Chapter D: V. L., Berlin-Adlershof (14)

A. Neither the former nor the latter is correct. I admit that if one reads this letter or report without knowing the connections that impression can be created. I therefore have to attempt to analyze this report in order to explain to the Tribunal what we tried to achieve with this letter. I have to emphasize once more that the entire thing was a maneuver of deceit.

Q. With reference to the report which you attached to this letter (_NO-203, Pros. Ex. 161_) I should like to quote from it a very brief passage:

“Report on experiments concerning X-ray castration.

“The experiments in this field are concluded. The following
result can be considered as established and adequately based on
scientific research.

“If any persons are to be sterilized permanently, this result
can only be attained by applying X-rays in a dosage high enough
to produce castration with all its consequences, since high
X-ray dosages destroy the internal secretion of the ovary or of
the testicles, respectively. Lower dosages would only
temporarily paralyze the procreative capacity. The consequences
in question are, for example, the disappearance of menstruation,
climacteric phenomena, changes in capillary growth, modification
of metabolism, etc. In any case, attention must be drawn to
these disadvantages.

“The actual dosage can be given in various ways, and irradiation
can take place quite imperceptibly. The necessary local dosage
for men is 500-600 r, for women 300-350 r. In general, an
irradiation period of 2 minutes for men, 3 minutes for women,
with the highest voltage, a thin filter, and at a short distance
ought to be sufficient. There is, however, a disadvantage that
has to be put up with. It is impossible unnoticeably to cover
the rest of the body with lead, the other tissues of the body
will be injured, and radiologic malaise, the so-called
‘Roentgenkater,’ will ensue.”

Witness, would you define your attitude toward this letter which I partly read?

A. I was speaking in connection with the talk I had with Himmler in the year of 1941. This becomes apparent from the paragraph “I herewith submit the result of an X-ray examination.” It looks now as though in effect experiments had been carried out by scientists, which was not the case. Himmler had to be reassured and that is why we had to emphasize that the experiments had been concluded and the result could be based on scientific work. Of course, we couldn’t state the result as being absolutely positive. We had to leave it to Himmler himself to judge it. In the first instance it was our intention to get Himmler off the idea. That is why we chose the formulation which can be seen in that letter—“If any persons are to be sterilized permanently.” It meant in effect that this was theoretically possible. At the same time, however, we pointed out that this success cannot be concealed and that phenomena will arise. That obviously was shown by the contents of the certificate itself, and it is emphasized that permanent sterilization makes a high dosage of X-rays necessary. These high dosages would then bring about the effects of castration with all of the accompanying symptoms which would be noticed immediately. If, however, lower dosages were used, you would only have stopped procreative capacity for a short time. We actually said that at the end of the report, namely, that the result of sterilization could be ascertained after a comparatively short time but that it was impossible to achieve the results of bringing about sterilization without being noticed, and in this way we thought we could get Himmler to give up that idea.

Q. Now, this was the first part of the letter. Now, let us discuss the second part. I am again referring to the method which you suggested to Himmler. You thought at that time “One practical way of proceeding would be, for instance, to let the persons to be treated approach a counter, where they could be asked to answer some questions or to fill in forms, which take them 2 or 3 minutes. The official sitting behind the counter could operate the installation in such a way as to turn a switch which would activate the two valves simultaneously (since the irradiation is to operate from both sides). With a two-valve installation about 150-200 persons could then be sterilized per day and, therefore, with 20 such installations as many as 3,000-4,000 persons per day. In my estimation a larger daily number could not in any case be sent away for this purpose.”

Herr Brack, how could you arrive at this idea of turning switches? This is completely nonunderstandable for a layman.

A. Himmler wanted this procedure to be carried out as simply as possible. Therefore, we had to suggest as simple a method as we could think of. On the other hand, this method increased the uncertainty of directing the rays to the corresponding parts of the body. That is what was discussed by my collaborator with his acquaintance. We suggested this switch method to Himmler with the idea of making this matter as simple as possible and at the same time preventing any active X-ray reaching the body. Furthermore, only 2-3 minutes were suggested as the length of time for these people to be subjected to these X-rays. How we arrived at these 500-600 figures—or 350 r.—I don’t know whether they were just invented or whether they were based upon something. I don’t know. But looking at it as a whole it contained a number of points that were to demonstrate to Himmler that the whole thing could not be carried out. There is a scientific basis for these suggestions.

DR. FROESCHMANN: Mr. President, in connection with this point I have tried to get an unobjectionable irreproachable certificate for the correctness of what the defendant just stated. I shall get a certificate from a specialist. The man concerned says that this suggestion is absolutely senseless. I had, however, to wait for this certificate because I had to wait for an affidavit from another expert physician. With the permission of the Tribunal, I shall obtain a corresponding certificate from a radiologist who can show that it is credible that this entire suggestion was really scientific nonsense.

A. We had to take into account the possibility that Himmler might accept this proposal in spite of all these difficulties. We knew, however, that the preparation of any such installation would take a long time, for the building, etc. We thought that the war would end very quickly, and as I said before I didn’t know there was any threat from the West. And, in case of peace, the Madagascar plan, which had already been rejected, could once more be placed in the foreground. If on the other hand this suggestion was to be accepted and if at that time the war had not yet ended, the carrying out of this experiment on the 100-200 Jews was much less of an evil than Himmler taking the Jews and sterilizing them en masse or doing something worse to them.

Q. Mr. Brack, if I understand you correctly, you’re saying that, at that time, you had to make a decision between either killing millions of Jews or choosing the smaller evil by only suggesting this small number which you have mentioned upon whom experiments might be carried out. Is my opinion correct?

A. During my interrogations I designated this dilemma in a way by saying that this was our last way out. But, naturally, when judging these two possibilities one must take into consideration that one decides upon one possibility and, at the same time, feels an inner justification for doing so. The same way as a troop commander sacrifices a few thousand people somewhere if he can save a hundred thousand somewhere else.

Q. Now, Mr. Brack, in order to finish with this letter I want to say that you have stated the following at the end of that letter, and I quote:

“In summary it may be said that, having regard to the present
state of radiological technique and research, mass sterilization
by means of X-rays can be carried out without difficulty.
However, it seems to be impossible to do this in such a way that
the persons concerned do not, sooner or later, realize with
certainty that they have been sterilized or castrated by
X-rays.”

In your covering letter you apparently mentioned your second letter, and I quote:

“I request your instructions as to further theoretical or
practical steps if any are to be taken in this matter.”

What is the significance of this latter statement?

A. By using this formulation I endeavored to keep control of the development of that matter. I never really counted on the realization of these experiments and I never had any intention of submitting a serious proposal to Himmler which would cause the sterilization of millions of Jews, but if Himmler was to accept this nonsensical proposal I wanted to have his idea delayed as long as possible. If this suggestion had been serious on my part I would have had to be a fanatical Jew hater, and I think I have already proved that I was not such a person.

* * * * *

-----

[81] Trial of the Major War Criminals, International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, 1947, vol. I, pp. 247-253.

[82] Judgment of the IMT. Ibid.

[83] Final plea is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 15 July 1947, pp. 10874-10910.

[84] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19 May 1947, pp. 7413-7772.

B. Jewish Skeleton Collection

a. Introduction

The defendants Rudolf Brandt and Sievers were charged with criminal responsibility and participation in plans and enterprises, involving the murder of civilians and members of the armed forces of nations at war with the German Reich, and specifically with the murder of 112 Jews for the purpose of completing a skeleton collection for the Reich University at Strasbourg (par. 7 of the indictment). On this charge both defendants were convicted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence and argumentation on the Jewish skeleton collection is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Sievers. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 739 to 741. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense has been selected from the closing brief for the defendant Sievers. It appears below on pages 741 to 747. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 748 to 759.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

_EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST
DEFENDANT SIEVERS_

* * * * *

_Skeleton Collection_

In response to a request by the defendant Rudolf Brandt, on 9 February 1942, Sievers submitted to him a report by Dr. Hirt of the University of Strasbourg on the desirability of securing a collection of Jewish skeletons. (_NO-085, Pros. Ex. 175._) In this report, Hirt advocated outright murder of “Jewish Bolshevik Commissars” for the procurement of such a collection. He stated:

“By procuring the skulls of the Jewish Bolshevik Commissars, who
personify a repulsive, yet characteristic subhumanity, we have
the opportunity of obtaining tangible scientific evidence. The
actual obtaining and collecting of these skulls _without_
difficulty could be best accomplished by a directive issued to
the Wehrmacht in the future to immediately turn over alive all
Jewish Bolshevik Commissars to the field police.”

These units were to report to a special office which would send out specialists to have photographs and anthropological measurements taken and ascertain the origin, birth date, and other personal data of the victims. Hirt further stated:

“Following _the subsequently induced death_ of the Jew, whose
head must not be damaged, he will separate the head from the
torso and will forward it to its point of destination in a
preserving fluid in a well-sealed tin container especially made
for this purpose. On the basis of the photos, the measurements,
and other data on the head and, finally, the skull itself,
comparative anatomical research, research on racial
classification, pathological features of the skull formation,
form and size of the brain, and many other things can begin. In
accordance with its scope and tasks, the new Reich University of
Strasbourg would be the most appropriate place for the
collection of and research upon these skulls thus acquired.”
[Emphasis supplied.]

On 27 February 1942, Brandt informed Sievers that Himmler would support Hirt’s work and would place everything necessary at his disposal. Brandt requested Sievers to inform Hirt accordingly and to report again on Hirt’s work. (_NO-090, Pros. Ex. 176._)

Hirt’s murderous and inhuman plan was carried out in a way which differed but slightly from the suggestion made in his preliminary report. (_NO-085, Pros. Ex. 175._) The proof has shown that it was decided to preserve the whole skeletons of the victims rather than merely the skulls. On 2 November 1942 Sievers requested Brandt to make the necessary arrangements with the Reich Security Main Office for providing 150 Jewish inmates from Auschwitz to carry out this plan. (_NO-086, Pros. Ex. 177._) On 6 November Brandt informed Adolf Eichmann, the Chief of Office IV-B-4 (Jewish affairs) of the Reich Security Main Office to put everything at Hirt’s disposal which was necessary for the completion of the skeleton collection. (_NO-089, Pros. Ex. 179._)

From Sievers’ letter to Eichmann of 21 June 1943, it is apparent that SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Beger, a collaborator of the Ahnenerbe Society, carried out the preliminary work for the assembling of the skeleton collection in the Auschwitz concentration camp on 79 Jews, 30 Jewesses, 2 Poles, and 4 Asiatics. In this letter, Sievers stated that Beger had to interrupt his work because of the danger of infectious diseases in the camp. Sievers requested that the inmates on whom Beger had carried out this work be transferred to the Natzweiler concentration camp because further activities in Auschwitz were impossible due to the danger of infection. Special accommodation for the thirty women was to be provided in the Natzweiler concentration camp “_for a short period_”. [Emphasis added.] (_NO-087, Pros. Ex. 181._)

The statement of the camp commandant of the Natzweiler concentration camp, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Josef Kramer, reveals that approximately 80 inmates of the Auschwitz concentration camp, among them females, were transferred to the Natzweiler concentration camp and killed there by gas at the request of Hirt in the beginning of August 1943. A special gas chamber had been built for this purpose. The corpses of the victims were sent in three shipments to the Anatomical Institute of Hirt in Strasbourg University. (_NO-807, Pros. Ex. 185._) This evidence is corroborated by the testimony of the witness Henripierre. He testified that in the beginning of August 1943, the principal autopsy technician of the Anatomical Institute, Bong, received the order from Hirt to prepare the tanks in the cellar of the Institute for approximately 120 corpses. At intervals of a few days, three shipments of corpses, 30 female, 30 male, and 26 male, arrived by truck from an unknown place. All of these victims were Jewish. These corpses were preserved in the cellar of the Anatomical Institute in the tanks prepared by Bong. (_Tr. pp. 712-4._) See also the affidavit of Wagner. (_NO-881, Pros. Ex. 280._) As proved by the Sievers’ diary, Beger was ordered to prepare plaster casts of the victims. (_3546-PS, Pros. Ex. 123._)

Early in September 1944, when the Allied armies were threatening Strasbourg, Sievers approached the defendant Brandt with the request for instructions as to what should be done with the Jewish bodies which were still stored in the tanks in the cellar of the Anatomical Institute. He informed Brandt that Hirt would be able to “de-flesh” the corpses and thus render them unrecognizable, but in this case part of the work would have been done in vain “and it would be a great scientific loss for this _unique collection_ because casts could not be made afterwards. The skeleton collection is not conspicuous. Viscera could be declared as remnants of corpses, apparently left in the Anatomical Institute by the French and ordered to be cremated.” Sievers requested a directive from Brandt whether the collection should be preserved, partly dissolved, or completely dissolved. (_NO-088, Pros. Ex. 182._)

From the memorandum of SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Berg, and his telephone conversation with Sievers on 15 October 1944, it is apparent that it was first decided to destroy the evidence of these brutal crimes, but with a temporary improvement in the military situation, this decision was rescinded. Sievers informed Berg on 21 October 1944 that, in compliance with the orders he had received previously, the dissolution of the collection had been completed. (_NO-091, Pros. Ex. 183._) But such was not the case. Hirt had ordered Bong and his assistant, Meyer, to cut up the 86 corpses and have them cremated in the Strasbourg crematorium, but these two men alone were unable to carry out this enormous task. A number of corpses remained un-dissected and were left in the tanks, together with partially dissected corpses, in order to create the impression that they were used for normal anatomical research. (_Tr. p. 715; NO-881, Pros. Ex. 280._)

The pictures of these corpses and of the gas chambers in the Natzweiler concentration camp, where the victims of the Jewish skeleton collection were murdered, taken by the French authorities after the liberation of Strasbourg, tell the grim story of this mass murder more vividly than witnesses and documents ever could. (_NO-483, Pros. Ex. 184_; _NO-807, Pros. Ex. 185_.)

* * * * *

c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense

_EXTRACTS FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF FOR
DEFENDANT SIEVERS_

* * * * *

In 1943 a collection of Jewish skeletons was set up in the Anatomy Department of the Reich University of Strasbourg according to plans which had been prepared in 1941 by Himmler and the Director of this Anatomy Department, Professor Dr. Hirt. The skeletons were to be obtained by selecting the required number of persons in the concentration camp at Auschwitz from among the Bolshevist commissars who had been taken prisoner in the campaign against the Soviet Union. The liquidation of the persons chosen took place in the concentration camp at Natzweiler.

Whether the liquidation entailed a death which was deserved or undeserved on the part of the persons chosen depends upon whether the “Commissar Order,” which was the basis of the liquidation, can be regarded as legal and permissible or not. A detailed examination of this question can be excluded here, since subjective grounds are of decisive significance in this connection.

Sievers did _not_ take part personally _either in the selection or in the liquidation_ of those persons designated for the skeleton collection. The choosing was undertaken by a certain Dr. Beger in the concentration camp at Auschwitz. (_NO-087, Pros. Ex. 181._) Sievers himself was never in Auschwitz. The liquidation took place in the concentration camp at Natzweiler. The _earliest date_ at which the liquidation could have taken place is shown by the date of the aforementioned document which is dated 21 June 1943. After 23 January 1943, Sievers was no longer in Natzweiler. Therefore, any personal participation of Sievers in the selection as well as the liquidation is out of the question.

We must now examine whether the setting up of the skeleton collection and the associated liquidation of those persons selected took place on Sievers’ orders or instructions—

The _prosecution_ has submitted and read:

Letter of the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of the Ahnenerbe to
Brandt, dated 9 February 1942, with a report from Dr. Hirt in
which the latter suggests a collection of skulls for the
University of Strasbourg which was to be obtained from
Jewish-Bolshevist Commissars. (_NO-085, Pros. Ex. 175._)

Letter of Brandt to Sievers, dated 27 February 1942, with the
report that the Reich Leader SS is quite interested in the work
of Professor Hirt and will place at his disposal everything
which he requires for his experiments. (_NO-090, Pros. Ex.
176._)

Letter of the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of the Ahnenerbe to Dr.
Brandt, dated 2 November 1942, regarding the requisition of 150
skeletons of prisoners for certain anthropological examinations.
(_NO-086, Pros. Ex. 177._)

Personal staff Reich Leader SS to Reichssicherheitshauptamt
(Main Office for the Security of the Reich), dated 6 November
1942, regarding transmission of the order of the Reich Leader SS
to make possible the construction of the skeleton collection as
planned. (_NO-089, Pros. Ex. 179._)

Letter of the personal staff Reich Leader SS to the Ahnenerbe,
dated 3 December 1942, regarding remedying of deficiencies
through SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl. (_NO-092, Pros. Ex. 180._)

Letter of the Institute for Military Scientific Research of the
Reichssicherheitshauptamt (Main Office for the Security of the
Reich), dated 21 June 1943, regarding the transfer of the 115
persons selected by SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Beger in the
concentration camp at Auschwitz. (_NO-087, Pros. Ex. 181._)

Telegram of the personal staff, office “A”, to Dr. Brandt, dated
5 September 1944, regarding the procurement of instructions as
to what should happen to the collection in the event Strasbourg
should be endangered. (_NO-088, Pros. Ex. 182._)

Two memoranda of Berg, dated 15 and 26 October 1944, regarding
the breaking up of the collection. (_NO-091, Pros. Ex. 183._)

Several entries in the diary of Sievers, 1943-44.

A letter of Sievers to Dr. Hirt, dated 3 January 1942, has been
offered by the prosecution. (_NO-3629, Pros. Ex. 547._) This
letter contains the request of Himmler to Hirt to make available
to him a detailed report regarding his experiments which then
could serve as basis for a conference.

Letter of the Reich Business Manager to Dr. Hirt, dated 29
October 1942, regarding the granting of subsidies for research
activities. (_NO-3819, Pros. Ex. 550._)

In this respect, _counsel for the defense_ declares:

The idea of setting up a skull collection of Jewish-Bolshevist Commissars initiated with Dr. Hirt, director of the Anatomy Department of the University of Strasbourg. Dr. Hirt himself submitted to Himmler the suggestion for setting up such a collection. (_Tr. p. 5704._) The suggestion received Himmler’s complete assistance. Himmler issued instructions to place everything at Hirt’s disposal which he required for his experiments. (_NO-090, Pros. Ex. 176._) In addition to this, Himmler issued an order through his personal staff on 6 November 1942 that everything necessary will be placed at the disposal of Professor Dr. Hirt. (_NO-089, Pros. Ex. 179._)

It can be seen from the letter of the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS to the Reich Business Manager of the Ahnenerbe, dated 25 March 1942, how energetically Himmler favored the experiments of Dr. Hirt. This letter states:

“In this connection, please get in touch with Hirt as soon as
possible and consider further how Hirt can best be brought
closer to us.” (_Sievers 53, Sievers Ex. 49._)

It can be seen further from the direct examination of Sievers that Dr. Hirt was a confidant of Himmler, for Sievers was able to establish this fact as early as 1936 and in the subsequent years had an opportunity to repeat this observation. (_Tr. pp. 5706-7._)

This can also be established by means of the conference which took place at Easter 1942 regarding the course of which Sievers has given a detailed description. Among other things, Sievers called attention to the fact that Hirt and his anatomical collection, which was a University matter, did not concern the Ahnenerbe in any way.

Himmler became quite active after this aggressive action of Sievers, following which the latter requested an order in writing. (_Tr. p. 5715._)

In this connection, the order of Himmler, dated 7 July 1942, must also be mentioned. Figure 2 reads as follows (_NO-422, Pros. Ex. 33_):

“I order the Ahnenerbe

“1. * * *

“2. To aid in every possible manner the research activities of
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Professor Dr. Hirt and in the same way
promote all the experiments and work pertinent to same.”

These facts were necessary in order to clarify matters for the chief instigators, Himmler and Hirt. Everyone cognizant of the conditions knows that it was also impossible in this case to act in any way contrary to the orders issued by Himmler.

Until the Easter conference of 1942, Sievers knew nothing of the Commissar Order; Himmler at that time showed him pictures of Bolshevist Commissars, men and women who had been arrested, as well as pictures of German soldiers and civilians who had been killed and mutilated in the most horrible manner by these male and female monsters. This influenced Sievers’ attitude toward the “Commissar Order,” the contents of which he learned in outline at that time. The original text of the “Commissar Order” could not be produced during the Goering[85] trial. For a clarification of the contents of this order, counsel for the defense refers to the—

“Directives for the commands of the Chiefs of the Security
Police and of the Security Service (SD) to be transferred to the
Stalags.” (_Sievers 54, Sievers Ex. 50._)

As in the other cases, Sievers’ activity consisted in forwarding correspondence, whether it came from “above,” that is, Himmler, Rudolf Brandt, or from Hirt or other third parties. It can be shown conclusively that he himself issued no instructions and orders and thereby exercised no decisive activity.

The suggestion to set up a Jewish-Bolshevist skull collection did not originate with Sievers but with Dr. Hirt. The order for this was issued by Himmler, who also ordered that Hirt should be granted all possible assistance.

Himmler requested information about the anthropological experiments of Dr. Hirt from Sievers and ordered the presentation of a report from Dr. Hirt. Thereafter, Sievers submitted, on 9 February 1942, the report requested again by Dr. Brandt on 29 December 1941.

* * * * *

After his meeting with Hirt in May 1941 and his brief report to Himmler, Sievers obviously did not concern himself further with the entire matter, until Himmler, in his letter dated 29 December 1941, requested a detailed report from Hirt through Dr. Brandt. This can be seen from the reference memorandum of Sievers dated 9 February 1942 in his letter of 9 February 1942 to R. Brandt (_NO-085, Pros. Ex. 175_) and was also stated by Sievers on direct examination. (_Tr. p. 5704._) At that time, Himmler imparted the information which Sievers passed on to Hirt in his letter of 3 January 1942. In this letter, the question of a Jewish-Bolshevist skull collection was never mentioned but simply the matter of anthropological experiments. It is generally known that the carrying out of anthropological experiments forms a part of the chief duties of every anatomical institute, and also that such experiments are conducted on designated groups of persons, and that persons who have been executed are turned over to anatomical institutes for research purposes. Upon the request of Hirt for assistance in his anthropological experiments, Himmler immediately made a corresponding offer; as the competent chief of the German police, he was in a position to do so. And Sievers, at that time, need not have assumed, by any stretch of the imagination that the experimental subjects were to be killed for this purpose. On the basis of the general practice, he could perhaps more easily assume that only the corpses of those legally condemned to death and legally executed would be considered for the experiments of Hirt. Today we know that it was compatible with his criminal mentality insofar as human experiments and the like were concerned. At that time, the latter part of 1941, no one who, like Sievers, had not up to this time come in contact with experiments on human beings could have suspected in advance that in this case it would be a question of criminal acts.

In addition, there was no provision made at all at this time for Hirt’s working in connection with the Ahnenerbe. In his letter of 3 January 1942 to Hirt, Sievers writes:

“In order to effect your transfer to the Ahnenerbe, that is, to
the Personal Staff of the Reich Leader SS, I would like some
information from you.”

Naturally, Himmler wanted Hirt to be as close to him as possible, but in reference to the transfer Sievers adds: “* * * that is, to the Personal Staff of the Reich Leader SS”, for neither Sievers nor Hirt assumed that Hirt would receive the support of Himmler through the Institute for Humanistic Studies of the Ahnenerbe of all things. This was also testified to by Sievers on direct examination. (_Tr. pp. 5715 6._)

Not until later did Hirt’s connection with the Ahnenerbe develop as a result of the personal and extraordinary urging of Himmler, as can be proved by the two letters, dated 27 February 1942 (_NO-090, Pros. Ex. 176_), and 25 March 1942 (_Sievers 33, Sievers Ex. 49_). On the basis of these letters and the efforts of Himmler, Sievers then lodged a protest with Himmler at Easter, 1942—5 April—as he set forth in detail on direct examination. (_Tr. pp. 5714-15._)

As a matter of fact, Hirt did not become a member of the Ahnenerbe until the fall of 1942, as can be seen from the prosecution rebuttal Document NO-3819, Prosecution Exhibit 550.

The rebuttal documents submitted by the prosecution in this matter do not, therefore, refute the testimony of Sievers on his direct examination, but _confirm them_, which is also shown by the affidavits of Frau Dr. Schmitz (_Sievers 45, Sievers Ex. 46_; _Sievers 55, Sievers Ex. 51_), and is shown in a further summary in the affidavit of Sievers. (_Sievers 64, Sievers Ex. 59._)

Letter of the Chief of the Security Police (SIPO) and of the Security Service (SD) dated 9 November 1941, regarding the transportation of the Soviet-Russian prisoners of war, who were to be executed, to the concentration camps (_1234-PS, Pros. Ex. 555_):

It can be seen from this document that Soviet-Russian prisoners of war who were to be executed were taken to the concentration camps. Although the Commissar Order was not known to Sievers in detail, it follows from the context of the Easter conference of 1942, which Sievers had with Himmler, that Soviet-Russian Commissars were affected by this order. At that time, it was generally known in the German Wehrmacht and also among the German civilian population that there were female commissars in the Soviet-Russian Army who evidenced an unusual degree of fanaticism. It was also known that strong gangs of insurgents were being formed behind the German front line, who were conducting a ruthless and brutal war against members of the German Wehrmacht of both sexes contrary to all the rules of international law. In the ranks of these gangs there were many riflewomen who, in complete accordance with the provisions of international law, were condemned to death. In this respect, it must be stated that all or the great majority of the Soviet-Russian Commissars did not commit crimes against international law. However, there can be no doubt that within their great numbers, a certain number could have also been found who could have committed such crimes. Since the number of skeletons requested by Hirt was small, Sievers could assume that only such criminals could be considered for the collection.

Therefore, it cannot be argued that Sievers must in any case have assumed from the letter dictated by Dr. Beger to the Reich Security Main Office, dated 21 June 1943, that the persons who had been chosen by Dr. Beger in the concentration camp at Auschwitz were to be liquidated without trial or without any legal basis. It was not the duty of Sievers to check this matter. Here we must examine only whether Sievers in any case is bound to have recognized that the proceedings were illegal or whether he could rely on the fact that there existed a legal basis for the liquidation ordered by Himmler. Considering the war conditions in the East, Sievers could assume the latter fact without further ado.

These statements are only made in case it should be assumed that Sievers had the obligation to examine this independently. We think, however, that someone who was only engaged in a subordinate position was entitled to rely on the legality of the decisions of his superior.

* * * * *

d. Evidence

_Prosecution Documents_

Doc. No. Pros. Ex. No. Description of Document Page
NO-085 175 Letter from Sievers to Rudolf Brandt, 9 748
February 1942, and report by Hirt
concerning the acquisition of skulls
of Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars.
NO-086 177 Letter from Sievers to Rudolf Brandt, 2 750
November 1942, requesting with
Himmler’s approval, 150 skeletons.
NO-087 181 Letter from Sievers to Eichmann (copy to 751
Rudolf Brandt), 21 June 1943,
concerning selection of subjects for a
skeleton collection.
NO-807 185 Tank containing formaldehyde for the 905
preservation of corpses; corpses
assembled in tanks prior to
dissection; corpse showing incisions
in preparation for dissection. (_See
Selections from Photographic Evidence
of the Prosecution._)

_Defense Documents_

Doc. No. Def. Ex. No. Description of Document Page
Sievers 45 Sievers Ex. 46 Extract from the affidavit of Dr. Gisela 752
Schmitz, 27 March 1947, on Sievers’
position in the Ahnenerbe Society and
his connection with the skeleton
collection.
Sievers 54 Sievers Ex. 50 Regulations for the Commandos 754
(Einsatzkommandos) of the Security
Police and the Security Service to be
activated in Stalags.

_Testimony_

Extract from the testimony of defendant Rudolf Brandt 757

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-085
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 175

LETTER FROM SIEVERS TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 9 FEBRUARY 1942, AND REPORT BY
HIRT CONCERNING THE ACQUISITION OF SKULLS OF JEWISH-BOLSHEVIK COMMISSARS

The Ahnenerbe The Reich Business Manager

Berlin, 9 February 1942
G/R/2 page 1

To: SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Brandt Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Strasse 8

Secret
Dear Comrade Brandt:

For the reason that Professor Dr. Hirt has in the meantime become seriously ill, I regret that I have been unable to submit any sooner Dr. Hirt’s report which you requested in your letter of 29 December 1941, Journal No. AR/493/37. He was stricken with pulmonary hemorrhages, the diagnosis was “cystlung”, so at least it is not TB. In addition to that he suffered from circulatory asthenia. At present he is still in the hospital, but hopes that the doctor will release him soon so that he can, at least to a limited degree, resume his work. Due to those circumstances Professor Hirt was able to furnish only a preliminary report which, however, I still should like to submit to your attention. The report concerns—

1. His research in the field of microscopy of living tissues, the discovery of a new method of examination, and the construction of a new research microscope, and

2. a proposal for securing skulls of Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars.

As a supplement to report 1, some special publications are attached; of which the two parties from the “Zeiss Nachrichten” #10 (Vol. II) and 1-5 (Vol. III) facilitate most rapid general orientation, whereas other publications deal with difficult, individual scientific studies.

Sincerely yours
Heil Hitler!
[Signed] SIEVERS

_Enclosures_

* * * * *

_Enclosure_

Subject: Securing skulls of Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars for the purpose of scientific research at the Reich University of Strasbourg.

There exist extensive collections of skulls of almost all races and peoples. Of the Jewish race, however, only so very few specimens of skulls are at the disposal of science that a study of them does not permit precise conclusions. The war in the East now presents us with the opportunity to remedy this shortage. By procuring the skulls of the Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars, who personify a repulsive yet characteristic subhumanity, we have the opportunity of obtaining tangible scientific evidence.

The actual obtaining and collecting of these skulls without difficulty could be best accomplished by a directive issued to the Wehrmacht in the future to immediately turn over alive all Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars to the field police [Feldpolizei]. The field police in turn is to be issued special directives to continually inform a certain office of the number and place of detention of these captured Jews and to guard them well until the arrival of a special deputy. This special deputy, commissioned with the collection of the material (a junior physician attached to the Wehrmacht or even the field police, or a medical student equipped with car and driver), is to take a prescribed series of photographs and anthropological measurements, and is to ascertain, insofar as is possible, the origin, date of birth, and other personal data of the prisoner. Following the subsequently induced death of the Jew, whose head must not be damaged, he will separate the head from the torso and will forward it to its point of destination in a preserving fluid in a well-sealed tin container especially made for this purpose. On the basis of the photos, the measurements and other data on the head and, finally, the skull itself, comparative anatomical research, research on racial classification, pathological features of the skull formation, form and size of the brain, and many other things can begin. In accordance with its scope and tasks, the new Reich University of Strasbourg would be the most appropriate place for the collection of and research on the skulls thus acquired.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-086
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 177

LETTER FROM SIEVERS TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 2 NOVEMBER 1942, REQUESTING WITH
HIMMLER’S APPROVAL, 150 SKELETONS

The Ahnenerbe The Reich Business Manager

Berlin, 2 November 1942
[Stamp]
Personal Staff Reich Leader SS
Registration of Files Secret 5/116

Secret

To: SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Brandt Berlin

Dear Comrade Brandt!

The Reich Leader SS once ordered, as you know, that SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hirt should be provided with all necessary material for his research work. I have already reported to the Reich Leader SS that for some anthropological studies 150 skeletons of inmates or Jews are needed and should be provided by the Auschwitz concentration camp. It is only necessary for the Reich Security Main Office to be furnished now with an official directive by the Reich Leader SS; by order of the Reich Leader SS, however, you could issue it yourself.

Sincerely yours,
Heil Hitler!
[Signed] SIEVERS

1 enclosure: Draft of a letter to the Reich Security Main Office

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-087
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 181

LETTER FROM SIEVERS TO EICHMANN (COPY TO RUDOLF BRANDT), 21 JUNE 1943,
CONCERNING SELECTION OF SUBJECTS FOR A SKELETON COLLECTION

[Handwritten] XI a 56

Ahnenerbe Office Institute for Military Scientific Research G/H/6, S2/He.

Berlin-Dahlem, Puecklerstrasse 16, 21 June 1943
Top Secret

G.R.Z.I. A.H. Sk. No. 10
5 copies—2d copy
no enclosures

To Reich Security Main Office Office IV B 4 Attention: SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Eichmann, Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Strasse 8 Subject: Assembling of a skeleton collection.

With reference to your letter of 25 September 1942, IV B 4 3576/42 g 1488, and the personal talks which have taken place in the meantime on the above matter, you are informed that the coworker in this office who was charged with the execution of the above-mentioned special task, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Bruno Beger, ended his work in the Auschwitz concentration camp on 15 June 1943 because of the existing danger of infectious diseases.

A total of 115 persons were worked on, 79 of whom were Jews, 2 Poles, 4 Asiatics, and 30 Jewesses. At present, these prisoners are separated according to sex and each group is accommodated in a hospital building of the Auschwitz concentration camp and are in quarantine.

For further processing of the selected persons an _immediate transfer to the Natzweiler concentration camp is now imperative_; this must be accelerated in view of the _danger of infectious diseases in Auschwitz_. Enclosed is a list containing the names of the selected persons.

It is requested that the necessary directives be issued.

Since with the transfer of the prisoners to Natzweiler the danger of spreading diseases exists, it is requested that an immediate shipment of _disease-free and clean prisoners’ clothing_ for 80 men and 30 women be ordered sent from Natzweiler to Auschwitz.

At the same time one must provide for the accommodation of the _30 women_ in the Natzweiler concentration camp for a short period.

[Signature] SIEVERS
SS Standartenfuehrer

Carbon copies to— _a._ SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Beger _b._ SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Hr. Hirt _c._ SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Brandt

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT SIEVERS 45
SIEVERS DEFENSE EXHIBIT 46

EXTRACT FROM THE AFFIDAVIT OF DR. GISELA SCHMITZ, 27 MARCH 1947, ON
SIEVERS’ POSITION IN THE AHNENERBE SOCIETY AND HIS CONNECTION WITH THE
SKELETON COLLECTION

* * * * *

In 1937 I was appointed Secretary in the Research and Instruction Society, the Ahnenerbe, Registered Association, where I remained until the end of the war in 1945. During all these years I worked for Wolfram Sievers, who was Reich Business Manager, and I gained thereby a fairly comprehensive insight into the organization of the Ahnenerbe and into Sievers activity.

The organization of the Ahnenerbe during the time when I was attached to it was as follows:

Himmler was the president; Professor Wuest, Rector of Munich University, was his curator; Sievers was responsible to the latter as Reich Business Manager.

An internal code of procedure laid down as a regulation for the Reich Business Manager stipulated that all decisive functions were the concern of the department chief and curator of the Ahnenerbe. According to this all decisions had to be obtained by the Reich Business Manager from the department chief if they were not dealt with by the president. Professor Wuest had the right to report direct to Himmler as president on all questions; Sievers could only do so on administrative concerns, and then only when Himmler consulted him on special matters and requested a report of him.

Sievers’ own sphere was financial and staff administration and the supervision of the business dealings of the Ahnenerbe. In scientific matters Sievers was denied the right to issue any orders. He was also forbidden personally to sign letters concerning scientific matters. However, as it was not always possible in practice to send all letters from Berlin to Munich, the domicile and permanent residence of the curator, for signature, Sievers often signed; Wuest then countersigned the copy.

When in 1942 the Ahnenerbe became a department of the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS, Professor Wuest became department chief. He was thus made responsible for all matters of administration and personnel, which had hitherto been the responsibility of the Reich Business Manager. Himmler personally made it quite clear to Sievers that he was not to interfere in scientific affairs.

In this connection I mention briefly the Ahnenerbe diary which it was Sievers’ duty, as Reich Business Manager, to write up. By express order of Himmler, all departments of the Reich Leader SS had to keep diaries. They were a hobby-horse of Himmler’s, and failure to comply with this order would have had very unpleasant consequences for the person responsible. Sievers who was frequently away from Berlin used to dictate the diary entries on his return. I know that the entries would not always have been able to stand close examination—they were inaccurate in parts and sometimes fabricated. Sievers insisted upon keeping the diary ostensibly correct, so as not to offend Himmler. The reasons for this will be explained by a later part of my statement. Sievers also mentioned to me the collection of Jewish-Bolshevik skulls, which was planned by Professor Hirt of Strasbourg.

Document NO-085, Prosecution Exhibit 175, regarding the collection of Jewish skeletons has been submitted to me. With the exception of the last paragraph which begins with the words “For the preservation * * *”, the report was—as far as I remember—drafted by Dr. Bruno Beger who had come from the SS Race and Settlement Main Office (RuSHA).[86] I first saw the report in the autumn of 1941. The report had already been circulated in all possible offices and one copy had also been sent to the Ahnenerbe. The reasons why the report had also been sent to the Ahnenerbe are unknown to me; in any case, Sievers showed me this proposal with all signs of horror and defined it as a hybrid outgrowth of the propaganda which at that time used to describe the eastern nations as “subhuman.” The report itself was filed away, as it did not concern us, or passed on to the chief of the Ahnenerbe, Professor Wuest, as it was really a “scientific” matter. One day Sievers told me that Himmler had mentioned this matter in a private conversation—I believe it was in connection with Professor Hirt—and ordered the document to be submitted after obtaining an opinion from Professor Hirt. Hirt then added the last paragraph. With this addition the report was forwarded to the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS and to Dr. Rudolf Brandt.

With regard to the Document NO-087, Prosecution Exhibit 181, as shown to me, I can state: the letter to the Reich Security Main Office bears the dictation reference S 2/Ha. According to this, the letter was not dictated by Sievers himself, but—as I remember—by Dr. Beger who dictated the letter in the office of subdepartment Chief Wolff, whose reference number was S 2.

With regard to Document NO-088, Prosecution Exhibit 182, I can say that Professor Hirt had asked by telephone for a decision on the suggestions which appear at the end of this document. Sievers only passed this request of Hirt on to the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS.

Sievers spoke to me repeatedly about the experiments on humans and also about the collection of skeletons and always said that these things were very much against his inner feelings. Repeatedly, I had an opportunity to see how much Sievers suffered in this connection. He sometimes had pronounced periods of depression.

* * * * *

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT SIEVERS 54
SIEVERS DEFENSE EXHIBIT 50

REGULATIONS FOR THE COMMANDOS (EINSATZKOMMANDOS)[87] OF THE SECURITY
POLICE AND THE SECURITY SERVICE TO BE ACTIVATED IN STALAGS

B 101
Enclosures 2
Office IV Berlin, 17 July 1941

Top Secret

The activation of commandos will take place in accordance with the agreement of the Chief of the Security Police and Security Service and the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces as of 16 July 1941. The commandos will work independently according to special authorization and in consequence of the general regulations given to them in the limits of the camp organizations. Naturally, the commandos will keep close contact with the camp commander and the defense officers assigned to him.

The mission of the commandos is the political investigating of all camp inmates, the elimination and further treatment—

_a._ of all political, criminal, or in some other way unbearable elements among them.

_b._ of those persons who could be used for the reconstruction of the occupied territories.

For the execution of their mission, no additional means can be put at the disposal of the commandos. The Deutsche Fahndungsbuch [German Wanted List] the Aufenthaltsermittlungsliste [Residence Locator List] and the Sonderfahndungsbuch UdSSR [Special Wanted List, Union of the Soviet Socialist Republic] will prove to be useful in only a small number of cases; the Sonderfahndungsbuch UdSSR is not sufficient, because it contains only a small part of Soviet Russians considered to be dangerous.

Therefore, the commandos must use their special knowledge and ability and rely on their own findings and self-acquired knowledge. Therefore, they will be able to start carrying out their mission only when they have gathered together appropriate material.

The commandos must use for their work as far as possible, at present and even later, the experiences of the camp commanders which the latter have collected meanwhile from observation of the prisoners and examinations of camp inmates.

Further, the commandos must make efforts from the beginning to seek out among the prisoners elements which appear reliable, regardless if there are Communists concerned or not, in order to use them for intelligence purposes inside of the camp and, if advisable, later in the occupied territories also.

By use of such informers and by use of all other existing possibilities, the discovery of all elements to be eliminated among the prisoners must succeed step by step at once. The commandos must learn for themselves, in every case, by means of short questioning of the informers and eventual questioning of other prisoners.

The information of one informer is not sufficient to designate a camp inmate to be a suspect without further proof; it must be confirmed in some way if possible.

Above all, the following must be discovered; all important functionaries of state and party, especially—

Professional revolutionaries.

Functionaries of the Comintern.

All policy forming party functionaries of the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union and its subsidiary organizations in the central
committees, in the regional and district committees.

All Peoples Commissars and their deputies.

All former Political Commissars in the Red Army.

Leading personalities of the Main and intermediate offices of
the state authorities.

Members of the Soviet Russian intelligentsia.

All Jews.

All persons who are found to be agitators or fanatical
Communists.

It is not less important, as mentioned already, to discover all those persons who could be used for the reconstruction, administration, and management of the conquered Russian territories.

Finally, all such persons must be secured who are still needed for the completion of further investigation, regardless if they are police investigations or other investigations, and for settling questions of general interest. Among them are all those especially who, because of their position and their knowledge, are able to give information about measures and working methods of the Soviet-Russian State, of the Communist Party, or of the Comintern.

In the final analysis, consideration must be given to origin in all decisions to be made. The leader of the Einsatzkommando will give a short report every week by telephone or an express letter to the Reich Security Main Office, containing:

1. Short description of their activities in the past week.

2. Number of all definitely suspicious persons (report of number sufficient).

3. Individual names of all persons found to be functionaries of the Comintern, leading functionaries of the party, Peoples Commissars, leading personalities, and political commissars.

4. Number of all persons found not to be suspicious informers, with a short description of their position.

A. Prisoners of war.

B. Civilians.

On the basis of those activity reports the Reich Security Main Office will issue immediately the further measures to be applied. For the measures to be applied on the basis of this successive directive, the commandos are to demand the surrender of the prisoners involved from the camp command.

The camp commandants have received orders from the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces to approve such requests.

Executions are not to be held in the camp or in the immediate vicinity of the camp. If the camps in the General Government are in the immediate vicinity of the border, then the prisoners are to be taken for special treatment, if possible, into former Soviet-Russian territory.

Should executions be necessary for reasons of camp discipline, then the leader of the Einsatzkommando must apply to the camp commander for it.

The commandos have to keep lists about the special treatments carried out and must contain—

Current number.

Family name and first name.

Date and place of birth.

Military rank.

Profession.

Last residence.

Reason for special treatment.

Day and place of special treatment (card file).

In regard to executions to be carried out and to the possible removal of reliable civilians and the removal of informers for the Einsatz group in the occupied territories, the leader of the Einsatzkommando must make an agreement with the nearest state police office, as well as with the commandant of the security police unit and security service and beyond these with the chief of the Einsatz group concerned in the occupied territories.

Reports of that kind are to be transmitted for information to the Reich Security Main Office, IV A 1. Excellent behavior during and after duty, the best cooperation with the camp commanders, and careful examinations are the duty of all leaders and members of the Einsatzkommando.

The members of the Einsatzkommando must be constantly aware of the special importance of the missions entrusted to them.

EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT RUDOLF BRANDT[88]

_DIRECT EXAMINATION_

* * * * *

DR. KAUFFMANN: Witness, I now put to you documents concerning, among other things, procuring skulls of Jewish-Bolshevist Commissars. Please look at page 1 of Document NO-085, Prosecution Exhibit 175. This is a letter from the Ahnenerbe, of 9 February 1942, addressed to you. It is a secret communication, and it bears Sievers’ signature. There are two annexes to this document. One of them concerns research into microscopy, and the other one concerns the suggestion for procuring the afore-mentioned skeletons for the purpose of scientific research. Now, I ask you whether you received this document, whether you are familiar with the contents of this letter, and whether you still remember it today?

DEFENDANT RUDOLF BRANDT: I received the letter with the inclosures, but I recall as little about this as I recall about the other matters.

Q. Do you wish to say then that you did not read the two inclosures to this letter?

A. That is what I really should like to say because, as I have already said, reports which were destined for the Reich Leader were put with the mail that he was to read personally, and it would have been the same in the case of Professor Hirt’s report, which is really incomprehensible to a lay reader.

Q. Perhaps I might point out to the Tribunal that the two inclosures are wrongly bound in the document. The first inclosure refers to the microscopic research and the second inclosure to the procuring of skeletons. Is that also your opinion, Herr Brandt?

A. Yes. That is how the letter states it. First, comes the microscopic study and then the other.