob, who makes use, in extreme need, of the most sacred thing, which is destined in such cases most suitably to the living temples of God, namely, His faithful. But he cannot clear himself from this sacrilegious crime, who causes it by violence, and who willingly and eagerly receives its effects, and whatever is left over and above them. In regard to the second point, that meant to attempt another act of violence quite contrary to the day and to the act which was being celebrated on it to the honor and memory of the birthday of his Britannic Majesty, whose protection he implored, so that such a matter might not be discussed on such a day. And the archbishop insisted that he would sacrifice his life for his faithfulness to his king, and for his honor, which would be vindicated by his Catholic Majesty, his sovereign.

47. With this expression of anger, the archbishop retired to his room, where the above-mentioned paper was sent him. In order to deliberate on its contents, he had a general council summoned for next day, October 26, consisting of the ministers, the chief military men, and the city and ecclesiastical [cabildos]. In a few words the archbishop explained to the council the arguments pro and con regarding the cession of the islands. Since he gave all his attention and time to this, he ordered a council of those interested to discuss, with the assistance of the fiscal, and under the presidency of the senior auditor, the matter of the completion of the million. The result of that discussion will be stated later.

48. But in regard to the point of the islands, which was discussed in general council, the regulars excused themselves from voting, by saying that their rules forbade them to vote on war questions, and that they feared to act irregularly. The archbishop was unable to overlook this pretext, and told them that they had voted in like assemblies at the time of the siege, and had permitted or given license to their subjects to take all kinds of arms, to patrol the walls, and to guard the posts which were entrusted to them; and had sent the Indians from their villages to take part in the conflict. They had not done otherwise in their missions exposed to the dangers of the Moros, than to manufacture and buy all sorts of arms, and importune the superior government to supply arms to them, and afterward to handle them and make use of them in defense of their parishioners, and to fight the enemies of the faith and religion. At present it was not necessary to take these arms or to make use of them, but it was necessary to declare what was advisable in regard to conceding or denying the submission of the provinces in which religion and the instruction of their neophytes were at stake. But nothing was sufficient to get them to give their vote, that which the archbishop had alleged causing them great irritation. As their obstinacy angered the archbishop still more, he did not have them summoned to the second council.

49. In the voting of that council of the twenty-sixth, it happened that the engineer, by whom the voting commenced, refused strongly to pass any opinion, saying that he was prevented from doing so, as he was a prisoner of war. This murmur spread among the other military men present, and they added that the license of the generals was necessary in order that this council might be held. Consequently, it was necessary for the archbishop to explain these matters, by telling them that this was not a clandestine council, but one called openly and in plain sight and with the knowledge and suffrance of the generals. In it they were not discussing the taking of arms by the prisoners for the defense of the provinces, but whether the islands were to be yielded under present circumstances by the archbishop-governor. Thereupon, the voting went on with varying results. When it came to the fiscal's vote, he again was obstinate on the points prisoners of war and the license of the generals for the council, and he said that he would accordingly take his position on the principle of it. The archbishop answered what he had said in regard to the said points, and that this was to place in doubt what he had signed. Thereupon, there was great altercation, anger, and notable incivility, with visible signs of the agony which the archbishop was suffering from this blow. But the altercation having subsided, and all of them having quieted down, the fiscal and other ministers declared their vote. Since it was now very late and the vote was not cleared up, and since it could not be well enough discerned at that time, it was ordered that the same council be convoked on the following day, with the exception of the regulars.

50. In fact, on the following day, October 27, another council was held in the afternoon. At it the archbishop had the Latin letter read which he had received on the morning of that day from General Draper, with the date of the twenty-eighth (which corresponds to the twenty-seventh of our reckoning and calendar). The vote was put, and some who had given their vote in the negative on the preceding day, namely, not to surrender the islands, retracted, and voted affirmatively. The ministers and some others expressed their opinion and gave it in writing. The vote was equally cast with but a little difference of one or two votes. The archbishop asserted that he would decide without delay what appeared most advisable to him, commending, as he had done, so grave a matter to our Lord, so that He might inspire him as to what was for His best service and that of His as well as our Catholic king. Before dissolving this council, an envoy came from General Draper with another letter bearing date of the twenty-eighth (which corresponds in our calendar to the twenty-seventh) written in the English language. It was read there by an interpreter. It was reduced to saying that, with only the cession of a few places of little importance, he would save (he gave to understand with whom he spoke, namely the archbishop) the lives of a multitude; that he was sure that his Catholic Majesty would consider himself as well served; and that those who were endeavoring to persuade the archbishop not to yield, if they did not promptly change their opinion, would answer with their lives, and that the auditors were to affix their signatures.

51. All those present having heard the context of the above-mentioned letter, without any more being added or mentioned than what was declared in the above-mentioned council, it was dissolved, and the thorn (which was very sharp) remained in the heart of the archbishop in deliberating on so serious a point. In that deliberation the least thing involved was the danger to his own life, of which he was tired and of which he almost desired the end. But that is always placed in the hands of divine Providence who directs everything positively or permissively for His greater service and glory. Not only did he consider the extermination of the city and the lives of many with which he was threatened, but also (and which was very easy), the uneasiness of the villages and missions of the provinces, in great part ruined and destroyed by their old-time enemies, the Moros, who with a little stimulus and encouragement from their new enemies would assault them on all sides and would finish with their mission ministers and justices. It was greatly to be feared that if the natives were offered exemption from tribute, and subjection, they would be the instruments of these disasters.

52. This effort tied the hands of the English, who irritated by a negative answer, could have assigned two fragatas of their squadron to coast along the provinces, and cause this horrible uneasiness. If they did that, (unless it was averted by divine Providence), the ruin of the instruction and faith of the neophytes would be experienced. These reasons having been meditated upon before Jesus Christ, our life, from whose service depended that of a Catholic king, the archbishop resolved on the twenty-eighth to avoid the greater evil, and to assure the conservation of the islands, and the teaching and doctrine of our holy religion in them by keeping their natives quiet. Thereupon, on the said day, and on the following, the twenty-ninth, he wrote letters to the prelates and to the provinces, with the intention of using them opportunely; [149] and without making mention of those letters, he replied on the date of the twenty-ninth [150] in the Latin language to the above-mentioned letter, also in Latin, of General Draper, explaining to him diffusely and vigorously the difficulty of What he asked. His reasons, if they did not suffice to convince him, lessened the violence and force which were uttered a thousand times in said letter.

53. He summoned the auditors in order to show this letter to them, but they did not come as they were busy, answering that they would come if the matter were urgent. But the instances of the general of the day before having been repeated for the reply, it was sent to him in said letter between seven and eight in the morning of the said day, the twenty-ninth. But after eleven o'clock on the same day, the general sent his letter of the thirtieth of the same month (which corresponds to our date of the twenty-ninth) with the message for me not to bother myself, that that letter was to be signed by myself and the auditors, to whom he sent word that if they did not do it, he would have them immediately thrown into a galley. Instantly upon receiving this message they immediately appeared, and signed the letter together with the archbishop, both the original letter in English and its translation into Spanish. It was sent to the said general, and said auditors only gave notice that they had made their protest before the notary, and that it should not be written at the foot of said letter, in order that the general might not happen to see it, if he asked for said original letter. With such fear did they proceed, but the archbishop showed them the copy of his letter above-mentioned, in which is manifest his protest with the declaration of repeating it a thousand times.

54. This point has been treated with prolixity, for besides being one of the most serious, and one of greatest pain, it has been shifted and juggled [adviterado?] variously, blackening enormously the conduct of the archbishop, even to affirming that it is evident that he had an understanding with the English for this cession, in a journal full of false entries and of black impostures, composed by the fiscal. But God be thanked, that the evidence of this criminal calumny is false, and the weak apprehensions or inferences on which it is founded have been clearly dissipated. For what is affirmed is false, namely, that the cession of the islands had been discussed or made before October 26, and that letters had been written for their surrender, as the first council was held on the said day, and the second on the following day (the twenty-seventh and the twenty-eighth). On the twenty-ninth, the archbishop made his resolution, and wrote the rough drafts of said letters with his own hand on the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth. The statement also is false, namely, that on the twenty-ninth, said letters were sent with one of the same date in which the archbishop answered the general ceding the islands. For these original letters are yet in possession of the secretary of the assembly, and neither then nor at any time have they been sent or delivered. So true is this that the commanders having gone--Draper on the twelfth of November [151] of the past year, and Cornish on the first of March of the present year, who never asked him for a letter for the surrender of the islands--the British government tried afterwards to get the archbishop to give letters of surrender for Zebu, Yloylo, and Zamboanga, which he refused and did not give, as appears from his letters, rejecting the instances of the above-mentioned British government.

55. Also false is the end of this report, which asserts, not indeed that it is presumed, but that it is presumed if not proved, that the archbishop tried to shield himself. Without this protection or shelter, he made the cession in his letter of the said twenty-ninth day, as is said above, with the signature of the auditors, which they placed in the letter of Draper on the thirtieth (in our calendar, the twenty-ninth), which in view of and after the receipt of that of the archbishop, the said general sent on that same twenty-ninth day, with the threatening message that he would send them to the galleys. Only the constancy of the archbishop can be well inferred. In his protest he asserts and [MS. worn] to the general in consideration of his threat of the extermination of the city the lives of many, which did not move the animosity of the auditors for their signature until they received the personal threat of their own imprisonment.

56. The ambiguous letter of Draper of the twenty-eighth (in our calendar, the twenty-seventh), is slight foundation for so gross a suspicion and its proof; in which he seems to infer that the archbishop had made the cession, and infers on the other hand, that he was in condition of acting in regard to the cession. For the letter says that those who endeavored to persuade him not to make the cession would answer with their lives. It is a proof of the sincerity of the archbishop that he showed the said letter in the second council, for if it contained anything suspicious, or anything by which he would be discovered to be lacking in application, it would have been very easy for him to suppress it and return it to the general, in order that the latter might write another, in which nothing would be understood in regard to the secret understanding. It is not the mark of a good reason and less is it Christian to assert so great a crime as proved without having had any motive. For to such infamies, one is moved either by self-interest or the expectations of honors, or important posts which both lacked. For the archbishop had previously stripped himself of all his few valuables and pectorals, without reserving any; and he was clothed in the greatest honors and employments with which the powerful Catholic king can honor a vassal of his in these islands. And only by depriving himself of this recognition, and of his character as a Christian and archbishop could he offend so enormously against his king and religion because of the expectation or promise of greater honors in Londres or with the very crown of all Ynglaterra. Through the mercy of God, the archbishop has not been abandoned by His divine hand in his right judgment or in the works of his misery and weakness. Neither does he live so forgetful of quid prodest homini, [152] etc.

57. The reason of the archbishop not having used said letters which they falsely affirmed had been delivered, and of the originals being conserved in the possession of the secretary, was that having been sent (as he thought they ought first to be sent) to the regular superiors living in Manila on the thirtieth (the following day) of October, who [MS. worn] to their most [MS. worn] in the margin to be understood by it the said original message [cordillera]. The above-mentioned reason having been given, the rumor spread among the populace that the said letter had been the cause of the disaster of the alcalde-mayor of Pagsanjan, [153] who was lanced by the Indians themselves on the gallows. That was mentioned to the archbishop by a trustworthy and God-fearing person who grieved at his carelessness in said letter.

58. Surprised at this information, the archbishop had the above-mentioned letter brought into the presence of the said person, together with the others, and had the secretary read them with their dates. By their very dates, namely, the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth of October, it was plain that they could not have occasioned the event of Pagsanjan which occurred the day before, namely, the twenty-seventh of the same month. This casualty was made more impossible by the distance of said village from Manila, which is at the least three days' journey. The legitimate cause of this insurrection and tyrannical murder of their alcalde was that which appears in the documents formed of this matter, where it is evident that this cloud of dust which was raised was no other thing than the racial inconstancy and disloyalty of the natives of that village and its environs. The fact that the archbishop had not had any support or reply to the contents of his letter from the superiors of Manila, and the knowledge that Auditor Anda had already sent his message [cordillera] through the provinces, [154] in which he declared himself to be governor and captain-general, made it necessary for the archbishop not to disturb the provinces and accede to the times and to the circumstances thereof, and ordered that none of the said letters be sent. That order was executed as given and the originals were kept in the possession of the secretary. That which can have happened, and of which there is frequent experience in any part, as well as in this city, is that a copy of one or more of said letters may have been drawn by the infidelity of some clerk without the archbishop or his secretary being able to remedy it, and in this way their contents may have become known and explained by the malicious rivalry in as sinister a manner as is usual.

59. In regard to the other point of the completion of the million, the archbishop entrusted it to the senior auditor, Don Francisco Villacorta, [155] in order that having assembled those interested, together with the fiscal, they might determine what the matter demanded according to its circumstances. They held several meetings, in one of which a plan was adopted for demanding of each person the contribution in accordance with his wealth and the sack which he had suffered. But there was great opposition, and some made complaint to General Draper and to the archbishop. The latter assembling them all, exhorted their help to the extent possible, to which they were obliged by their conscience and by the circumstances, in order to avoid greater extortions. For the representation to the general of not having promised to complete the million was not received, but this matter was strongly insisted upon. Finally, the only success achieved was in getting each one to offer what he deemed best. With the valuables and money [given], scarce did the sum reach twenty-six thousand pesos. But a very great quantity was needed to complete the million in addition to that raised by the pious funds, the chaplaincies, and the silver of the churches. This reached the sum of four hundred and forty-three thousand pesos. [156] However great the effort and attempt made by the English to have the million paid, yet it was found impossible on the part of the citizens to raise hastily a greater sum than that above-mentioned because of the sack and destruction which they suffered even in their furniture and houses; and because some few, who could have aided, were not living in the city, but had taken to the mountains in several places, while some others, as was said, placed what money they could in safety outside the city, so that the richest who were absent refused to aid.

60. At this time the two fragatas, which had been assigned by the enemy, at the time of the siege, to capture the "Philipino," entered the bay with the ship "Trinidad," which they had fought and captured after a vigorous defense on the twenty-ninth and thirtieth of October. This ship left for its voyage to Acapulco from the Embocadero under a favorable wind on September 13, but lost its mast in a severe storm at a distance of three hundred leguas at the parallel of the Marianas. It was all but gone, and it became necessary to put back [which was done] with great difficulty. When it was in the Embocadero near San Jacinto, without being aware of what was happening in Manila, it was attacked by said two fragatas and captured. From the time of its arrival, the claim was begun to be made that it was not a legitimate prize, the freedom of trade, possessions, and property having been agreed upon in anticipation. And although the instance of the commerce body was continued to the British government for this declaration, the government sent it to Admiral Cornish, and the latter after many delays, and by nature serious, harsh, and hard, because the Spaniards had not fulfilled the stipulation regarding the millions, answered that that matter belonged to the admiralty of Londres, whither it was sent. [157] He would never consent to have the cargo remain on deposit, or to have it delivered to those interested in it, under the guaranty which was lastly proposed by the archbishop, he having previously supported the right of the citizens to its restitution; for said admiral said that it was no time now to discuss this matter, as he was just about to sail, and left on the first of March with his squadron, taking said ship. [158]

61. Its cargo consisted of one thousand one hundred and forty-eight piezas, but all that was sent outside of the hold, consisting of boxes of presents, valuables and things of value, he had placed at auction, without taking the formality to summon those interested or making any note of what was taken possession of and seized. Some of the boxes of letters which were filled with water, and which were seized by them, they opened and took cognizance of their contents. The archbishop was unable to get the return of these letters and official papers, which he demanded repeatedly. For it was well to burn the private letters, which the enemy themselves declared to be false and entangling, as they themselves noted. But no one was ignorant of the many accounts and fabulous stories which were written by several persons. The archbishop was also unable to obtain some canes which he was sending--one for the king, and the other for the prince. Their distinction was that they were made of fine bamboos of these islands, and the handles were engraved skilfully with the royal arms by noble natives of the islands. Neither did [he obtain] the valuables left by Mariscal Arandia as a legacy to our sovereigns.

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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 49Chapter VI: Part 6

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