Chapter D: V. L., Berlin-Adlershof (10)

_25 November._ The phosphorus-caoutchouc mixture, applied to a piece of cloth covering the skin was ignited. Sixty-seven seconds elapsed before it had burned itself out. The piece of cloth, except for a small remainder, was carbonized. After it was wiped off with R 17 there appeared on skin a burn with a central blister which later developed to a thin, elastic scab. After 3 days the wound was treated with echinacine ointment. Until 3 December cleaning of the wound took place; at this date it was dry, rosy red, and closed; a fine granulation covered it. Thereupon rapid epithelization began. On 29 December it was not yet healed over.

2. With CuSO_{4}.

_a. Immediate ignition._

_25 November._ The mixture was applied to a skin area of 6 × 3 cm., and immediately ignited. After burning 20 seconds it was extinguished with water, and then wiped off with copper-sulphate solution. During this operation the entire epidermis separated from the area of the wound. An oedematous swelling of the surrounding area, 12 × 13 cm. in extent and a thick scab formed. Treatment took place with _liquid echinacine_. On 7 December the necrosis began to slough off, and gradual epithelization took place. On 21 December one-third of the area of the wound was still without epithelium (cf. II/1/a/aa). On 29 December the wound was healed over.

_25 November._ The mixture was again applied to a skin area of 6 × 3 cm. and immediately ignited. After it had burned itself out in 60 seconds, the burned area was wiped off with copper-sulphate solution. A brownish-grey burn with thickening of the skin appeared. The thickening developed to a strong scab. It was treated with a 10-percent solution of cod-liver oil ointment. The surrounding area remained very red and painful. On 10 December a subcutaneous suppuration appeared at the edge of the wound. Consequently the treatment with cod-liver oil was replaced by _liquid echinacine_. On 13 December the scab separated from the greater part of the wound, but the surrounding area remained more inflamed than in the corresponding experiment with R 17 (cf. II/1/a/bb). The granulation was coarse and uneven. On 29 December the wound was not yet healed over; epithelization advanced only slowly.

_b. Ignition after 30 seconds._

_19 November._ The phosphorus-caoutchouc mixture was applied to 2 sq. cm. of skin and left there for 30 seconds; then it was ignited and after burning for 60 seconds wiped off with copper-sulphate solution. A brownish-black viscous mass formed; the dry wound discolored to a blackish-grey. Thereupon a thick crust formed and a considerable oedematous swelling of the area surrounding the wound developed. Treatment took place with echinacine ointment. The swelling subsided more slowly than in the treatment with R 17 (cf. II/1/b/aa). On 5 December the wound was without necrosis, with a wide zone of epithelization. On 29 December it had healed over except for 1 sq. cm. lacking in epithelium (cf. II/1/bb/aa).

_c. Application to a piece of cloth covering the skin._

_25 November._ The skin was covered with a piece of cloth 6 × 3 cm. to which the mixture was applied and then ignited. After it had burned itself out in 57 seconds there remained of the piece of cloth only small carbonized remnants. After being wiped off with copper-sulphate solution a yellowish, rather strong thickening of the skin appeared. The wound was treated with a 10-percent solution of cod-liver oil. A few days later little blisters appeared, which then dried up on 5 December. On 9 December, thickened, shred-like necroses began to peel off, and a dark red surface with rough, uneven granulations developed. The epithelization progressed only slowly. On 29 December the wound was not yet healed over.

3. With water.

_19 November._ The mixture was applied to a 2 sq. cm. of skin and ignited 30 seconds later. After 45 seconds the fire was extinguished with a damp cloth and the burned spot washed off with water. A burn of parchment-like, dry, greenish-brownish appearance appeared. The wound was treated with _echinacine_ ointment. On 3 December it was clean, dry, and without necrosis. On 5 December the epithelization began, which then made rapid strides, so that on 23 December the wound, in contrast to the treatment with a 10-percent solution of cod-liver oil, was considerably smaller. On 29 December it was not yet healed over, but was only half as large as the wound treated with a 10-percent solution of cod-liver oil.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF MRUGOWSKY
DOCUMENT 115
MRUGOWSKY DEFENSE EXHIBIT 108

EXTRACTS FROM THE AFFIDAVIT OF UDO VON WOYRSCH, 3 MAY 1947, CONCERNING
EXPERIMENTS ON COMBATING INJURIES DUE TO PHOSPHORUS INCENDIARY BOMBS

* * * * *

From 20 April 1940 to 12 February 1947 I was Higher SS and Police Leader in Military District IV and main district leader [Oberabschnittsfuehrer] in Dresden. In this capacity I was responsible for measures counteracting the damage caused by the air war. I knew Dr. Hans Madaus, co-partner of the firm Dr. Madaus & Co., in Dresden. He told me that experiments on the combating of injuries caused by phosphorus incendiary bombs were being carried on in his laboratory with rabbits. On the occasion of an inspection of the whole pharmaceutical lay-out of the firm, I inspected, at his suggestion, in particular numerous hothouses and also the above-mentioned experiments. As far as I remember I inspected the experiments once again at a later date—at that time I called in Dr. Kirchert as medical expert, who was the physician of the Higher SS and Police Leader.

The experiments seemed to me to be so successful that I reported about them to Reich Physician SS and Police Dr. Grawitz; that is, I called his attention to these experiments on the combating of injuries caused by phosphorus incendiary bombs, which in my opinion were particularly successful.

* * * * *

I do not remember Dr. Ding, who, as I have learned only now, is supposed to have carried on experiments in Buchenwald with the preparation of the Madaus firm. It is possible that when visiting Dresden he paid a brief visit to me with Kirchert. But I do not recall such a visit.

I want to emphasize that the experiments at the Madaus firm made a big impression upon me, because I saw that the rabbits used in those experiments were treated very well. The content of the phosphorus incendiary bombs which was rubbed onto their skins and then wiped off with preparation R 17 did not seem to cause any kind of pain to the animals, because after they were returned to their cage, immediately after the experiments, they immediately ate again and did not show any signs of discomfort.

Professor Dr. Joachim Mrugowsky is personally known to me. He was not mentioned in any way nor did he participate in the matter of incendiary bombs. Since I know him, I would certainly remember if he had participated in any way at all or if his name had been mentioned.

Dr. Helmut Poppendick has also never been mentioned in any way in connection with this matter.

* * * * *

EXTRACTS FROM THE TESTIMONY OF PROSECUTION WITNESS EUGEN KOGON[72]

_DIRECT EXAMINATION_

* * * * *

MR. MCHANEY: Witness, I had just asked you whether or not you know anything about experiments conducted at Buchenwald with the phosphorous content of incendiary bombs.

WITNESS KOGON: * * * As far as I can recall, I was told by Dr. Ding in the spring of 1944 that he had been given orders by Professor Dr. Mrugowsky in collaboration with the firm of Madaus & Co. at Dresden-Radebeul to carry out experiments on human beings with regard to the effect of a drug against the contents of phosphorous-caoutchouc incendiary bombs. I had the impression that the idea for this experiment had come from Dr. Ding and had been given to Dr. Mrugowsky by him, and then he had obtained permission to carry out this experiment. On the part of the firm Madaus, negotiations were led by a certain Dr. Koch. He had a drug which he called R 17 and which was used by the German population after attacks in which incendiary bombs were dropped.

By way of Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Koch and the higher police leader of the Dresden sector, the contents of phosphorus incendiary bombs were sent to Buchenwald, and four experimental subjects from Block 46, who had survived other experiments, had this phosphorus liquid applied to their forearms. The whole mass was then ignited and was then treated in various manners. In the case of one experimental subject, water was used in order to wipe off the liquid, and in other cases a damp rag was applied, and in the last case R 17 was applied. Several experiments were carried out on these four subjects.

In one instance the drug R 17 was applied immediately after the mass had been ignited; in another instance, after approximately five minutes, and in yet another case, after thirty minutes. After the mass had burned the arm, serious burns developed which were observed for two weeks afterwards. The experiment was conducted by the Special Section 5 at Leipzig, and photographs were taken of the wounds. Previously experiments on animals had been carried out in Block 40 on rabbits. These experiments were conducted in the same manner, and the various results were also photographed, and the photographs were compared with each other. Then they were put into an album with exact descriptions and the results were sent to Berlin—two copies. One was sent to Professor Mrugowsky, and the other was sent to Oberfuehrer Poppendick, but I am not quite sure about that. I believe that Oberfuehrer Poppendick must surely have received a report on this matter because Dr. Ding intended to write an article about this in a German medical journal.

Q. Now, you have mentioned an album report. Did you see this report?

A. I personally made the report after having it dictated to me by Dr. Ding.

Q. I will ask you if the document which I will now have handed to you, and which is Document NO-579, is the report on these incendiary bomb experiments which you have described.

MR. MCHANEY: I will ask that the original of this document be passed up to the Tribunal.

I didn’t hear any answer to the question.

A. Yes. It is a carbon copy of the report with the original photographs.

MR. MCHANEY: I offer Document NO-579 as Prosecution Exhibit 288, and I will ask that the original be passed up to the Tribunal for inspection. I will ask that the Tribunal turn particularly to page 15 and following of the exhibit itself. Your Honor, I think you would find the pictures more easy to discern in the original document. Page 15 and following are pictures of burns on the arms of human beings. Witness, did you see any of the experimental subjects who were burned with this phosphorus?

WITNESS KOGON: I personally saw all the experimental subjects because this experiment was carried out in the private room of Dr. Ding in Block 50 and in the library of the Hygiene Institute in Block 50. The reason for this was that the experiment in Block 46 among the experimental subjects that were located there, and who were destined for other purposes, would have caused far too much excitement.

Q. Were these burns very severe?

A. As far as I can recall they were very severe in three out of the four cases.

Q. Did the experimental subjects suffer any pain?

A. Kapo Arthur Dietzsch had suggested that the subjects should be given an anesthetic as soon as they came into Block 50, so that violent scenes could be avoided, and in Block 50, which was completely different from Block 46, having persons handcuffed, as was the common practice in Block 46, was to be avoided. It was like that at least in the first experiment, but I only saw the subjects. I did not personally witness the experiments, and I saw the subjects before as well as afterwards. During the first experiment at least, the subjects were given an anesthetic, and after about half an hour they regained consciousness and complained of very severe pains. You could see that they were really suffering very badly. I must confess that I personally, after having looked at the photographs, almost became sick.

Q. Do you know whether the injuries which they received are permanent?

A. In the case of some of the wounds, it is completely impossible that they will ever become completely healed; very deep scars must have remained because the wounds were big and were as deep as two or two and a half centimeters.

Q. Do you know whether any of the experimental subjects died?

A. Four persons were returned to Block 46, and I do not know anything about the future fate which awaited them there. I especially do not know if they were used for further experiments.

Q. Do you know the nationality of the experimental persons used?

A. No. However, all four wore the green triangle to signify that they were habitual criminals, and they were Germans.

Q. And you state that the purpose of these experiments was to test certain chemical preparations of the Madaus Company in treating the burns.

A. Yes.

* * * * *

EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT MRUGOWSKY[73]

_DIRECT EXAMINATION_

* * * * *

DR. FLEMMING: Now, I come to the incendiary bomb experiments. Dr. Kogon during his testimony frequently spoke of an experiment by Dr. Ding with a phosphorus-caoutchouc incendiary bomb, and he said that you ordered this experiment.

DEFENDANT MRUGOWSKY: I did not know who ordered this experiment. I found out about it only from the report which was drawn up after the experiment had been terminated. This report has been put in evidence here as a document. From this it can be seen that animal experiments were also carried out. I assume that these were not performed in Block 46, but in Block 50, which was under my supervision. I went with the report to Grawitz and asked him if he knew any more about this matter. I asked him if I was correct in my assumption that some of the experiments took place in Block 50 and if so, to tell Dr. Ding in future to confine himself to his Block 46 in such matters, which was directly under Grawitz. Grawitz answered thereupon that it did not make any difference one way or the other, and I should not be so fussy. I also know that after a few weeks Ding was looking for this report and called me up and asked me if I had it. I no longer had it at that time as I had given it to Grawitz, and it was in his files where it belonged.

Q. Kogon also testified that the experimental subjects had suffered serious pain and had incurred wounds from 2 to 2.5 centimeters deep, which led to the formation of extensive scars. I show you now Document NO-579, Prosecution Exhibit 288 and ask you to comment on this document and Dr. Kogon’s testimony?

(The document is handed to the witness.)

A. The first part of this document deals with the rabbit experiments. In the second part, however, there are pictures of experiments on human beings. These pictures show the place on the arm where the experiment was made. Kogon said that this burning was done in such a way that the mass of phosphorus was burning for quite awhile. The document, however, proves exactly the contrary. The length of time during which the matter was burning was not long, but the period between the time when the mixture was applied and the time it was ignited was long; that is possibly the reason for this misunderstanding. Moreover in the description of the individual cases, it can be seen that already on 29 December, in other words four days after the experiment, the burn was almost healed, or had greatly reduced in size. In one case there was still an open wound of 0.5 centimeter but there is no mention anywhere of any deeper wounds, but only of purely superficial epidermal wounds. There is constant mention of the fact that the wounds healed over nicely and in some cases the wound was completely healed four days after the experiments. Wounds 2½ centimeters deep, or large scars could not have occurred and that testimony of Kogon is false. In this case let me point out that he was not speaking from his own knowledge. During the first discussion of these incendiary bomb experiments, he said he had seen the experimental subjects, and then in the same interrogation he later says this was not the case. In other words, he is reporting what he has heard and not what he knows at first hand.

Q. I am submitting to the Tribunal Mrugowsky 56, and it will be Mrugowsky Exhibit 50. I should like to read from page two:

“Treatment of phosphorus burns with ‘R 17.’

“The dropping of phosphorus incendiary bombs made it necessary
to find an adequate method of treatment. As the copper-sulphate
solution hitherto in use did not give satisfactory results, the
firm of Dr. Madaus in Dresden looked for a different solvent and
produced a liquid carbon tetrachloride which was called ‘R 17.’
The efficacy of R 17 had been proved by means of experiments on
rabbits carried out by the firm of Dr. Madaus.

“After the completion of these rabbit tests, Dr. Madaus asked
the Higher SS and Police Leader von Woyrsch, Dresden, to come
and see the tests. As my emergency office was in the building of
Gruppenfuehrer von Woyrsch, he asked me to accompany him to the
firm of Madaus in my capacity as a doctor and to watch these
tests. That was in the autumn of 1943. At the request of
Gruppenfuehrer von Woyrsch and the firm of Madaus, I reported to
the Reich Physician SS and Police the results achieved by the
firm of Madaus in the treatment of phosphorus burns and
suggested that the drug R 17 be made known to the air-raid
precaution dispensaries. Grawitz promised to have another test
made.

“Some time afterward he sent Dr. Ding to Dresden for this
purpose in his capacity as health expert, and instructed me to
make arrangements for Ding to see the results achieved there, by
the firm of Madaus, with R 17. I arranged this. Ding came to
Dresden and saw the above-mentioned tests in my presence, on the
premises of the Madaus firm. Afterward he declared that, on the
orders of the Reich Physician SS in Buchenwald, he would also
test the efficacy of the drug on rabbits. He requested the firm
of Madaus to put the drug R 17 at his disposal. Immediately
after inspecting the firm of Madaus he left Dresden.

“I also know that Dr. Ding asked the office of the Higher SS and
Police Leader to procure for him the filling of an English
incendiary bomb, which as far as I know was done through the
Commissioner of the Police of Leipzig. Dr. Ding had the drug R
17 and the incendiary bomb collected.

“I also know that Ding made a report on his experiments. I know
this because Dr. Ding asked my office in Dresden several times,
in writing and by telephone, if they had this report, as he
could not find it. It was supposed to be a report with
photographs. I do not know if the report went through my office,
as I was in Dresden only one day a week. At the time when Ding
was looking for the report it was not in my office. I assume,
therefore, that he sent it direct to the firm of Madaus, as they
were interested in the results of his test.

“When, after a considerable time, I still had not heard from the
Reich Physician whether the drug R 17 was to be made known to
the air-raid precaution dispensaries, I asked the Reich
Physician about it at a meeting. He then declared that the drug
would not be introduced, as it only possessed
phosphorus-dissolving properties, but did not directly
contribute to the healing of the burns. However, a drug was in
preparation elsewhere that combined both qualities and this
would be introduced.”

I submit further the last paragraph of Dr. Morgen’s affidavit. (_Mrugowsky 23, Mrugowsky Ex. 26._) Dr. Morgen says here:

“While I was making observations in Block 46 I paid repeated
surprise visits in order to inspect the running of the Block.
Once, when I paid a surprise visit to Block 46, examinations on
the treatment of wounds caused by phosphorus incendiaries were
being carried out.

“As I arrived a big strong prisoner came into the room laughing.
On each of his two upper arms there were applied on a space
about 1 centimeter wide and 5 centimeters long, some parts of
the contents of a phosphorus incendiary bomb. These spots on
both upper arms were treated with various ointments. During the
discussion with Dr. Ding I was informed that the experimental
persons volunteered for the experiment. They received the diet
for sick persons, a packet of cigarettes, and for one month they
did not have to work. In the case of the inmate whose treatment
I witnessed by chance, I had the definite impression that he was
a volunteer.”

* * * * *

-----

[71] United States _vs._ Oswald Pohl, et al. See Vol. V.

[72] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 6, 7, 8 Jan 1947, pp. 1150-1290.

[73] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 27, 28, 31 March and 2, 3 April 1947, pp. 5000-5244, 5334-5464.

12. PHLEGMON EXPERIMENTS

a. Introduction

The prosecution introduced evidence calculated to show that inhumane acts and atrocities, as generally alleged in paragraph 6 of the indictment, were committed in the course of phlegmon experiments. These experiments were not specifically described in the subparagraphs of paragraph 6 of the indictment which particularized 12 specific types of experimentation. On this charge the defendants Poppendick, Oberheuser, and Fischer were acquitted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the phlegmon experiments is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Gebhardt. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 654 to 655. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense on these experiments has been selected from the final plea for defendant Gebhardt. It appears below on pages 655 to 657. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 657 to 669.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

_EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST DEFENDANT
GEBHARDT_

* * * * *

_Sepsis (Phlegmon) Experiments_

Sepsis experiments were performed in the Dachau concentration camp beginning in the autumn of 1942. These experiments were carried out in order to test the effectiveness of biochemical treatment of sepsis and related diseases.

The witness Stoehr testified concerning these experiments. He stated that sepsis was artificially provoked by infecting with pus the concentration camp inmates who were used as subjects. (_Tr. pp. 578, 579._) He knew of at least two series of experiments. In each of these series approximately half of the experimental inmates were treated by biochemical means and the other half with sulfanilamide. The first series consisted of 20 German concentration camp inmates of whom seven died as a result. For the second series, 40 clergymen of various nationalities were selected and 12 died as a result of the experiments. (_Tr. pp. 581, 582._) The experimental subjects did not volunteer. (_Tr. p. 590._) See also the Review of Proceedings of the General Military Court in the case of the _United States_ vs. _Weiss, et al._ (_NO-856, Pros. Ex. 125._)

It is quite clear that the biochemical experiments performed in Dachau were complementary to the sulfanilamide experiments by Gebhardt in Ravensbrueck. This is shown by the fact that in September 1942, while the sulfanilamide experiments were still in progress, Gebhardt received a copy of a report on the biochemical experiments in Dachau from Grawitz. (_NO-409, Pros. Ex. 249._) This report shows on its face that approximately eight cases of sepsis were artificially provoked. The report dealt with the results obtained from experiments carried out on 40 concentration camp inmates in treating sepsis, phlegmon, furuncles, abcesses, and nephrosis, among others.

Ten of the experimental subjects died. The report also covered three sepsis cases in Auschwitz, all of whom died. It concluded with the statement that the experiments were being continued.

The case history of one of the experimental subjects artificially infected with pus in November 1942 shows the horrible pain which these victims suffered. (_NO-994, Pros. Ex. 251._)

That the defendants Gebhardt and Fischer had more than a casual connection with the sepsis experiments in Dachau is proved by a handwritten notation by Gebhardt on a letter written by Grawitz to Himmler on 7 September 1942, attaching copies of the preliminary report by Gebhardt on his sulfanilamide experiments, together with the report on the sepsis experiments in Dachau. (_NO-2734, Pros. Ex. 473._) This note reads as follows:

“16 September 1942. Settled, after conversation with Reich
Leader SS. Obersturmfuehrer F. Fischer has been given new
instructions for Ravensbrueck _and Dachau_. Gebhardt.” [Emphasis
supplied.]

c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense

_EXTRACT FROM THE FINAL PLEA FOR DEFENDANT
GEBHARDT_[74]

* * * * *

_Phlegmon Experiments_

In the course of the hearing of the evidence, the prosecution submitted documents and interrogated witnesses with the intention of proving that apart from other medical experiments, experiments were also carried out on the treatment of phlegmon. In the indictment itself these experiments, which were carried out at Dachau, are not mentioned. In view of Article IV of the Ordinance of Military Government for Germany, which expressly states that the indictment should list the counts in sufficient detail, it must be assumed that in this case a properly made charge does not exist.

As far as the participation of the defendant Gebhardt is concerned, the documents submitted by the prosecution show by themselves that he had nothing to do with the execution of these experiments. It was only later that he learned of the experiments carried out at Dachau, as unequivocally proved by the letter of Reich Physician SS Dr. Grawitz to Reich Leader SS Himmler of 29 August 1942, referring to the biochemical treatment of sepsis, which was submitted by the prosecution as NO-409, Prosecution Exhibit 249. The defendant Gebhardt learned of these experiments on 3 September 1942, on the occasion of the visit of Reich Physician SS Dr. Grawitz to Ravensbrueck in connection with the sulfanilamide experiments in this camp. The defendant Gebhardt wrote on the margin of this document the remark “seen and read”. This remark alone shows that he could only have learned subsequently of these experiments, and especially that he did not approve of them. If it had been the contrary, he certainly would have made some other notation on the document, as for instance, “agreed”, or else he would have shown his approval in a similar way. On the witness stand the defendant Gebhardt explained in detail to the Tribunal what his opinion of these experiments was. These experiments demonstrate unequivocally that they were deliberately initiated in ignorance of, and in contradiction to, the recognized rules of orthodox medicine. As also demonstrated by the evidence the Reich Leader SS Himmler did not conform to orthodox medicine but wanted to promote independently one patent solution out of a variety of suggestions and opinions. Nearest to his conception, beside his inclination towards theories of biological selection, were biochemistry, homeopathy, and mesmerism, i. e., those schools of medicine which, contrary to the theories of orthodox medicine do not combat certain symptoms of a disease but by means of the so-called stimulation theory want to bring about a change of the general physical disposition. The defendant Gebhardt, when on the witness stand, clearly explained this attitude of Himmler, which among other things resulted in rejection of any criticism by orthodox medicine, relying exclusively on his biochemical experts.

The evidence, however, has further shown that after having learned of the letter of Reich Physician SS Grawitz of 29 August 1942 (_NO-409, Pros. Ex. 249_) and with the object of convincing Himmler of the futility of these experiments, the defendant Gebhardt himself performed experiments on patients with these biochemical remedies in his clinic at Hohenlychen, and that he succeeded in convincing Himmler of the inefficacy of these remedies. In this connection I refer to the statements of the defendant Gebhardt himself and to the affidavits of Dr. Jaedicke and Dr. Brunner, which I submitted to the Tribunal.

When examining the legal conclusions which can be drawn from the facts presented above, we may arrive at the following results:

The defendant Gebhardt did not commit any act which had any causative connection with these experiments. He learned about these experiments only after the event, and then he did everything in his power to prevent further experiments of this kind. The prosecution was not able to produce evidence that such experiments had been carried out at all after 3 September 1942. All this proves that in view of the missing causal connection and absence of premeditation there cannot be any question of criminal action on the part of the defendant Gebhardt. It is acknowledged in the criminal law of all civilized nations that knowledge acquired after events is not sufficient to prove the existence of a criminal action.

* * * * *

d. Evidence

_Prosecution Documents_
Doc. No. Pros. Ex. Description of Document Page
No.
NO-409 249 Report from Grawitz to Himmler, 29 August 657
1942, concerning experiments with
biochemical remedies conducted at the Dachau
and Auschwitz concentration camps.
NO-2734 473 Extracts of letter from Grawitz to Himmler, 7 660
September 1942, and report on gas gangrene
experiments.

_Testimony_

Extract from the testimony of prosecution witness Heinrich W. Stoehr 664 Extract from the testimony of defendant Gebhardt 667

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-409
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 249

REPORT FROM GRAWITZ TO HIMMLER, 29 AUGUST 1942, CONCERNING EXPERIMENTS
WITH BIOCHEMICAL REMEDIES CONDUCTED AT THE DACHAU AND AUSCHWITZ
CONCENTRATION CAMPS

The Reich Leader SS Berlin W 15, 29 August 1942 Reich Physician SS and Police Knesebeckstr. 50/51 Telephone: 924249.924351.924373. [Stamp] 924406 Personal Staff Az.: 738/IV/42 Reich Leader SS G 213

Subject: Biochemical treatment of sepsis, etc., with biochemical remedies. To the Reich Leader SS H. Himmler Berlin SW 11 Prinz Albrechtstrasse 8

Reich Leader,

With regard to previous results of biochemical treatment of sepsis and other cases of illness, I beg to submit the following provisional report.

1. The following _40 cases_ were treated with biochemical remedies in the SS hospital _Dachau_ in the time mentioned in the report. Besides septic processes, such diseases were treated where a decisive change for the better should be achieved by means of biochemistry.

Phlegmonous-purulent processes 17
Sepsis 8
Furuncles and abscesses 2
Infected operational incisions 1
Malaria 5
Pleural empyema 3
Septic endocarditis 1
Nephrosis 1
Chronic sciatica 1
Gall stones 1

According to the indications of the biochemistry applied to the different cases, we used the following remedies:

Potassium phosphoricum D6
Ferrum phosphoricum D6 and D12
Silicea D6
Sodium muraticum D6
Calcium phosphoricum D6
Sodium sulfuricum D6
Magnesium phosphoricum D6
Sodium phosphoricum D6
Calcium fluoratum D6

The cases of sepsis were mostly artificially provoked.

Up to now we found that the unfavorable course of the severe cases could scarcely be stopped by means of biochemical remedies. All sepsis cases died. The malaria cases were not influenced by it.

The cases of extended purulent processes, with development of abscesses, the pleuralempyeata, the septic endocarditis, the nephrosis, the chronic sciatica and the gall stones showed no definite influence from biochemical treatment. Insofar as they were conducted with positive results, they did not show a different result from the ones where, according to medical experience, patients were restricted to staying in bed without receiving any special treatment.

The impression of a favorable effect on morbid cases of sickness by biochemical means proved to be satisfactory in five cases only, four of which were comparatively slight. The fifth case involved a 17-day-old child with severe furunculosis. In this case an improvement set in only a few days after treatment had been applied. However, an error occurred in the experimental procedure, for at the beginning of the treatment a sulfanilamide preparation was used.

The strong formation of pus, clearly noticeable in a few cases, is perhaps due to the biochemical remedies applied. The doses of sugar, which were frequently given and mainly consisted of pure milk sugar in the form of biochemical tablets, probably promoted the effect.

Experiments for orientation are to be made. In a case of a joint mould the antiseptic potassium phosphoricum D 6 was given as a prophylactic because the incision of the operation was greatly endangered by infection. In spite of that, the temperature rose to 39° on the following day. Consequently, the biochemical treatment could not prevent appearance or breaking-out of an infection, although potassium phosphoricum D 6 was given immediately and intensively.

It is also to be noted that very soon all the seriously ill cases flatly refused to take biochemical tablets, because it meant torture to them to take the tablets every 5 minutes, even at night.

Finally it must be said that from a total number of 40 cases there are 1 positive case and 4 positive cases with certain reservations, against 35 failures, of which 10 ended fatally.

The experiments in Dachau are being continued.

Besides the hitherto existing program, special attention is directed to research of twin cases in similar conditions, of which one will receive an allopathical, the second a biochemical treatment.

[Marginal note.] Seen at Ravensbrueck 3-9-1942, [Signature] K.
GEBHARDT

2. In the concentration camp of Auschwitz, three typical cases of sepsis, which developed from phlegmons, were treated—according to prescription—with potassium phosphoricum D 4. In none of these cases a therapeutical influence on the progress of the disease could be observed. All 3 cases ended fatally.

The experiments are being continued.

[Signature] GRAWITZ

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-2734
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 473

EXTRACTS OF LETTER FROM GRAWITZ TO HIMMLER, 7 SEPTEMBER 1942, AND REPORT
ON GAS GANGRENE EXPERIMENTS

The Reich Leader SS Berlin, W 15, 7 September 1942 Reichsarzt SS and Police Knesebeckstrasse 50/51 Telephone: 924249. 924351. [Rubber stamp] 924373. 924406 (Personal Staff Reich Leader SS File No. 748/IV/42 Archives) (File No. AR/31/13) [Signature] GEBHARDT

Subject: 1. _Experiments by SS Brigadefuehrer Gebhardt on the Combating
of Gas Gangrene._
2. Experiments on the Treatment of Sepsis by Biochemistry.

Enclosures: -2-X To the Reich Leader SS H. Himmler Berlin

Reich Leader:

Attached please find a provisional report by SS Brigadefuehrer Professor Dr. Gebhardt on his clinical-surgical experiments at Ravensbrueck concentration camp, furthermore a concluding provisional report on experiments on the biochemical treatment of sepsis as performed at Dachau concentration camp.

[Signature] GRAWITZ

[Rubber stamp] } [Handwritten]
} 16 September 1942
Personal Staff RF-SS Enclosures } Settled, after conversation with
In: 9 September 1942 } RF-SS. Obersturmfuehrer F.
Journal No. AR/40/7/42 2 } Fischer has been given new
? RF } instructions for Ravensbrueck
} and Dachau.
[Signature] GEBHARDT
Copy!
[Rubber stamp]
(Personal Staff Reich Leader SS Archives)
(File No. AR/31/13)

Professor Dr. K. Gebhardt SS Brigadefuehrer and Brigadier General of the Waffen SS To the Reichsarzt SS Gruppenfuehrer Grawitz

Provisional Report on Clinical Experiments at Ravensbrueck Concentration Camp for Women

By order of the Reich Leader SS, I started on 20 July 1942 at Ravensbrueck concentration camp for women on a series of clinical experiments with the aim of analyzing the sickness known as gas gangrene, which does not take a uniform course, and of testing the efficacy of the known therapeutic medicaments.

In addition, the simple infections of injuries which occur as symptoms of war surgery had also to be tested, and a new chemo-therapeutic treatment apart from the known surgical measures had to be tried out.

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I appointed SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. Fischer as co-worker. SS Oberfuehrer Dr. Blumenrent put the complete surgical instruments and medicaments at my disposal. SS Standartenfuehrer Mrugowsky put his laboratory and co-workers at my disposal.

SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Lolling, Chief of Office IIID at Oranienburg, assigned as co-workers: SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. Schiedlausky, garrison-physician at Ravensbrueck concentration camp for women, and Fraeulein Dr. Oberheuser, camp physician at Ravensbrueck concentration camp for women.

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The question was to define firstly, by way of a preliminary experiment, the mode of infection, making use of the known results from experiments upon animals. In these questions I was advised by SS leaders of the Hygienic Institute of the Waffen SS who had taken over the culture and dosage of the inoculation material.

The point was to implant the lymph cultures on the damaged muscle tissue, to isolate the latter from atmospheric and humoral oxygen supply, and to subject it to internal tissue pressure. The inoculation procedure was as follows: a longitudinal cut of 10 centimeters over the musculus peroneus longus; after incision into the fascia the muscle was tied up with the forceps in an area the size of a five mark piece; an anaemic peripheral zone was created by injection of 3 cc. adrenalin and in the area of the damaged muscle the inoculation material (a gauze strip saturated with bacterii) was imbedded under the fascia, subcutaneous adipose tissue, and skin sutured in layers.

In the first series of experiments (preliminary experiments), three selected prisoners of as much the same constitution as possible were used. They were inoculated as follows:

The first: Aerobic mixculture (staphylococci, streptococci, bact. comm. try. a 5 Mil).

The second: Para Oedema Malignum, sarc, flav. 4.5 mg.

The third: Bact. Fraenkel and earth. Stimulus 4.5 mg.

The experiment was concluded after 10 days. After an initial local swelling in the inoculation area and an increase in temperature up to 39 degrees, the inflammation died down, the wound having broken open on the fourth day. There was no danger to the life of any of the prisoners. We succeeded in producing locally the symptoms of gas gangrene in the third prisoner. After 20 days the prisoners were released again to their working blocks.

The course of the preliminary series of experiments had proved that we were not successful in producing the same symptoms as of clinical gas gangrene. In a conference with the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS the nature of the infection and the conditions for the germs were not considered to be equivalent to the natural conditions in war surgery and consequently the experimental arrangements were varied.

Bacterium coli were added to the acrobe culture and the germ number was increased to 20 millions. Bacterium coli and dextrose were added to the mixture of para oedema malignum.

Bacterium coli were added to the gas gangrene culture by Fraenkel, and while doubling the number of germs, earth was administered to produce a similar environment. Six selected youthful prisoners were inoculated two by two with the above mixture of bacteria in the subsequent first experimental series. One of them remained untreated for control purposes, the other one was powdered with cataxyn wound powder immediately after the inoculation. The first change of dressing took place 3 days afterwards, the following each second day. Those who remained without treatment were covered with sterile layers, those treated with cataxyn (indicated in the graphs as TK-cases) were continuously powdered with cataxyn. The aerobe cultures in both cases showed local abscesses which could be easily treated surgically.

The para oedema malignum inoculation produced a local inflammation with central suppuration, small formation of necrosis in the depth and moderate emphysem of the skin. The regional lymphatic glands were not affected.

Those prisoners who were infected with Fraenkel’s gas gangrene, and who immediately received tetanus-antitoxin for the administered earth, produced by far the strongest inflammatory reaction: abscesses with deep necrosis in the area of the inoculation, emphysem of the skin with formation of blisters, and beginning necrosis collateral oedema extending from above the joint of the knee to the lower third of the thigh as far as the back of the foot. The inflammatory appearances receded considerably after the opening of the injury on the first dressing day. The effect of the opening of the wound was particularly significant in the TK-cases which started inflammations in spite of simultaneous therapy. Greater pressure of the tissue due to oxygen, liberated by the medicament, was considered to be the reason for the accentuated local inflammation.

Comparing nontreated cases with the TK-cases, the final critical observation shows:

1. Immediate therapy does not prevent the occurrence either of an ordinary suppuration or of a “gangrene”.

2. The cleaning of the wound is faster in TK-cases than in control cases.

3. The formation of fresh wound granulations occurs earlier with cataxyn.

4. The part played by the paranchymatic organs (liver, kidneys) is less important under the influence of cataxyn.

Since in this experiment too definite gangrene could be produced clinically speaking, yet its picture did not in any way correspond to the one known in war surgery; after further consultation with the collaborators in the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, the vaccine was changed by adding wood shavings. It is known in bacteriological literature that the virulence of the bacteria in the experimental animal can thereby be considerably increased.

The triple distribution was reserved for the second series of experiments now in progress. Three prisoners in each group were inoculated. One person was left without treatment as control, the second was treated with cataxyn as before, and with the third the Marfanilprontalbin powder manufactured by I. G. Farben was employed, since this was strongly recommended by the Army Medical Inspectorate. The powder was applied according to the Schmick procedure. This experiment is still in progress.

Even if as yet nothing definite can be said about this series of experiments it can already be stated that—

1. there is no decisive difference between cases which are treated and those which are not treated,

2. that opening the wound, in addition to immobilization, has proved the most effective means of controlling the inflammation,

3. the effect of the MP powder seems at least doubtful, since in the III TM case the most definite gangrene observed up to now has developed.

We are now investigating the problem as to why the gangrene in the present case did not fully develop. Therefore, the injuring of the tissue and the exclusion of a muscle from the circulation of the blood were undertaken during a separate operating session, and the large-scale necrosis resulting therefrom was to be inoculated with bacteria strain which had already had one human passage. For it is only when the really definite clinical picture of the gangrene has appeared that conclusions may be drawn on therapy with chemo-therapeutics in connection with surgical operations.

[Signature] GEBHARDT
SS Brigadefuehrer

Copy certified correct Berlin, 7 September 1942 [Signature] POPPENDICK SS Obersturmbannfuehrer

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EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF PROSECUTION WITNESS
HEINRICH W. STOEHR[75]

_DIRECT EXAMINATION_

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MR. HARDY: Witness, did you ever hear of the sepsis or phlegmon experiments at the Dachau concentration camp?

WITNESS STOEHR: Yes, these experiments were conducted at my station.

Q. How did you gain your knowledge of these phlegmon experiments? Were you an observer? Were you an assisting nurse, or by what way did you gain the knowledge you have of these phlegmon experiments?

A. I was the nurse at that station. One day, I think it was in the late summer and fall of 1943, a certain Sturmbannfuehrer Schuetz came to me, with a Standartenfuehrer by the name of Laue or Lauer—I am not quite sure which—and inspected the surgical department. He was shown a number of patients. We had to take their bandages off, and he examined their wounds—or rather, he just looked at them very superficially. After that, the chief physician of the concentration camp Dachau, Dr. Walda, was called in, and he received the order to see to it that the patients received biochemical treatment for some time.

Q. Witness, will you kindly explain to the Tribunal in what manner these phlegmon experiments were conducted; that is, the details of the experiments? What did they do to the victim?

A. Mainly, phlegmon was treated. It was very general in the camp. That is to say, phlegmon was the typical camp disease. The biochemical treatment was carried out in the following manner:

Three similar cases were observed. One of these cases was given allopathic treatment; another biochemical, and the third one received only ordinary surgical treatment. That is, the third one received no drugs whatsoever, and the wound was treated in an ordinary way with bandages and so on. These were the directives of the physicians who were there. We saw on many occasions that the patient was cured much faster who received no drugs or injections.

Experiments of that kind were conducted for many weeks, and if I may as a layman make a judgment, I must say that the physicians, according to my observations, were not satisfied with these experiments.

In addition, I have to emphasize that not only wounds were treated according to these methods, but internal diseases, too. They tried to find out whether biochemical treatment was suitable for treating the thirst for water, which was so frequent in the camp. We saw that the biochemical drugs had no influence whatsoever as to the cause of this illness.

I emphasize that I am speaking as a layman and that all these are my observations.

During the fall, this Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Schuetz told the camp doctor, who was named Babo, to infect a number of people with pus. We nurses were told nothing about that, and we did not know the purpose. These experiments were conducted on a group of men, and they extended over a period of approximately six to seven weeks.

First a group of Germans were infected with pus. We nurses had no idea of the cause of the illness, and we gave the patients the drugs that were ordered by the physicians. I emphasize again that half of these people received allopathic and the other half biochemical treatment. As nurses, we could observe the following facts:

The patients who received allopathic treatment were cured much quicker, that is, if they had any power of resistance to their illness, but the patients who had to take those pathological tablets, if I remember correctly, died with the exception of one person. There were approximately 20 persons who, at that time, were infected. The second group consisted of 40 clergymen of all nationalities and brothers of religious fraternities. These patients were selected from the block where the clergymen were housed. They were selected by the Chief Physician Dr. Walda and were sent to the operational room of the concentration camp Dachau. They were operated on by Dr. Schuetz and Dr. Kieselwetter [Kieselwecker (?)] I think that was his name—and these experiments were conducted on them. A number of nurses, and also the personnel of the operating room, and I myself, saw how the injections were made. We were standing in the anteroom of the operating room.

Q. Witness, will you explain to the Tribunal what the word “phlegmon” means?

A. Phlegmon, as far as a layman can answer that question—means an inflammation of the tissues, and in the camp of Dachau phlegmons were very numerous because the people there were mostly sent to the hospital too late. Typical camp phlegmons, as far as I know, are caused by germs. Persons got phlegmons who suffered from lack of water.

Q. Witness, did you say that inmates were used for experiments in which they were injected with pus?

A. Yes.

Q. Did you see these injections of pus being administered?

A. Yes.

Q. How were the inmates to be used for these experiments selected?

A. I didn’t understand your question.

Q. In what manner did they select the inmates to be used for these experiments which dealt with the injection of pus? In other words, how were they selected? What type of prisoners? What were their nationalities, etc.?

A. They were 40 persons coming from the so-called clergymen block.

Q. Were these inmates used for these experiments with injection of pus healthy inmates?

A. Completely healthy and strong men.

Q. You have told us that they had one group, the first group, of ten Germans. How many died in that group?

A. I believe that the first group consisted of ten people of whom, as far as I remember, seven died.

Q. Now, you have told us of a second group of 40 clergymen. How many died in that group?

A. I have seen a list of the survivors, and according to that list, 12 clergymen, or rather brothers, must have died.

Q. Were any prisoners of war used in these experiments?

A. I don’t know whether they were prisoners of war or not. We could not tell the difference in the camp of Dachau, whether they were prisoners of war or not; at least I could not.

Q. Were the victims used in these experiments treated by medical doctors after they had been injected with pus?

A. The operation was done by physicians.

Q. Well, after they had been infected with pus what kind of treatment was given to them?

A. After the injection, Sturmbannfuehrer Schuetz gave instructions to the nurses that one-half of them should receive allopathic and the other half biological treatment. I emphasize that the group which received allopathic treatment had special drugs, the so-called sulfanilamide drugs. We had the impression that the physicians wanted to prove that the biological drugs were not suitable to cure such a severe disease.

Q. Then you say, Witness, that 50 percent were treated with sulfanilamide and the other 50 percent with biological medicants?

A. Yes.

Q. Now, after these injections with pus, did abscesses develop on the inmate?

A. The greater part of those who were treated biologically, or rather, all of them, developed abscesses and very deep abscesses. Some of the persons who received allopathic and prophylactic treatment with sulfanilamide had no abscesses.

Q. Did the inmates who endured this treatment suffer pain?

A. Yes.

Q. Severe pain?

A. As far as I know, the pain was very severe.

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EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT GEBHARDT[76]

_DIRECT EXAMINATION_

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DR. SEIDL: The next document which I intend to submit to the witness is NO-409 which has been submitted by the prosecution as Exhibit 249. It is a letter from Reich Physician SS Dr. Grawitz to the Reich Leader SS Himmler dated 29 August 1942. It refers to the biochemical treatment of sepsis. This document came to your knowledge, didn’t it? And this is shown by a comment you wrote: “Seen at Ravensbrueck on 3 September 1942. (Signed) KARL GEBHARDT.” Did you know beforehand about the performance of these experiments and did you agree with them?