Chapter D: V. L., Berlin-Adlershof (11)

DEFENDANT GEBHARDT: I did not have any previous knowledge of these experiments, and with regard to this document may I state somewhat more in detail what it shows? This is a letter to Himmler, dated the end of August, and signed by Grawitz. It was never mentioned that I was to receive this letter or that this letter was to be routed through me. It does not have any note from me to the effect that I countersigned it, or was in agreement with it, in this form. It was also not discussed in Berlin or Hohenlychen or in the headquarters, but in Ravensbrueck, and, in particular, on 3 September when this discussion took place between Grawitz and me, because of the second group of our sulfanilamide experiments. Grawitz, who at that time came in order to show us that he was not in agreement, as far as I can recall, brought this letter and this description along from Dachau. We then discussed it in detail, because on my part there were many reasons for raising the sharpest protest against it. And, may I point out how much can be seen from this document about how Grawitz planned to publish experiments or to describe them, in contrast to my procedure at the time. Under point (1) it states, “SS Hospital, Dachau” and it actually looks in general as though this were a hospital report. And most of the case histories also speak in favor of that, too. For example, the reference on page 3 to a joint plastic, certainly is a big operation which can only be performed in a hospital. On the following page there is “artificially induced sepsis.” On the second page, “the cases of sepsis were mainly artificially induced.” Then on the other side it is stated that in the fatalities there is no mention of the 8 cases of sepsis that were artificially induced, but of 10. I proved to Grawitz, especially on this page, that the description he wanted to make of a camouflaged mixture of experiments and clinical results might later on be read by somebody superficially, and he would come to the word “artificially induced” and would not be able to decide. Then there was a fundamental point with regard to all persons concerned. This was the impracticability of performing an experiment in this establishment. Then on page 3 it states that the drugs were to be taken every five minutes, even at night. At the time I didn’t even think of giving the report to Grawitz, after I had found out about it by chance. I wrote “read” in the margin and drew a logical conclusion with regard to Himmler and Grawitz. In this connection I not only concluded Grawitz’ influence on our experiments, but I also asked Himmler how these biochemical experiments were brought about. I request permission of the Tribunal to permit me here to describe what Himmler thought with regard to such experiments, and to show, therefore, how impossible it was in certain cases, in spite of obtaining knowledge, to effect any change. For a person who has studied school medicine it is impossible to believe that through the homeopathic administration of sulphur and phosphorus, surgical case histories, as well as internal case histories, and metabolistic diseases can be influenced. However, in medicine one can, of course, take a completely different point of view, and that is the basic conception of biochemistry up to homeopathy, to which Himmler completely adhered. And here in two sentences we have described how all the elements which appear in nature also have traces in the human body. Now, if one small trace of an element is lacking, then the human being is susceptible to and suffering from some disease or other. The therapy and method of treatment by the biochemist is the exact contrast of medicine as practiced by a person who has studied it at school. They make test experiments on human beings and discover what element is lacking in that human being, and no matter from what disease he is suffering, the patient is treated with minimum doses of the element which he lacks. Never in the world has it been possible for a typical school practitioner and a biochemist to agree, because they want to treat the human being completely in contrast to each other. From this example you can see now that when I went to Himmler and said that it was madness for not only an experiment to be performed on out-patients, but that also simultaneously ten or twelve different cases should be treated with the same medicine, when I told Himmler this, he said that he had one of the most experienced biochemists, and a layman, Herr Laue with him, and that he was absolutely convinced that this method of treatment was correct. Himmler always attempted to discover old-fashioned popular remedies. In spite of my objection and in spite of my proof that my own surgical patients would suffer from it, these experiments were performed until I succeeded in bringing this Dr. Laue and Dr. Kieselwecker from Marburg (who enjoyed Himmler’s complete confidence on this question) to Hohenlychen. There we performed a similar experiment together on my patients in order to show that this method of treatment was impossible. But even in this way I was not able to achieve my purpose with Himmler, because afterwards it was said we had not applied the drugs properly, and so on. Therefore, one can conclude from this that it was not the case that Himmler adhered to one certain medical concept, and if one accidentally heard of an experiment, one could convince him. Himmler maintained a hostile attitude toward school medicine, and from nature cures to biochemistry he was accessible to every thought, and when Laue convinced him of the fact that this drug was of decisive importance, then the experiment was performed. May I state in this connection, that the knowledge of this document had the following three results with me: that Grawitz, who was ready to make compromises as is shown here, did not allow anyone to tell him anything at all about the sulfanilamide question; that I gave Himmler clear knowledge of the false idea without being able to convince him because of his favorable attitude toward biochemistry; and that the experiment would perhaps be discontinued, mainly on account of subsequent examinations at Hohenlychen. I shall give evidence of this as soon as I receive the appropriate testimony of witnesses.

* * * * *

-----

[74] Final plea is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 15 July 1947, pp. 10874-10910.

[75] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 17 December 1946, pp. 574-594.

[76] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 4, 5, 6, 7, 10 March 1947, pp. 3981-4256.

13. POLYGAL EXPERIMENTS

a. Introduction

The prosecution introduced evidence calculated to show that inhumane acts and atrocities, as generally alleged in paragraph 6 of the indictment, were committed in the course of polygal experiments. These experiments were not specifically described in the subparagraphs of paragraph 6 of the indictment which particularized 12 specific types of experimentation. On this charge the defendants Handloser, Blome, and Poppendick were acquitted and only the defendant Sievers was convicted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the polygal experiments is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Blome. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 670 to 672. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense on these experiments has been selected from the closing brief for the defendant Blome. It appears below on pages 672 to 675. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 675 to 683.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

_EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST
DEFENDANT BLOME_

* * * * *

In order to test the effectiveness of a blood coagulant “polygal,” Rascher carried out experiments in which inmates of the Dachau concentration camp were shot. Rascher’s uncle, in his affidavit, describes the murderous experiments which were carried out by his nephew. In August 1943, he visited Rascher in Dachau and, while Rascher was away from his office, he saw a report which he describes as follows:

“It refers to a report about the shooting (execution) of four
people for the purpose of experimenting with the hemostatic
preparation ‘Polygal 10.’ As far as I remember they were a
Russian Commissar and a cretin, I do not remember who the other
two were. The Russian was shot in the right shoulder from above
by an SS man who stood on a chair. The bullet emerged near the
spleen. It was described how the Russian twitched convulsively,
then sat down on a chair and died after about 20 minutes. In the
dissection protocol the rupture of the pulmonary vessels and the
aorta was described. It was further described that the ruptures
were tamponed by hard blood clots. That could have been the only
explanation for the comparatively long span of life after the
shot.” (_NO-1424, Pros. Ex. 462._)

This evidence is corroborated by the testimony of the witness Stoehr (_Tr. p. 587_) and the affidavit of Pohl (_NO-065, Pros. Ex. 221_). Even the defendant Gebhardt admitted, during his testimony, that he knew that Rascher had carried out blood coagulation experiments on concentration camp inmates who had been shot for the purpose. (_Tr. pp. 4240-1._)

The evidence proves that Blome collaborated with Rascher in the polygal research. This collaboration began at least as early as the middle of 1943 in connection with cancer research. (_NO-473, Pros. Ex. 237_; _see also NO-538, Pros. Ex. 122, entries for 18 February, 7 April, 14 April, and 26 June 1943_.) The defendant Sievers stated in his affidavit that: “Blome also had full knowledge of the blood coagulation experiments at Dachau. He received reports from Rascher and should have a complete knowledge of these matters.” (_NO-473, Pros. Ex. 237._) Blome admitted that Rascher had been commissioned by Himmler to work with him in the field of blood coagulation. (_Tr. p. 4642._) One of the collaborators of Rascher in the polygal research was an inmate of the Dachau concentration camp by the name of Robert Feix. By letter of 15 September 1943, Rascher requested Sievers to approach Blome, so that the latter might arrange for the release of Feix and for his reinstatement in his former category as half-Aryan. Rascher stated in his letter that “Blome has given me great hopes in this respect.” (_NO-611, Pros. Ex. 239._) This proves that Blome was already collaborating with Rascher on polygal research in the summer of 1943. Obviously, Blome would not have put himself out to assist in this work without knowing precisely what had been done to test polygal.

In the latter part of 1943, Rascher and Dr. Haferkamp wrote a paper on polygal. This paper draws a clear distinction between _experiments_ on human beings to test the effect of polygal and _clinical tests_. It states that: “Before we tried the clinical use of the drug and had it probed, it was tested on _human beings_ by thorough experiments as to its influence on the period of clotting and bleeding.” Curves were included to show the reaction of polygal on clotting and bleeding. Later on, the paper discusses clinical observations during operations. (_NO-438, Pros. Ex. 240._) The experiments mentioned in this paper obviously are the ones during which inmates were shot. They were not so described in the paper because it was written for publication. Blome testified that the only experiments he knew about were ones where one cubic centimeter of blood was withdrawn to see how fast it would coagulate in a test tube. (_Tr. p. 4643._) Such tests cannot be described as experiments. It is impossible to conceive of Rascher’s testing a blood coagulant to be used on soldiers wounded on the battlefield in such a manner. And this was better known to Blome at the time than it is now to the Tribunal. He knew that Rascher had conducted the freezing experiments with resultant loss of life. He had been informed about the Buchenwald typhus experiments. (_Tr. p. 4640._) Moreover, this devious explanation of Blome does not cover experiments to test the effect of polygal on bleeding; to test blood in a test tube covers only coagulation reaction, not bleeding reaction. So he had to add to the implausible by saying that Rascher once told him that he or another doctor had rubbed the upper thigh of a person under anesthetic until it became bloody and then tested the efficacy of polygal. But Blome said, “I didn’t take this statement of his seriously.” (_Tr. p. 4635._) The thing which cannot be taken seriously is Blome’s display of ignorance about experiments in which the documents prove he had a direct personal interest.

Blome approved the publication of the paper mentioned above in the Munich Medical Weekly [Muenchener Medizinische Wochenschrift]. (_Tr. p. 4639; NO-616, Pros. Ex. 244._) Both Grawitz and Pohl raised objections to the publication of the article because they had not been consulted and because Dachau 3 K and human experimental subjects were mentioned. (_NO-614, Pros. Ex. 245_; _NO-615, Pros. Ex. 246_.) Both these men knew of the murderous experiments carried out by Rascher to test polygal. Gebhardt knew. Yet Blome asks the Tribunal to assume that he was too naive to have known; that he didn’t even believe Rascher when he was told that he had deliberately rubbed the hide off of an inmate’s leg to test polygal.

On 23 February 1944 Rascher received a research assignment on polygal from the Reich Research Council. (_NO-656, Pros. Ex. 247._) _Blome admitted that he issued this assignment._ (_Tr. p. 4634._) Siever’s diary reveals that on 1 February 1944, polygal production by Rascher was listed as a war economy industry by the Reich Research Council. On 22 February Sievers had a conference with Rascher in which supply questions for the production of this drug, _experiments of Blome_, and the polygal report for the defendant Gebhardt were discussed. On 24 February Sievers had a telephone conversation with Blome in which Blome informed him that Himmler had issued an order concerning Blome’s work in Dachau in collaboration with Rascher, (_3546-PS, Pros. Ex. 123._) Blome admitted that Himmler requested him to cooperate with Rascher on polygal research. (_Tr. p. 4510._) When Ploetner took over Rascher’s work on 31 March (_Tr. p. 973_), Blome continued his interest in polygal as shown by a telephone conversation with Sievers on this matter on 24 July. (_Tr. p. 976._)

* * * * *

c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense

_EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF FOR DEFENDANT
BLOME_

* * * * *

The question of _polygal_ was from the beginning one of the weakest counts of the indictment against Dr. Blome. It is a remedy to make the blood clot and to prevent people from bleeding to death as a result of wounds inflicted in battle or by operation, or from injury due to excessive loss of blood. This equally innocuous and beneficial remedy was apparently made the object of a charge only because Dr. Rascher once maintained that he had killed four concentration camp inmates with pistol shots in order to try out polygal on them. (_NO-1424, Pros. Ex. 462_; _NO-065, Pros. Ex. 221_.) But I believe that every intelligent person must have approached this contention of Rascher’s with the strongest distrust, because one cannot try out a styptic on a dead person, and Dr. Blome, like other physicians, has repeatedly assured me that they did not understand what Dr. Rascher had in mind with such actions, which of course had nothing to do with “experiments”. But even on the assumption that these stories of Dr. Rascher were true—that he had actually killed some concentration camp prisoners in order to “experiment” on them with “polygal”—by what right can Dr. Blome be held responsible for this, a man who knew nothing at all about these crimes of Dr. Rascher? Dr. Blome has been waiting in vain for evidence to be submitted by the prosecution to prove that he (Dr. Blome) had had anything to do with those actions of Dr. Rascher, that he had at least approved or at any rate had some knowledge of them. The document presented by the prosecution proves that Dr. Blome can certainly not be held responsible for the alleged shooting of four concentration camp inmates by Dr. Rascher. (_NO-1424 Pros. Ex. 462._) This murder committed by Dr. Rascher, if it was committed at all, happened before August 1943, according to Document NO-1424. It was during this month that the witness Friedrich Karl Rascher found in the writing table of his nephew, Dr. Rascher, the report on the shooting of the four concentration camp inmates. Dr. Blome, however, heard about polygal for the first time only during his second visit to Himmler in August or September 1943; before that time the matter was unknown to him. This statement by Dr. Blome concerning the date is in agreement with the testimony of Sievers of 10 April 1947, according to which the joint visit of Dr. Blome, Sievers, and Rascher to Himmler took place in the autumn of 1943. From this it is evident that the murder of the four concentration camp inmates by Dr. Rascher, if it has really any connection with polygal, happened without doubt at a time when Dr. Blome still had no knowledge of this styptic. Dr. Blome has rightly pointed out that it would have been a completely incomprehensible insanity to kill people only for the purpose of testing a styptic at a time when every day offered an abundance of material for the observation and study of the effect of polygal in the thousands of wounded soldiers and of patients operated on at the front as well as among the civilian population.

In this connection it is, incidentally, quite interesting to learn from the interrogation of the witness Neff that he never saw or observed any such “experiments” by Dr. Rascher. Neither did Dr. Rascher tell Neff anything about them, although Neff held a particularly confidential position with Rascher and otherwise learned much about Rascher and his “experiments”. Even in the camp nothing was said at the time about these alleged “experiments” of Dr. Rascher with polygal, although it could certainly not have been and also did not have to be kept secret in the camp if Rascher had actually shot four concentration camp inmates in order to carry out “experiments” on them with polygal.

These facts justify serious doubts as to whether those “experiments” ever took place at all and especially whether they have anything to do with the hemostatic polygal.

In reality, polygal is an absolutely harmless drug, whether it is injected or taken in tablet form, and the use of such a drug in this form can in no case be considered a criminal experiment against humanity as specified by the indictment before this Tribunal. Even when administered by injection with the subsequent drawing of a few drops of blood from the experimental subject, it is completely harmless. It does not cause any more “pain” than any other injection, and the whole test of this drug consists solely of taking one cc. of blood from the vein of the so-called experimental subject. Thus we are not dealing with any experiment of the kind that could be considered criminal because it causes severe pains or because it is dangerous or for any other reasons.

Besides, the concept of “criminal experiments on human beings” has already been explained at the trial of Field Marshal Milch[77] by the verdict of 16 April 1947; this verdict expressly limits the range of such experiments to experiments “which could cause torture or death to the experimental subjects.” Thus one cannot, in the present proceedings, object to those experiments which cannot ordinarily be assumed to cause death to the experimental subject or be accompanied by severe pain. Neither took place when polygal was administered. For either it serves as a hemostatic which can only be of advantage to the patient or, in the reverse case, it simply has no effect. Polygal can never have any harmful consequences, least of all cause any damage to health; nor could this be claimed by the prosecution, for polygal is generally used in surgery nowadays.

And finally, all the persons who submitted to polygal tests were volunteers. Dr. Blome, however, could not prove this here by interrogating the inventor of the drug, Feix, because the prosecution prevented defense counsel from examining Feix by transferring the latter to Dachau, whence he later escaped. The transcript of the interrogation of Feix by the prosecution was not submitted here, even though Feix had told me personally that he could not understand how any blame in connection with polygal could be put on Dr. Blome. But another witness, namely Walter Neff, testified here on the witness stand that the experimental subjects on whom the experiments had been carried out had volunteered, just as he himself had done. Since Neff was produced as witness by the prosecution,[78] the latter will hardly want to declare the testimony, sworn to by Neff, to be untrue.

The verdict of 16 April 1947 against Field Marshal Milch quoted above, states explicitly that medical experiments are punishable only when carried out without the consent of the subjects. Furthermore, punishability presumes that the experiments were a “torture” for the experimental subject or jeopardized his life. Both conditions obviously do not apply to polygal. Thus one comes to the conclusion that it would have been better not to mention within the limits of this trial subjects where even the closest observer has to look very carefully to see whether he could not possibly find anything to object to.

This applies especially to the report of the Institute for Military Scientific Research (Department Rascher), on coagulation of blood. (_NO-438, Pros. Ex. 240._) In this report, the author, Dr. Rascher, emphasizes the importance of “Polygal 10” for combat troops and in operations and describes five operations where polygal was used with good results. There can be no doubt that those were five bona fide operations which were performed on patients in an entirely legitimate way and which tested polygal’s effectiveness in stopping bleedings in an absolutely proper manner, as it is usually done, with similar drugs. It is inconceivable how a conclusion of illegal “experiments” could have been drawn from that report.

One of these five legitimate operations, by the way, is described in a report by the camp physician Dr. Kahr, dated 12 October 1943 [10 December 1943] (_NO-656, Pros. Ex. 247_); it does not offer any basis for assuming an “experiment”. In this connection it is worthwhile to note that Dr. Blome himself, in his affidavit of 25 October 1946 (_NO-471, Pros. Ex. 238_), under section 8 describes the use of polygal in cases of “battle wounds and operations”, but deals with “experiments on human beings” only in the next section, 9. Therefore, Dr. Blome knew from the beginning that polygal had nothing to do with “experiments on human beings”.

* * * * *

d. Evidence

_Prosecution Documents_
Pros. Ex.
Doc. No. No. Description of Document Page
NO-1424 462 Affidavit of Fritz Friedrich Karl Rascher, M. 676
D., 31 December 1946, concerning the life
and activities of Dr. Sigmund Rascher.
NO-438 240 Report from the Institute for Military 676
Scientific Research, (Department Dr.
Rascher) on “Polygal 10.”
NO-656 247 Memorandum by SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Wolff, 680
8 May 1944; letters from Dr. Kahr to
Rascher, 10 and 16 December 1943.

_Testimony_
Page
Extracts from the testimony of defendant Sievers 682

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-1424
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 462

AFFIDAVIT OF FRITZ FRIEDRICH KARL RASCHER, M. D., 31 DECEMBER 1946,
CONCERNING THE LIFE AND ACTIVITIES OF DR. SIGMUND RASCHER

AFFIDAVIT

I, Fritz Friedrich Karl Rascher, being duly sworn, depose and state:

1. I was born on 13 August 1888 at Kellmuenz/Schwaben-Neuburg. I am a German citizen. My present civilian address is: Hamburg, Parkallee 78. I attended the following schools: 4 years public school at Augsburg, 4 years St. Anna Gymnasium at Augsburg, 2 years Real-Gymnasium at Augsburg, and 4 years of senior high school at Ravensburg. I graduated from junior college at Ravensburg in 1909. I studied medicine for 5 years at Munich. I passed my state board examination in 1914 at Munich. From 1914 to 1917 I worked as general practitioner. In the autumn of 1917 I was drafted into the armed forces, remained however at first in Hamburg in the home guard reserve and worked at the same time as general practitioner until May 1918. From May 1918 until November 1918 I was a medical officer. Since the end of 1918 until now I have been a general practitioner in Hamburg.

2. I am the uncle of Dr. Sigmund Rascher and have always maintained a pleasant family relationship with my nephew. I also was well acquainted with the wife of Dr. Sigmund Rascher, Nini Rascher nee Diehl. I also maintained contact with Dr. Sigmund Rascher and his wife during the war until the arrest at the end of 1943 or beginning of 1944. For the reasons stated above, I am in the position to make the following statement:

3. While attending the wedding of my nephew in Munich he told me that he had been asked to take over a laboratory in the concentration camp Dachau by order of the Luftwaffe and in connection with the Ahnenerbe. This offer was made to him through the medium of his wife and Himmler. He told me that this would be a big chance to work free and undisturbed. At the same time he saw in it a chance of continuing his experiments on blood crystallization. In these experiments he was supported by a relative of his wife by the name of Fraeulein Lulu, who later committed suicide. At that time I advised my nephew against accepting such a job.

4. In August 1942 I heard from my nephew in Munich that he had taken over the laboratory at Dachau and that he would work there extensively. Knowing the great diligence and the ambition of my nephew I was not surprised that he accepted this job.

At that time I drove with my nephew by car up to the entrance of the concentration camp, but did not enter. The only thing I heard from my nephew at that time was that he had carried out high-altitude tests on himself.

5. In August 1943 I was with my nephew twice in the Dachau concentration camp. The first time I went only to his private quarters and did not see the laboratory. The second time he showed me his laboratory and introduced me to his colleagues. I still remember the following names: Dr. Punzengruber and Dr. Feix. I inspected the chemical exploitation of blood coagulation. At that time he also told me of freezing experiments. He said that he had carried these out on himself at first and then he introduced to me one of his colleagues who had volunteered three times for these experiments. If I remember rightly, Himmler is supposed to have been present at one of these experiments and to have pardoned the man who was condemned to death. During the absence of my nephew, I accidentally found the following document in his desk:

It refers to a report about the shooting (execution) of four people for the purpose of experimenting with the hemostatic preparation “Polygal 10”. As far as I remember they were a Russian Commissar and a cretin, I do not remember who the other two were. The Russian was shot in the right shoulder from above by an SS man who stood on a chair. The bullet emerged near the spleen. It was described how the Russian twitched convulsively, then sat down on a chair and died after about 20 minutes. In the dissection protocol the rupture of the pulmonary vessels and the aorta was described. It was further described that the ruptures were tamponed by hard blood clots. That could have been the only explanation for the comparatively long span of life after the shot. After reading this first protocol I was so shocked that I did not read the others. At the time I took a sample of the hemostatic preparation from the desk which I submit herewith to the files.

6. On the way to Munich after this visit to Dachau, which was my last, I called my nephew to account. He raved when he learned that I knew of this matter. After appealing to his conscience, from the scientific as well as from the humane point of view, he broke down and cried: “I dare not think, I dare not think.” In Munich my nephew and I continued this conversation during the whole night. Dr. Sigmund Rascher admitted at the time that he was on the wrong path but that he didn’t see any possibility of resigning from it.

7. At the end of 1943 or beginning of 1944 I received a letter from my nephew, in which he informed me that he and his wife had been arrested because of illegal adoption (and registration) of a child. This letter was accompanied by a note by Kriminalrat Schmidt from Munich in which he informed me that I should contact him if I knew anything about this matter. I wrote at the time to Munich that I considered this to be impossible because I myself had once seen Frau Rascher in a pregnant state. I am a doctor and examined her myself. That was before the birth of the second child; she was then in the 6th or 7th month of pregnancy. I wish to add that the first son looked very much like his father and also had similar habits.

8. Since this occurrence in 1943 or 1944 I have not heard from either Dr. Sigmund Rascher or his wife. Only in 1946 I learned from various people that my nephew had been shot in Dachau before the arrival of the Americans and that his wife had been hanged at Ravensbrueck or Berlin on orders of Himmler. I also submit to the files three pictures taken during the youth of Dr. Sigmund Rascher. All my nephew’s documents which I had in my possession I burned in 1944 because I was afraid of the Gestapo.

I have read the above affidavit in the German language consisting of 2 pages and declare that it is true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief. I was given the opportunity of making alterations and corrections in the above affidavit. This affidavit was made by me voluntarily, without any promise or reward and I was subjected to no compulsion or duress of any kind.

[Signature] RASCHER

Hamburg, 31 December 1946.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-438
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 240

REPORT FROM THE INSTITUTE FOR MILITARY SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH, (DEPARTMENT
DR. RASCHER) ON “POLYGAL 10”

[Handwritten]
Mue. med. Wo. Schri.
delivered 20 Dec. 1943.

From the Institute for Military Scientific Research (Department Dr.
Rascher) “Polygal 10”, a hemostat to be administered orally
by
Dr. med. S. Rascher, Munich, and Dr. med. H. Haferkamp,
Waltershausen (Thuringia).

A good hemostat has to have the following qualifications:

1. It must be harmless.

2. It must be administered easily (orally).

3. It must not have an unpleasant taste.

4. It must have a deep and long-lasting effect on bleeding and clotting time.

5. After the effect wears off it must be possible to administer another dose without any danger.

Hemostats now on sale commercially meet these demands only partially. No unobjectionable hemostat is known so far which is in tablet form, durable, unimpaired by cold temperatures and therefore easily transportable. But it would be worthwhile to produce such a preparation whose application would have the following important advantages:

1. It could be given prophylactically to the combat troops before an attack and to air crews before action. Too great a loss of blood could be avoided that way when tending to wounds is delayed; similarly it would prevent the wounded from becoming incapacitated by delaying the loss of blood.

2. Before operations in which greater areal bleeding is to be expected, it could be used to keep the operational region clear of interfering bleeding.

3. Persons having a long blood clotting time could benefit inestimably from such a remedy in cases of teeth extractions, etc.

4. In severe cases of lung or stomach hemorrhage which cannot be treated surgically at once, such a remedy could be life saving.

We believe we have such a remedy in “Polygal 10,” a preparation composed and tested in our institute, which does fulfill the above requirements. “Polygal 10” is a drug composed on a “pectin” base; its new method, differentiating it from other hemostats on a pectin base is to be found in the activation of pectin before composing it into the hemostat.

Before we tried the clinical use of the drug and had it probed, it was tested on _human beings_ by thorough experiments as to its influence on the period of clotting and bleeding. The period of clotting was occasionally established in short intervals by 10 parallel definitions of free flowing venous blood according to the method of _Buercker_. The period of bleeding was measured by a stop watch after a wound at the ear had been inflicted by a “Frankeschen Schnepper.”

On the enclosed graphic chart (not reproduced) the curves of two experimental subjects are displayed (experimental subjects Nos. 200 and 207). The depth of decline and the duration of effect correspond to the average. It is to be mentioned with reference to the curves that _various persons_ were always used for the _experiments_ in order to avoid a possible accumulation of effect by the drug.

* * * * *

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-656
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 247

MEMORANDUM BY SS OBERSTURMBANNFUEHRER WOLFF, 8 MAY 1944; LETTERS FROM
DR. KAHR TO RASCHER, 10 AND 16 DECEMBER 1943

[Handwritten] The Preparation of Polygal

Waischenfeld/Oberfranken 8 May 1944
No. 135 Telephone No. 2
Journal No. Wo/He.

The Reich Leader SS Personal Staff Office Ahnenerbe

SUMMARY

SS Hauptsturmfuehrer S. Rascher MD. was assigned the following research tasks by the Reich Research Council:

* * * * *

2. On 23 February 1944 Journal No. Rf 3717/44g Code word: “Polygal.” Research task for the development of production methods for the preparation of the hemostat polygal. Priority SS/44 Wehrmacht order number: SS 4118-0391/44 Rf 2829.

Point 11 as an addition to the task.

Procurement of supplies, etc., has a priority rating SS 4950 (Group I).

[Signature] WOLFF
SS Obersturmfuehrer

* * * * *

_Copy_

Concentration Camp Dachau The Camp Physician

Dachau, 10 December 1943

Subject: Administering “polygal” after amputation of the thigh of a 40-year-old male patient. To: Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher Dachau

On 10 December 1943 the effectiveness of “polygal” in the case of the amputation of the thigh was tested. The drug was administered per os 45 minutes before the operation and was placed in the patient’s mouth to be dissolved. A blood transfusion of 500 cc. had been made the previous day in preparation for the operation. Blood pressure on the day of the operation was 180/80.

As regards the effectiveness of “polygal” one can say that it was absolutely evident how little the tissues bled. After the first rush of blood from the vessels which had been cut, when completely emptied of blood no more bleeding occurred after this first flow of accumulated blood, so that it was not necessary to apply any ligatures to the surface of the muscles and the fatty tissues, or the subcutaneous tissues, as had always been the case with other amputations. The effectiveness of “polygal” must in this case be described as complete.

By order:
[Signed] DR. KAHR
SS Obersturmfuehrer
The First Camp Physician, Concentration Camp Dachau

* * * * *

_Copy_

Concentration Camp Dachau The Camp Physician Dachau 16 December 1943 To: SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Rascher Dachau

“Polygal 10” was used for 2 herniotomies. The patients were men of 35 and 42 years of age, respectively. In both cases the tablets were administered to the patients 40 minutes before the operation. Blood pressure before the operation was 135/80 in the case of the 35-year-old patient and 145/80 in the case of the 42-year-old patient. Both patients tolerated “polygal 10” without complaint, nor were there any unpleasant accompanying symptoms in the stomach.

It is to be said of the operation itself that the loss of blood was conspicuously slight in both cases. As in the case of all preceding operations where “polygal 10” had been administered, it was only necessary in this case, to cut off the bleeding from the vessels. In the first case, that of the 35-year-old patient, stronger bleeding from the subcutaneous tissues occurred after the skin had been cut, which, however, was stopped by mere wiping, so that in this case the application of clips to the subcutaneous tissues was unnecessary. Only after cutting the cremaster was it necessary to apply some ligatures, because then some smaller vessels were pierced. During the further course of the operation, i. e., the separation of the hernial sac from the funiculus spermaticus (it was an indirect inguinal hernia), several spots bled in the beginning, but bleeding came to a standstill at once and the use of ligatures was superfluous.

The same observations were made in the second case, the case of the 42-year-old patient. Hemostasis by application of ligatures was necessary in only a few spots, and this was always in those places where vessels had been injured during the operation. The favorable effect of “polygal 10” in surgical operations consists not only in its causing slight bleeding and preventing great loss of blood, but also in that it makes possible considerably faster operations, because the applications of clips and later ligatures always takes up a certain time, which can be saved by the use of “polygal 10.”

[Signed] DR. KAHR
SS Obersturmfuehrer
EXTRACTS FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT SIEVERS[79]

_DIRECT EXAMINATION_

* * * * *

DR. WEISGERBER: The prosecution has submitted a single Document, NO-1424, Prosecution Exhibit 462. This is an affidavit of Dr. Fritz Friedrich Karl Rascher, who is an uncle of Dr. Rascher. It becomes evident from this document that Rascher was carrying out fatal experiments on human beings in connection with the development of polygal. Did you know about that at any time?

DEFENDANT SIEVERS: No, I heard nothing about it. After Rascher’s arrest, however, in 1944, the Police President of Munich, von Eberstein, gave me a rather excited description of this criminal Rascher. He said that Rascher had even shot at a human being in order to test his coagulating drug. A confirmation of this statement could not be obtained at that time. I didn’t believe it at first because so many rumors were flying around about him and his wife after his arrest—one of them was that he removed his collaborator Muschler by murdering her. Rascher, incidentally, succeeded in clearing himself of this suspicion of murder. After everything has become known through this trial—everything that Rascher has on his conscience—I am rather inclined to believe it. Uncle Rascher’s statements also reveal how secret Rascher kept his misdeeds. Only by interfering with his nephew’s desk did Uncle Rascher gain knowledge of whatever he is testifying here. At the same time, he confirms in his statement that his nephew was furious when he found out about his interference.

Q. Concluding these questions, I put to you Pohl’s affidavit which is Document NO-065, Prosecution Exhibit 221. I quote (this is on top of page 3): “Sievers told me the following: Ahnenerbe, of which Sievers was manager, was developing a drug in Dachau, by order of Himmler, which had as its result the quick coagulation of blood. He said that it was very important for fighting units because it prevented their bleeding to death. The experiments in Dachau, during which one inmate was shot at, have proved these results.” Did you tell Pohl anything to that effect?

* * * * *

A. I told Pohl exactly what I had found out from Eberstein. As I already said, the development stage of polygal was already concluded when he received Himmler’s order to take care of the production. If Rascher shot at an inmate in connection with polygal research then this, at any rate, occurred at a time when he had nothing to do with that matter. I only heard of this alleged shooting after Rascher’s arrest, as I have already testified.

Q. Mr. President, in this connection I offer Document Sievers 10 as Sievers Exhibit 8. I beg your pardon, Sievers Exhibit 9. This is an affidavit of Oswald Pohl. The essential points to be found on page one of this document are, and I quote:

“1. My affidavit of 23 July 1946 concerning medical experiments
was submitted to me with reference to my statements in paragraph
4, Sievers (Ahnenerbe).

“2. Sievers’ diary of 1944 (_3546-PS_) was submitted to me with
reference to the entry of 15 June 1944, 9 o’clock (page 167):

“SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl.

“1. Production of polygal and settlement Felix.”

Paragraphs two to six are not interesting here and I shall skip them. I quote again:

“After having read this entry in the diary, I can remember
Sievers’ visit very well and I can state according to the best
of my knowledge and conscience:

“When all the relevant points concerning the possibility of
producing (installation for manufacture) the blood-stanching
remedy ‘polygal’, as well as the other items had been discussed,
Sievers told me a few things about the Rascher case before I
called in SS Standartenfuehrer Maurer to discuss the employment
of scientist prisoners in mathematical calculating problems. He
informed me that Rascher and his wife had been arrested for
jointly committing child substitution and abduction. Through
Rascher’s arrest, several unbelievable things had apparently
come to light which were now being investigated. It was also
maintained that Rascher was supposed to have fired at a prisoner
in order to test the ‘polygal’. Sievers therefore expresses an
assumption which he himself had only heard, and not a fact based
on his own knowledge.”

And then follows the certification.

* * * * *

-----

[77] United States _vs._ Erhard Milch. See Vol. II.

[78] Neff was called as witness by the Tribunal.

[79] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 9, 10, 11, 14 Apr 1947, pp. 5656-5869.

14. GAS OEDEMA (PHENOL) EXPERIMENTS

a. Introduction

The prosecution introduced evidence calculated to show that inhuman acts and atrocities (as generally alleged in paragraph 6 of the indictment) were committed in the course of gas oedema experiments. These experiments were not specifically described in the subparagraphs of paragraph 6 of the indictment, which particularized 12 specific types of experimentation. On this charge the defendants Mrugowsky and Hoven were convicted and the defendant Handloser was acquitted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the gas oedema experiments is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Mrugowsky. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 684 to 685. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 685 to 694.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

_EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST DEFENDANT
MRUGOWSKY_

* * * * *

_Gas Oedema Serum Experiments_

The affidavit of Dr. Erwin Schuler, alias Ding, states that at a conference in the Military Medical Academy in Berlin, at the end of 1942, in which he took part, one of the topics of discussion was the fatality of gas oedema serum on wounded soldiers. The affidavit goes on to state that among the participants in the discussion were Killian, General Schreiber, Mrugowsky, and a medical officer who was unknown to him. Killian and Mrugowsky gave reports on soldiers who had received the serum in high quantities and hours later, after apparently having recovered, died suddenly without visible reason. It was suspected that the phenol content of the serum brought about the fatal result. In the presence of Killian and Schreiber, Mrugowsky ordered Ding to take part in the performance of euthanasia with phenol on a concentration camp inmate and to describe the results in detail. Ding later witnessed the execution of four or five persons with phenol injections by the defendant Hoven in the Buchenwald concentration camp. According to orders, Ding reported his findings to Berlin. (_NO-257, Pros. Ex. 283._)

Mrugowsky denied having given any such order to Ding. It is quite apparent, however, that Ding-Schuler, who was under arrest at the time he executed this affidavit, would not have implicated himself in a crime which did not occur. Mrugowsky’s continued interest in the effect of the phenol contained in serum is evidenced by a letter of 24 August 1944 from Grawitz to him. Grawitz stated that the Reich Leader SS had approved experiments proposed by Mrugowsky on the tolerance of serum containing phenol. (_NO-1198, Pros. Ex. 466._)

d. Evidence

_Prosecution Documents_
Pros. Ex.
Doc. No. No. Description of Document Page
NO-429 281 Extracts from the affidavit of Waldemar Hoven, 685
24 October 1946, concerning the killing of
inmates by phenol and other means.
NO-257 283 Extract from a sworn statement by Dr. Erwin 686
Schuler (Ding), 20 July 1945, concerning
euthanasia with phenol injection.

_Testimony_

Extracts from testimony of the defendant Mrugowsky 688

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-429
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 281

EXTRACTS FROM THE AFFIDAVIT OF WALDEMAR HOVEN, 24 OCTOBER 1946,
CONCERNING THE KILLING OF INMATES BY PHENOL AND OTHER MEANS

I, Waldemar Hoven, being duly sworn, depose and state:

1. I was born in Freiburg, Breisgau, on the 10th of February 1903. I attended high school but did not complete my education until many years later. Between the years 1919 and 1933 I visited Denmark, Sweden, United States, and France. In 1933 I returned to Freiburg and completed my high school course and then attended the Universities of Freiburg and Munich. In 1939 I concluded my medical studies and joined the Waffen SS as a physician. The last rank I held in the Waffen SS was Hauptsturmfuehrer (captain). In 1934 I had joined the Allgemeine SS.

2. In October 1939 I was assigned as an assistant medical officer in the SS hospital in the Buchenwald concentration camp and held that position until 1941 when I was appointed the medical officer in charge of the SS troops stationed in the camp. At the end of 1941 I was transferred to the camp hospital and became the assistant medical officer therein. This hospital was for the inmates of the Buchenwald concentration camp. In July 1942 I was elevated to the position of chief physician and thereby had the full responsibility for the inmate patients in the hospital. I held this position until September 1943 when I was arrested by the SS police court of Kassel and remained under arrest until 15th of March 1945.

3. Due to my various positions in the Buchenwald concentration camp during this period of nearly four years I became acquainted with all phases of the medical activities therein and am hereby able to make the following statement:

* * * * *

10. In the camp we had a great many prisoners who were jealous of the positions held by a certain few of the inmates, that is, some of the political prisoners held key positions and were able to get better living conditions than the average. Hence, many of the prisoners envied these positions and made every effort to discredit the men who held the key positions. Such traitorous actions became known through the “grapevine” to the men in the key positions and then such traitors were immediately killed. In each case I was later notified in order to make out the death statements of the prisoners killed. These statements did not indicate the actual cause of death but were made out to indicate that the prisoner died of natural causes.

11. In some instances I supervised the killing of these unworthy inmates by injections of phenol at the request of the inmates. These killings took place in the camp hospital and I was assisted by several inmates. On one occasion Dr. Ding came to the hospital to witness such killings with phenol and said that I was not doing it correctly, therefore he performed some of the injections himself. At that time three inmates were killed with phenol injections and they died within a minute.

12. The total number of traitors killed was about 150, of whom 60 were killed by phenol injections, either by myself or under my supervision in the camp hospital, and the rest were killed by various means, such as beatings, by the inmates.

The above affidavit written in the English language, consisting of five (5) pages, is true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief. This affidavit was given by me freely and voluntarily, without promise of reward and I was subjected to no duress or threat of any

[Signed] DR. WALDEMAR HOVEN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-257
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 283

EXTRACT FROM A SWORN STATEMENT BY DR. ERWIN SCHULER (DING), 20 JULY
1945, CONCERNING EUTHANASIA WITH PHENOL INJECTION

Freising, 20 July 1945

Erwin Schuler, M. D.

Case 508

As ordered I am briefly answering two questions:

1. _Witness of Euthanasia with Phenol at Buchenwald._

At the end of 1942 I took part at a conference in the Military Academy of Medicine in Berlin. The topic of discussion was the fatal effect of gas gangrene serum on wounded men.

Present: Generalarzt Professor Schreiber, hygienist of the Military Academy of Medicine; SS Oberfuehrer Professor Mrugowsky, hygienist; Oberstabsarzt Professor Killian, professor in the University of Breslau, surgeon; a medical officer (surgeon) whose name I did not know; and myself, as department chief of the Central Institute for the Combating of Epidemics, Berlin.

Killian and Mrugowsky gave reports on soldiers who had been given gas gangrene serum in high quantities (up to 1,500 cc.) and hours afterwards, while feeling perfectly well, had died suddenly without any visible reason. Mrugowsky suspected that the cumulative effect of the phenol content of the injections was responsible for the deaths.

In the presence of the other gentlemen, Mrugowsky ordered me to take part in euthanasia with phenol in a concentration camp and to describe the result in detail, since neither I nor Mrugowsky had ever seen a case of death by phenol. Mrugowsky himself could not take part in the euthanasia because of an urgent trip to the East, on the other hand the affair was urgent for the fighting troops, and the publication of a new circular for the troop doctors.

A few days later I asked Dr. Hoven in Buchenwald to notify me when he performed euthanasia with phenol. The next evening he asked me to come to the operating theater in the inmates’ hospital. Besides himself and another doctor—probably Dr. Plaza—only two other prison male nurses, whom I cannot remember, were present.

I talked to the doctor about the composition of the phenol injection and, as far as I can remember, it consisted of undiluted raw phenol, which was to be administered in doses of 20 cc.

One by one, four or five prisoners were led in. The upper part of the body was naked so that their nationality patch [on their clothing] could not be distinguished. The condition of their bodies was bad and their age was advanced. I do not remember a diagnosis as to why euthanasia was to take place, but probably I did not ask about it either.

They sat down quietly on a chair, that is without any sign of excitement, near a light. A male nurse blocked the vein in the arm and Dr. Hoven quickly injected the phenol. They died in an immediate total convulsion during the actual injection without any sign of other pain. The time between the beginning of the injection and death I estimate at about ½ second. The rest of the dose was injected as a precautionary measure, although part of the injection would have been enough for the fatal result (I estimate 5 cc.).

The dead were carried into an adjoining room by the nurses—I estimate the time of my presence at 10 minutes.

I reported in Berlin according to orders. I know nothing further to say.

* * * * *

EXTRACTS FROM TESTIMONY OF THE DEFENDANT MRUGOWSKY[80]

_DIRECT EXAMINATION_

* * * * *

DR. FLEMMING: I now turn to the gas gangrene experiments. When examining the defendants Handloser, Rostock, Schroeder, Genzken, and the witness Bernhard Schmidt, we heard to what extent gas gangrene became prevalent at the front. I refer you to the Document NO-578, Prosecution Exhibit 284. I shall have it submitted to you. Would you please tell the Tribunal whether, in connection with gas gangrene, there was an extreme necessity in concentration camps and in the army to discover protective means to combat this disease?