Chapter D: V. L., Berlin-Adlershof (15)

Q. Now, I ask you, with particular regard to the fact that you are testifying under oath, did you know in detail that, as can be seen from this report, human beings were to be killed and that the skulls or skeletons were then to be sent to the University of Strasbourg? Did you know these details?

A. No. I did not know these details.

Q. Would you tell us just what you did know, in broad terms?

A. I knew the contents of the letter which I sent on to Eichmann.

Q. This is Document NO-116, Prosecution Exhibit 178. In this letter you inform Eichmann that everything necessary would be done for Professor Hirt to build up this collection of skeletons, and you say further that SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers will communicate with Eichmann as to the details of this. I now ask you, who is Eichmann?

A. I do not think that I had any idea who Eichmann was at that time. Sievers sent me the draft of this letter, which I certainly did not send on in this form as it appears here. As was always the case, I showed it to Himmler, and only then did I send it on. I am quite sure that I heard Eichmann’s name then for the first time. I did not know him otherwise, nor did I know him later.

Q. Can you not tell us whether you did not have some idea as to what was going on here in this whole business? When, for instance, one heard that a collection of skeletons was to be made, then one would surely ask oneself what was really going on?

A. I certainly had no other ideas concerning this matter than those that would normally arise in connection with a collection of skeletons for anatomical purposes; and it would never have occurred to me that any prisoners would be used for this except those who had died a normal death.

Q. Did you work on this affair independently thereafter, or did you submit the matter to Himmler for him to decide and arrange?

A. It was submitted to Himmler, like all other questions. To begin with I was not thoroughly versed in such matters, and secondly, owing to my lack of technical knowledge, I could not give orders or instructions for it to be carried out.

Q. I draw your attention now to Document NO-087, Prosecution Exhibit 181, again a letter to Eichmann marked “secret”, dated 21 June 1943. The letter was apparently sent by Sievers with copies for two other persons and also with a copy to be sent to you. This letter says that altogether 115 persons would be affected and that the selected persons should be sent to the concentration camp at Natzweiler. How would such a letter be handled by you in your registry office—I refer now to the copy which was sent to you? Did you again submit it to Himmler, and did you or someone else lay the letter aside?

A. I do not remember ever having seen this letter. The file note on it bears an initial that is not mine, but that of my collaborator Berg. He also initialed for filing several of the documents that are in the document book.

Q. Now, please look at the file note of Berg. (_NO-091, Pros. Ex. 183._) Would you say that that is the same Berg who initialed the foregoing document?

A. Yes. That is the same Berg.

Q. Now, please look at Document NO-091. Here it says, “Note—for SS Standartenfuehrer Dr. Brandt”, and it is signed by Berg. This reproduces a talk that Berg had with Sievers; do you remember seeing this notation?

A. I do not remember having seen it.

Q. Let me point out the date, 26 October 1944.

A. That was the last day of our stay at our East Prussian quarters. The Russians were only about 30 to 40 kilometers away. Berg would have made the note so that I could get a final report to Himmler. As, however, we had to clear out by that evening, there were more important things to do than to submit such a memorandum, so that possibly he did not show it to me at all.

-----

[85] Trial before International Military Tribunal. See Trial of the Major War Criminals, vols. I-XLII, Nuremberg, 1947.

[86] See Case 8, United States _vs._ Ulrich Greifelt, et al. in vols. IV and V.

[87] See Case 9, United States _vs._ Otto Ohlendorf, et al. in vol. IV.

[88] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 24, 25, 26 March 1947, pp. 4869-4994.

C. Project To Kill Tubercular Polish Nationals

a. Introduction

The defendants Blome and Rudolf Brandt were charged with participation in and responsibility for the murder and mistreatment of tens of thousands of Polish Nationals allegedly infected with incurable tuberculosis (par. 8 of the indictment). On this charge both defendants were acquitted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence and argumentation on this charge is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Blome. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 760 to 763. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense has been selected from the final plea for the defendant Blome. It appears below on pages 763 to 768. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 769 to 794.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

_EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST
DEFENDANT BLOME_

* * * * *

_Personal Participation in Criminal Activities—Murder and Mistreatment of
Polish Nationals_

By 1941 it was the accepted policy of the Third Reich to exterminate the Jewish population of Germany and the occupied countries. (IMT judgment.[89]) In pursuance of this policy the Reich Governor of the Warthegau, Greiser, obtained permission from Himmler to exterminate the Jewish population in this province. In a letter of 1 May 1942, he informed Himmler that the “special treatment” of about 100,000 Jews would be completed within 2 to 3 months. He stated that as soon as this task was completed, the “existing and efficient special commandos” could be used for the extermination of approximately 35,000 Polish Nationals who suffered from open tuberculosis. These Poles allegedly were a danger to the German officials and their families because they were a possible source of tubercular infection. Greiser went on to say:

“The ever-increasing risks were also recognized and appreciated
by the deputy of the Reich Health Leader for Public Health
[Reichsgesundheitsfuehrer] Comrade Professor Dr. Blome as well
as by the leader of your X-ray battalion, SS Standartenfuehrer
Prof. Dr. Hohlfelder.

“Though in Germany proper it is not possible to take appropriate
draconic steps against this public plague, I think I could take
responsibility for my suggestion to have cases of open
tuberculosis exterminated among the Polish race here in the
Warthegau. Of course, only a Pole should be handed over to such
an action who is not only suffering from open tuberculosis, but
whose incurability is proved and certified by a public health
officer.

“Considering the urgency of this project I ask for your approval
in principle as soon as possible. This would enable us to make
the preparations with all necessary precautions now to get the
action against the Poles suffering from open tuberculosis under
way, while the action against the Jews is in its closing
stages.” (_NO-246, Pros. Ex. 196._)

In a letter of 27 June 1942 Himmler gave consent in principle to this plan and instructed Greiser to discuss the individual measures in detail with the security police first, in order to assure an inconspicuous accomplishment of the task. (_NO-244, Pros. Ex. 201._) On 21 November 1942 Greiser informed Himmler that the examinations which were to be carried out in order to separate the curable and incurable would be executed by Professor Hohlfelder and his X-ray battalion. He estimated that the first utilization of the method would be in approximately six months. He further stated:

“In this stage of the proceedings, Professor Dr. Blome, in his
capacity as Deputy Chief of the Public Health Office [Hauptamt
fuer Volksgesundheit] of the NSDAP is raising some objections as
to its execution, as he states in a letter of 18 November. These
objections are expressed only now, although Dr. Blome and Dr.
Hohlfelder and myself have spent months of preliminary work on
examination, clarification, and straightening out the whole
procedure.

“I enclose a copy of Blome’s letter of 18 November for your
information * * *.” (_NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202._)

In this letter, Blome stated that among the Polish population of the province, at least 35,000 persons were suffering from open tuberculosis, and besides this number, about 120,000 consumptives were in need of treatment. This constituted an enormous danger to the German settlers in all parts of the province. In order to make further German immigration possible, counter measures were to be taken soon. Blome then outlined the three ways for the practical elimination of the danger of infection:

“1. Special treatment [Sonderbehandlung] of the seriously ill
persons.

“2. Most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons.

“3. Creation of a reservation for all tubercular patients.”

As to the first proposal he stated:

“The approximately 35,000 Poles who are incurable and infectious
will be ‘specially treated’. All other Polish consumptives will
be subjected to an appropriate cure in order to save them for
work and to avoid their causing contagion.” (_NO-249, Pros. Ex.
202._)

Blome pointed out that one of the practical difficulties of outright extermination of all tubercular Poles was that it might provide excellent propaganda material for the enemies of Germany, especially with regard to the strong Catholic feelings of the Italian nation and “all the physicians of the world.” He therefore considered it necessary that Hitler himself personally decide on this step. Should Hitler consider this radical solution as unsuitable, preparations for the execution of the plan as outlined in points 2 and 3 should be made. The exclusive settlement of all tubercular Poles, irrespective of whether they were curable or incurable, would remove the danger of infection for the German settlers. These Poles should be used for labor. Not only the tubercular Poles of the Warthegau, but also those in Danzig-West Prussia, those of the administrative district of Zichenau, and of the Province of Upper Silesia should be isolated in the same settlement. He stated:

“Another solution to be taken into consideration would be a
strict isolation of all the infectious and incurable
consumptives, without exception, in nursing establishments.
_This solution would lead to the comparatively rapid death of
the sick._ With the necessary addition of Polish doctors and
nursing personnel, the character of a pure death camp would be
somewhat mitigated.” (_NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202._)

Finally Blome advocated as the most practicable solution the creation of a reservation similar to the reservation for lepers. Within the reservation, the strict isolation of the strongly contagious could easily be achieved. In this way the danger of infection would be removed and the problem of the German consumptives in the province would be overcome. (_NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203._) Blome admitted that the expression “special treatment” which he used in the letter meant the killing of the tubercular Poles. (_Tr. p. 4791._)

Himmler approved Blome’s plan to create a reservation for tubercular Poles, incurable and curable alike, in a letter to Greiser dated 3 December 1942. It would be possible to exploit this action for propaganda purposes, whereas on the other hand, outright extermination of those inflicted with open tuberculosis would take too long, as the X-ray examinations of the Polish population would require at least six months. (_NO-251, Pros. Ex. 204._)

That at least some of the tubercular Poles were exterminated, while the others were taken to death camps where they were left to die, is proved by the affidavit of the defendant Rudolf Brandt. (_NO-441, Pros. Ex. 205._) Brandt tried to explain, not to say repudiate, this affidavit by testifying that he made the statements on the basis of documents shown to him in pretrial interrogations. He stressed the point, however, that he insisted the wording of one sentence be changed. This sentence originally read: “As a result of the suggestions made by Blome and Greiser, 8-10,000 Poles were exterminated”! He changed the expression “8-10,000” to “numerous.” (_Tr. pp. 4890, 4953._) This proves in itself that Brandt did not make his statement in exclusive reliance on the contents of the documents shown to him in pretrial interrogations (_Tr. p. 4891_) but also on the basis of the knowledge he obtained as collaborator of Himmler. The documents do not show the execution of “numerous” Poles. Moreover, Brandt states in these documents that Dr. Blome visited Himmler from time to time and supported Greiser’s suggestions. There is no document in evidence or in the possession of the prosecution which would give the basis for this statement. It is, therefore, clear that Brandt’s statements are founded upon knowledge which he obtained from Himmler.

Without a doubt, Rudolf Brandt is as well advised on the crimes which are the subject of this trial as any man in Germany. There is no reason whatever for refusing to give full weight to the pretrial statements of Brandt. There has been no proof that these statements were obtained by fraud or duress. Brandt’s testimony before the Tribunal can be summed up in one sentence: “I remember nothing.” Aside from a description of Himmler’s personality, he contented himself with giving answers to leading questions by his attorney which were calculated to reveal him as a disembodied stenographic automaton—something in the nature of a proficient half-wit. Surely his pretrial affidavits are entitled to more weight than the blatant nonsense which was his testimony.

Blome denied that he ever planned or suggested that Poles suffering from open tuberculosis should be exterminated and that the remainder should be put in reservations and left there to die (_Tr. pp. 4578, 4790-1_) but he is contradicted by the proof of his own making.

* * * * *

c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense

_EXTRACT FROM THE FINAL PLEA FOR THE DEFENDANT
BLOME_[90]

* * * * *

Probably the most serious accusation against Dr. Blome seemed to be the allegation that he had proposed the murder of 25,000-30,000 tubercular Poles and had taken part in carrying out this plan. The evidence clearly shows, however, that this accusation is quite unfounded. I maintain on the contrary (_a_) it is not true that Dr. Blome approved or supported this murderous plan, and (_b_) it is also untrue that this plan was ever carried out. It is true, however, that it was Dr. Blome himself who prevented this devilish plan. It was Dr. Blome who, by his clever intervention saved the lives of the 25,000-30,000 tubercular Poles who were to be “liquidated.”

The documents show that this plan originated with Gauleiter Greiser and Reich Leader SS Himmler. Blome was then assigned to this matter because it was known that he had for many years made the fight against tuberculosis the aim of his life, and because he built his cancer institute in the same Gau which Gauleiter Greiser governed. Blome stated his attitude to this plan clearly at the time in the well-known letter of 18 November 1942. (_NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203._) He discussed the three possibilities which existed and explained the pro’s and con’s of each of these three possibilities in detail. These three possibilities were either “Liquidation,” i. e., the murder of those Poles suffering from incurable tuberculosis, their internment in isolated institutions, or lastly, their settlement in a reservation. In his letter of 18 November 1942 (Appendix 25) he definitely rejected the first possibility and advocated the latter.

In this, Blome was completely successful. Greiser was so much impressed by Blome’s arguments that he no longer dared to carry out the liquidation of the Poles which had been decided upon. In fact, he submitted Dr. Blome’s memorandum to the Reich Leader SS Himmler, so that he should obtain a decision from Hitler himself. (_NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202._) This was already a remarkable success for Blome, because Himmler had already ordered the liquidation of the Poles. Blome’s arguments made such an impression even on the bloodhound Himmler that, contrary to Greiser’s expectations, he cautiously put the matter before Hitler again and obtained his definite ruling. It should be remembered that this in itself would no longer have been necessary, because not only had Conti agreed to the murder, but from Greiser’s covering note of 21 November 1942 it is obvious that Hitler had also given his approval to the extermination of the Poles before.

Thereupon, after a subsequent examination of the matter, Hitler withdrew the extermination order and thus Himmler had no alternative but to do the same. This is clearly proved by Himmler’s letter of 3 December 1942. (_NO-251, Pros. Ex. 204._)

The extermination of the Poles did not take place; _this is due to Blome_.

Although these facts are incontestably proved by the documents presented, the prosecution nevertheless upheld the charge against Blome. This evidently was due to the peculiar wording of Blome’s letter to Greiser of 18 November 1942. The prosecution in their speech of 19 December 1946 described this letter a “devilish masterpiece of murderous intent.” In considering this case, the prevailing conditions should be borne in mind. Dr. Blome knew that the tuberculous Poles were lost, that their murder had been decided upon, unless it was possible on some grounds to change Hitler’s mind at the last moment. The statement of the witness Dr. Gundermann (_Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8_) proved that Blome at that time, as is confirmed by Blome’s own testimony (_Tr. pp. 4574-78_), strove for days for a successful wording of his letter; he repeatedly drafted the letter, then rejected the wording again, and finally introduced arguments in the letter which he hoped would be successful. From the very beginning he was aware, of course, that his intervention was bound to fail and have no success if he described Hitler’s planned extermination of the Poles as a crime and downright murder and solemnly protested against it. In this way Blome would have achieved nothing for the Poles, but would have had to expect to be brought before a court himself and sentenced for sabotaging an order of the Fuehrer, or to have disappeared in a concentration camp without any legal sentence. With such simple method as entering a solemn protest by calling on the laws of humanity or of justice nothing would have been achieved with Hitler, especially when he had already made up his mind and had decided on a certain matter and had already given the necessary orders for execution; in such cases Hitler was usually inaccessible and would not listen to any counterproposals. Dr. Blome knew this, of course, just as well as, for instance, the Gauleiter of the Lower Danube, who in connection with a similar problem (sterilization), in his letter of 24 August 1942 (_NO-039, Pros. Ex. 153_) pointed out the importance of “enemy propaganda,” as he considered this most likely to be successful. Dr. Blome therefore looked for reasons which would perhaps have a decisive influence on Hitler and these were either the Church or other nations. It is understandable that Hitler, in view of the tense situation at that time, in the middle of the Second World War, did not want to break completely with the Church, and he also had to consider the opinion of foreign countries so as not to antagonize neutral states. Dr. Blome speculated on these two points. In his letter of 18 November 1942 he emphasized in a skillful manner, and with full determination, these two points of view, and with those two references he achieved full success. (_NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203._)

It may now be realized why Blome, in the early part of his letter, tried to give Hitler the impression that he (Blome) fully agreed with the plan as such for the extermination of the Poles, and why he even pretended that everything was already prepared for the execution of this plan. Hitler had, so to speak, only to press the button and 25,000-30,000 Poles would be done away with. This was merely a trick which Blome used in order to ensure a favorable consideration of his second and third proposals (internment or reservation).

If Dr. Blome had written that he declined to approve such an order of the Fuehrer, that, in consequence, no preparations for its execution had been made, and that he would rather resign than become a party to a mass murder, then Hitler would have had his customary outburst, and Blome would have been finished as far as he was concerned; he would, of course, have entirely disregarded the protest of such a “saboteur,” and in the interests of so-called “reasons of State,” the Fuehrer’s orders would have been strictly carried out. To prevent this, Dr. Blome had to pretend for the time being, that he was ready to acknowledge the Fuehrer’s orders as a matter of course and, where possible, to participate personally in their execution, if Hitler, as Head of the State, so desired. However, when weighing the pro’s and con’s, Dr. Blome was able to bring to the foreground points of view against the plan of extermination which conceivably might greatly impress Hitler.

Blome’s letter of 18 November 1942 can only be explained thus, and was intended in this way. (_Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8._) So Dr. Blome, on the strength of this letter, cannot be convicted. For it is certain that Hitler thereupon dropped his plan and completely rescinded his orders for the murder.

This success, which could hardly have been anticipated because of Hitler’s obstinacy and vainglory, completely justifies the defendant Blome. It proves that Blome’s conception was the right one and that his manipulations saved the lives of the Poles.

Another matter helped Blome considerably, which must not be overlooked here. Shortly before, Hitler had cancelled the continuation of the Euthanasia Program. Apparently he did this under the influence of numerous protests which had been made by the two Christian Churches. The reaction abroad also played a considerable part in this because mass destruction of the insane had been taken up repeatedly by the foreign press with particular reproaches against the Nazi regime. Dr. Blome made use of these points of view which had proved effective in the case of the Euthanasia Program, and they also produced telling effects in the case of the tubercular Poles.

Why did the prosecuting authorities maintain the accusation against. Dr. Blome in spite of all this? Apparently this was solely on account of an affidavit by the codefendant Rudolf Brandt. In his affidavit of 24 October 1946 Rudolf Brandt completely suppresses the letters which cause the complete rescinding of the plan for murder. (_NO-441, Pros. Ex. 205._) He is silent about these letters, although it can be proved that they passed through his hands, were initialed, and handed down to lower offices by him.

During his examination by the defense, Rudolf Brandt was charged with untruthfulness. He was unable to offer an explanation, failed to answer, and was forced to submit to the charge of untruthfulness, of deliberate untruthfulness. Altogether, Rudolf Brandt has made an amazing number of affidavits; he has, without scruples, supplied the prosecution with practically every affidavit desired for the incrimination of codefendants, and with equal readiness, he has given affidavits for these same codefendants which directly contradicted his former assertions. What he confirms under oath today, he denies under oath tomorrow, and vice versa. However, it must be stated that the affidavit which Rudolf Brandt made against Dr. Blome, dated 24 October 1946, was the climax of his mendacity. After the experiences in this trial, and after having become acquainted, as we have, with a man like Rudolf Brandt, it would be ridiculous even to consider attaching any weight to the affidavit of a man such as we have got to know in Rudolf Brandt. His affidavit of 24 October 1946 has been entirely refuted by documents introduced by the prosecution. It is unnecessary, therefore, to examine to what extent Rudolf Brandt’s untruthfulness can be traced to his state of mental health.

During the session of 9 December 1946 the prosecuting authorities announced:

“The prosecution will introduce evidence to show that the
program was in fact carried out at the end of 1942 and the
beginning of 1943, and that as a result of the suggestions made
by Blome and Greiser, many Poles were ruthlessly exterminated
and that others were taken to isolated camps, utterly lacking in
medical facilities, where thousands of them died.”

This evidence has not been produced so far by the prosecuting authorities, although the defense, during the session of 17 March 1947, referred in particular to this lack of evidence. The assertions of a Rudolf Brandt in this respect cannot be evaluated as “evidence,” even if it had not been completely retracted and even if it had not already been completely refuted by additional documents submitted by the prosecution. If the prosecuting authorities had succeeded in producing the witness Perwitschky, who had already been proposed in 1946, and who had been approved by the Tribunal, then his testimony would have produced additional clear proof that Blome actually prevented the proposed mass murder.

We know that later fate of these Poles who suffered from incurable open tuberculosis from the affidavit of Dr. Gundermann, the highest medical officer of the Warthegau (the territory in which the tubercular Poles were to be liquidated). (_Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8._) The fight against tuberculosis was a legal task of the Public Health Offices which were subordinated in the Warthegau to the witness Dr. Gundermann. As a result of difficulties caused by the war, it was not possible to accommodate during the war, either in restricted institutions or in a segregated area, those suffering from tuberculosis; these two possibilities, which had been examined in a letter dated 18 November 1942 from Blome to Greiser were therefore out of the question for the time being. (_NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203._) Therefore, the tubercular Poles were provided for according to the same legal regulations which applied to tubercular Germans in Germany proper. Legal regulations notwithstanding, a separate Tuberculosis Welfare Office, with Polish physicians and nurses, was established in the various health offices of the Warthegau. (_Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8._) Therefore, the contention of the prosecution “that the accommodation of sick Poles in restricted institutions resulted in the comparatively rapid death of the sick” or, that the transportation of the sick into a reserved area meant that, “they were left to their fate, provided with few physicians and with few or no nursing personnel,” is devoid of application. (_Tr. pp. 757-59._)

It should be observed, however, that these proposals by Blome (for internment or reserved areas) did not originate from him, but had already been discussed during the meeting of the German Tuberculosis Society in 1937, and went back to proposals which had already been worked out years before by English research workers in tuberculosis on instructions from the International Tuberculosis Commission, and which had been generally approved. (_Blome 14, Blome Ex. 6._) Therefore, even if the existence of these proposals had been known, it cannot be said that they contradicted in any way the laws of humanity. According to widespread views held by the responsible circles, such measures are necessary if tuberculosis, from which millions die yearly, is to be fought effectively, and if the healthy portion of the population is to be protected effectively against the dangers of infection through incurable tubercular patients. In this case, the protection of the healthy population against infection appears more important than consideration for the unrestricted liberty of incurable patients.

* * * * *

d. Evidence

_Prosecution Documents_

Doc. No. Pros. Ex. No. Description of Document Page
NO-247 197 Letter from Koppe to Rudolf Brandt, 3 May 769
1942, concerning the killing of
tubercular Poles.
NO-244 201 Letter from Himmler (signed by Rudolf 770
Brandt) to Greiser, 27 June 1942,
concerning the extermination of
tubercular Poles.
NO-250 203 Letter from Blome to Greiser, 18 November 771
1942, concerning the mass extermination
of tubercular Poles.
NO-441 205 Affidavit of defendant Rudolf Brandt, 24 775
October 1946, concerning the plan to
exterminate tubercular Polish
Nationals.
NO-246 196 Letter from Greiser to Himmler, 1 May 776
1942, concerning the plan for mass
extermination of tubercular Poles.

_Defense Documents_

Doc. No. Def. Ex. No. Description of Document Page
Blome 14 Blome Ex. 6 Extracts from a report on the German 777
Tuberculosis Conference of 18 to 20
March 1937, at Wiesbaden.
Blome 1 Blome Ex. 8 Extracts from the affidavit of Dr. Oskar 778
Gundermann, 28 December 1946, stating
that Blome opposed the plan to
exterminate tubercular Poles and that
the plan was never carried out.

_Testimony_

Extract from the testimony of defendant Blome. 780

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-247
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 197

LETTER FROM KOPPE TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 3 MAY 1942, CONCERNINGTHE KILLING OF
TUBERCULAR POLES

The Higher SS and Police Leader on the Staff of the Reich Governor in Poznan,

In Military District XXI [Wehrkreis XXI], Journal No. 132/42 g

Poznan, 3 May 1942
Fritz-Reuter Street, 2a
Tel: 6501-05

Secret

To the Reich Leader SS, Personal Staff, Attention: SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Brandt, Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Street 8. Subject: Poles afflicted with TB. Dear Comrade Brandt,

May I ask that you submit the following matter to the Reich Leader SS:

The Gauleiter will shortly ask the Reich Leader SS for permission to have Poles who have been shown to be afflicted with open TB admitted to the detachment Lange for special treatment. This request is motivated by the Gauleiter’s serious and understandable concern for the physical welfare of the German people here. For there are about 20-25,000 Poles in the Gau who, according to the doctors’ opinion, are afflicted with incurable TB and who will not be fit for assignment to work again. In view of the fact that these Poles live very closely crowded together, particularly in the cities, and that, on the other hand, they come in constant contact with the German population, they constitute a tremendous source of infection which must be checked as quickly as possible. If this is not done, the infection of large numbers of Germans and most serious damage to the health of the German population must be expected. Today already the number of cases of Germans, among them also members of the police force, becoming infected by Poles with TB is increasing.

Under these circumstances, I consider the solution desired by the Gauleiter as the only possible one and ask that you inform the Reich Leader SS accordingly.

With comradely greetings,
Heil Hitler!
Yours,
[Signature] W. KOPPE

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-244
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 201

LETTER FROM HIMMLER (SIGNED BY RUDOLF BRANDT) TO GREISER, 27 JUNE 1942,
CONCERNING THE EXTERMINATION OF TUBERCULAR POLES

Top Secret

Reich Leader SS Journal No. 1247/42 Reference: Yours of 1 May 1942, P 802/42. Bra/V.

[Handwritten] XI 2/97
Fuehrer Headquarters, 27 June 1942

Secret

Reichsstatthalter SS Obergruppenfuehrer Greiser, Poznan 1. Dear Comrade Greiser!

I am sorry that I was not able until today to give a definite answer to your letter of 1 May 1942.

I have no objection to having protectorate people and stateless persons of Polish origin, who live within the territory of the Warthegau and are infected with tuberculosis, handed over for special treatment as you suggest; as long as their disease is incurable according to the diagnosis of an official physician. I would like to request, however, to discuss the individual measures in detail with the security police first, in order to assure inconspicuous accomplishment of the task.

Heil Hitler!
Yours,
[Signed] H. HIMMLER

2. SS Obergruppenfuehrer Koppe
3. Reich Security Main Office
Copies for information.
By order:

[Signature] BR.
SS Obersturmbannfuehrer.
[Initialed] M 25/6.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-250
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 203

LETTER FROM BLOME TO GREISER, 18 NOVEMBER 1942, CONCERNING THE MASS
EXTERMINATION OF TUBERCULAR POLES

Dr. med. Kurt Blome Deputy Head NSDAP Main Office for Public Health

18 November 1942
Berlin, SW 68, Lindenstrasse 42

To the Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter, Party Member Greiser, Poznan Reference: Tuberculosis action in the Warthegau.

Dear Party Member Greiser,

Today I return to our various conversations concerning the fight against tuberculosis in your Gau, and I will give you—as agreed on the 9th of this month in Munich—a detailed picture of the situation as it appears to me.

Conditions for quickly getting hold of all consumptives in your Gau exist. The total population of your Gau amounts to about 4.5 million people, of which about 835,000 are Germans. According to previous observations, the number of consumptives in the Warthegau is far greater than the average number in the old Reich. It was calculated that in 1939 there were among the Poles about 35,000 persons suffering from open tuberculosis, and besides this number about 120,000 other consumptives in need of treatment. In this connection it must be mentioned that, in spite of the evacuation of part of the Poles further to the east, the number of sick persons is at least as great as in 1939. As, in consequence of the war, living and food conditions have deteriorated steadily, one must expect an even higher number.

With the settlement of Germans in all parts of the Gau an enormous danger has arisen for them. A number of cases of infection of children and adults occur daily.

What goes for the Warthegau must to a certain degree also hold true for the other annexed territories, such as Danzig-West Prussia, the administrative districts of Zichenau and Katowice. There are cases of Germans settled in the Warthegau who refuse to have their families follow because of the danger of infection. If such behavior is imitated, and if our compatriots see that necessary measures for combating tuberculosis among the Poles are not carried out, it is to be expected that the necessary further immigration will come to a halt. In such a way the settlement program for the East might reach an undesired state.

Therefore, something basic must be done soon. One must decide the most efficient way in which this can be done. There are three ways to be taken into consideration:

1. Special treatment of the seriously ill persons.

2. Most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons.

3. Creation of a reservation for all TB patients.

For the planning, attention must be paid to different points of view of a practical, political, and psychological nature. Considering it most soberly, the simplest way would be the following: Aided by the X-ray battalion we could reach the entire population, German and Polish, of the Gau during the first half of 1943. As to the Germans, the treatment and isolation are to be prepared and carried out according to the regulations of tuberculosis relief. The approximately 35,000 Poles who are incurable and infectious will be “specially treated.” All other Polish consumptives will be subjected to an appropriate cure in order to save them for work and to avoid their causing contagion.

According to your request I made arrangements with the offices in question, in order to start and carry out this radical procedure within half a year. You told me that the competent office agreed with you as to this “special treatment” and promised support. Before we definitely start the program, I think it would be correct if you would make sure once more that the Fuehrer will really agree to such a solution.

I could imagine that the Fuehrer, having some time ago stopped the program in the insane asylums, might at this moment consider a “special treatment” of the incurably sick as unsuitable, and irresponsible from a political point of view. As regards the Euthanasia Program it was a question of people of German nationality afflicted with hereditary diseases. Now it is a question of infected sick people of a subjugated nation.

There can be no doubt that the intended program is the most simple and most radical solution. If absolute secrecy could be guaranteed, all scruples—regardless of what nature—could be overcome. But I consider maintaining secrecy impossible. Experience has taught that this assumption is true. Should these sick persons, having been brought, as planned, to the old Reich supposedly to be treated or healed, actually never return, the relatives of these sick persons in spite of the greatest secrecy would some day notice “that something was not quite right”. One must take into consideration that there are many Polish workers in the old Reich who will inquire as to the whereabouts of their relatives; that there are a certain number of Germans related to or allied by marriage with Poles who could in this way learn of the transports of the sick. Very soon more definite news of this program would leak out which would be taken up by enemy propaganda. The Euthanasia Program taught in which manner this was done and which methods were used. This new program could be used better politically, as it concerns persons of a subjugated nation. The Church will not remain silent either. Nor will people stop at discussing this program. Certain interested circles will spread the rumor among the people that similar methods are also to be used in the future for German consumptives—even, that one can count on more or less all incurably ill being done away with in the future. In connection with this I recall the recurring recent foreign broadcast in connection with the appointment of Professor Brandt as commissioner general spreading the news that he was ordered to attend as little as possible to the healing of the seriously sick, but all the more to healing the less sick. And there are more than enough people who listen to illegal broadcasts.

Furthermore, it is to be taken into consideration that the planned proceeding will provide excellent propaganda material for our enemies, not only as regards the Italian physicians and scientists, but also as regards all the Italian people in consequence of their strong Catholic ties. It is also beyond all doubt that the enemy will mobilize all the physicians of the world. And this will be all the more easy as the general age-old conception of medical duty practice is “to keep alive the poor and guiltless patient as long as possible and to allay his suffering.”

Therefore, I think it necessary to explain all these points of view to the Fuehrer before undertaking the program, as, in my opinion, he is the only one able to view the entire complex and to come to a decision.

Should the Fuehrer decline the radical solution, preparations for another way must be made. An exclusive settlement of all Polish consumptives, both incurable and curable, would be one possibility of assuring an isolation of the infected. One could settle with them their immediate relatives, if they so desire, so that nursing and livelihood would be assured. As regards labor commitment, besides agriculture and forestry certain branches of industry could be developed in such territories. I cannot judge whether you can conceive such a possibility within your Gau. I also could imagine the creation of a common area for the settlement of the consumptives not only of your Gau, but also of the districts of Danzig-West Prussia, of the administrative district of Zichenau and of the province of Upper Silesia. In order to avoid unnecessary overtaxing of public means of transport, the transfer could be accomplished by walking. This would be a solution that world propaganda could hardly use against us, and one, on the other hand, that would not arouse any of those stupid rumors in our own country.

Another solution to be taken into consideration would be a strict isolation of all the infectious and incurable consumptives, without exception, in nursing establishments. This solution would lead to the comparatively rapid death of the sick. With the necessary addition of Polish doctors and nursing personnel, the character of a pure death camp would be somewhat mitigated.

The following Polish accommodation possibilities are at present available in your Gau:

Nursing Home Walrode 400 beds
Nursing Home “Grote Wiese” 300 beds
Smaller establishments 200 beds
Liebstadt barracks, district of Leslau as of 1 Jan 1943 1,000 beds
—————
Total 1,900 beds

Should the radical solution, i. e., proposal No. 1, be out of question, the necessary conditions for proposals 2 or 3 must be created.

We must keep in mind the conditions of the war deprive us of the possibility of arranging for a fairly adequate treatment of the curable consumptives. To do so would require procuring at least 10,000 more beds. This figure, under the condition that the program is to be carried out within half a year, could not be met.

After a proper examination of all these considerations and circumstances, the creation of a reservation, such as the reservations for lepers, seems to be the most practicable solution. Such a reservation should be able to be created in the shortest time by means of the necessary settlement. Within the reservation one could easily set up conditions for the strict isolation of the strongly contagious.

Even the case of the German consumptives represents an extremely difficult problem for the Gau. But this cannot be overcome, unless the problem of the Polish consumptives is solved at the same time.

Heil Hitler!
Yours,
[Signed] DR. BLOME

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-441
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 205

AFFIDAVIT OF DEFENDANT RUDOLF BRANDT, 24 OCTOBER 1946, CONCERNING THE
PLAN TO EXTERMINATE TUBERCULAR POLISH NATIONALS

I, Rudolf Emil Hermann Brandt, being duly sworn, depose and state:

1. I am the same Rudolf Brandt who on 30 August 1946 swore an affidavit concerning certain low-pressure experiments which were also conducted with test subjects of the Dachau concentration camp without their consent.

2. I am entitled by the same reasons as already stated in paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 of my affidavit of 30 August 1946 to state as follows:

3. In the middle of 1942 the Reich Governor of the Warthegau, Herbert [Arthur(?)] Greiser, suggested to Himmler to annihilate Poles infected with incurable tuberculosis. In submitting this suggestion, Greiser gave as a reason that the Germans in Poland would be exposed to this epidemic. Dr. Kurt Blome, Deputy Chief of the Main Office for Public Health of the NSDAP, and radiologist Dr. Hohlfelder conferred with Greiser about this matter. Dr. Blome was from time to time with Himmler and supported Greiser’s suggestion.

4. The Higher SS and Police Leader, and Chief of the Warthegau, Koppe, further, Mueller of Office IV of the Reich Security Main Office (RSHA), and the Chief of the Reich Security Main Office, Heydrich, were involved in this operation. At the end of 1942 and the beginning of 1943 Greiser carried out the annihilation of the Jews in the Warthegau, and the rounding up of the tubercular Poles was finished at the same time as the rounding up of the Jews. As a result of the suggestions made by Blome and Greiser numerous Poles were exterminated. Many thousands of tubercular Poles were taken to isolation camps where they had to take care of themselves.

I have read the above affidavit in the German language, consisting of one page, and it is true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief. I was given the opportunity to make changes and corrections in the above affidavit. This affidavit was given by me freely and voluntarily without promise of reward, and I was subjected to no threat or duress of any kind.

Nuernberg, 24 October 1946
[Signature] R. BRANDT

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-246
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 196

LETTER FROM GREISER TO HIMMLER, 1 MAY 1942, CONCERNING THE PLAN FOR MASS
EXTERMINATION OF TUBERCULAR POLES

Reich Governor of the Reichsgau Wartheland.

Poznan, Schlossfreiheit 13, 1 May 1942
Telephone No. 1823 24

[Handwritten note] P 802/42

Top Secret

Personal. To the Reich Leader SS Heinrich Himmler, Fuehrer Headquarters.

Reich Leader,

The special treatment [Sonderbehandlung] of about 100,000 Jews in the territory of my district [Gau], approved by you in agreement with the Chief of the Reich Security Main Office, SS Obergruppenfuehrer Heydrich, can be completed within the next 2-3 months. I ask you for permission to rescue the district immediately after the measures taken against the Jews, from a menace which is increasing week by week, and use the existing and efficient special commandos for that purpose.

There are about 230,000 people of Polish nationality in my district, who were diagnosed to suffer from tuberculosis. The number of persons infected with open tuberculosis is estimated at about 35,000. This fact has led in an increasingly frightening measure to the infection of Germans who came to the Warthegau perfectly healthy. In particular, reports are received with ever-increasing effect of German children in danger of infection. A considerable number of well-known leading men, especially of the police, have been infected lately and are not available for the war effort because of the necessary medical treatment. The ever-increasing risks were also recognized and appreciated by the deputy of the Reich Leader for Public Health [Reichsgesundheitsfuehrer], Comrade Professor Dr. Blome, as well as by the leader of your X-ray battalion, SS Standartenfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hohlfelder.

Though in Germany proper it is not possible to take appropriate draconic steps against this public plague, I think I could take responsibility for my suggestion to have cases of open tuberculosis exterminated among the Polish race here in the Warthegau. Of course only a Pole should be handed over to such an action who is not only suffering from open tuberculosis, but whose incurability is proved and certified by a public health officer.

Considering the urgency of this project I ask for your approval in principle as soon as possible. This would enable us to make the preparations with all necessary precautions now to get the action against the Poles suffering from open tuberculosis under way, while the action against the Jews is in its closing stages.

Heil Hitler!
[Signature] GREISER

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT BLOME 14
BLOME DEFENSE EXHIBIT 6

EXTRACTS FROM A REPORT ON THE GERMAN TUBERCULOSIS CONFERENCE OF 18 TO 20
MARCH 1937, AT WIESBADEN

(Published in Berlin, Publishers: Julius Springer, 1937)

Extract from the report by Dr. Erwin Dorn, chief physician of the Charlottenhoehe Sanatorium, chief physician of the Tuberculosis Welfare Center of the Oberamt Neuenbuerg, Calmbach (Wuerttemberg) concerning Task and Aims of the Method of Treatment and its Application in Consideration of the Awaited Special Laws for the Tubercular Patients

* * * * *

[Page 770]

In former years, particularly at the beginning of this century, every attempt at a labor treatment of tubercular patients was condemned as useless, as only a limited treatment was known. On the other hand, in countries such as Holland, England, and Switzerland, where treatment lasting many months is possible, labor treatment was firmly established. We all know that several months are frequently needed in order to effect a change by the conservative or radical treatment. Our surgical patients (plastics, plugging, bilateral pneumothorax, premicectory) also require a long time until the severe stage of tuberculosis has been alleviated, and until they themselves again reach full working capacity. In a similar manner to those treated conservatively, these patients frequently remain contagious for the rest of their lives. In the sanatorium they are superfluous, in every day life, useless. But they should not be regarded as wholly incapacitated for years.

The aim of the labor treatment for active tubercular people is to fill this gap between the remedial treatment and full working capacity. It should be carried out in a work-sanatorium or a settlement.

Various conditions are necessary to enable tubercular persons with only a limited working capacity to derive satisfaction from their work. The right type of work must be provided for them; the work periods must be graduated according to the amount of work they can handle, and it must be suited to their capabilities and to what they did in their former life.

The place of work and the tools should be satisfactory. _At a work-sanatorium, in favorable climatic surroundings, these requirements are best met if the patients are assigned to factory work._ * * *

* * * * *

[Page 772]

In my last year’s report on the forced treatment of tuberculosis patients, I showed that a patient suffering from open tuberculosis should remain in a work-sanatorium or settlement until the disease no longer presents a peril to himself and to his fellow men.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT BLOME 1
BLOME DEFENSE EXHIBIT 8

EXTRACTS FROM THE AFFIDAVIT OF DR. OSKAR GUNDERMANN, 28 DECEMBER 1946, STATING THAT BLOME OPPOSED THE PLAN TO EXTERMINATE TUBERCULAR POLES AND THAT THE PLAN WAS NEVER CARRIED OUT

* * * * *

From the summer of 1940 on I was chief medical officer in the department of the Reich Governor in Poznan.

The frequency of tuberculosis in the region of the Wartheland, at one time incorporated into the Reich, was, according to statistics recorded before 1939—at the time of the Polish Health Administration—considerably higher than in the German Reich. When the administration was taken over, no modern welfare service for tuberculosis for the whole region existed. Among other things, there were insufficient beds to effect a successful treatment and the isolation of tuberculosis patients. The estimates made from the statistical material of infectious tuberculosis cases amounted to a round figure of 20,000 to 25,000 people of the Polish population. To check this tuberculosis epidemic, the authorities immediately began building 40 health offices with modern welfare centers, as well as sanatoria and isolation homes with approximately 2,500 beds for Germans and Poles (the latter under Polish medical direction with Polish doctors and Polish nursing staff), and these were speedily finished. These measures by the office of the Reich Governor were supported by the superior Reich authority (Health Section of the Reich Ministry of the Interior).

Since the above institutions were able to check the spreading of the tuberculosis epidemic to a certain degree, but particularly owing to the increasing difficulties arising from the war, they were not able to get the urgently needed sanitary measures running effectively, all the medical officers of the Wartheland untiringly continued to warn their superiors and heads of departments urgently of the danger.

The whole affair took an unexpected turn in the autumn of 1942, because the Gauleiter and Reich Governor Greiser supposedly said that in case of necessity he would stop at nothing to check the tuberculosis epidemic effectively in the Wartheland in the interest of the entire population.

* * * * *

I thought it my duty to talk personally to the head of the Department of Health in the Reich Ministry of the Interior and the Reich Health Leader, Dr. Conti, in Berlin, about this matter and the entire tuberculosis problem.

* * * * *

As I was unable to get a clear answer from Dr. Conti and could not be satisfied with such information as I received, I immediately called on the Deputy Reich Health Leader, Dr. Blome. I knew that he dealt with special questions concerning tuberculosis in the Reich Health Leader’s office. From the beginning Blome showed a clearly negative attitude toward any possible solution contrary to humanity or medical ethics. He showed me the draft of a letter addressed to Greiser; I asked him to make a few additions and alterations.

We discussed the formulation of the letter in detail from the point of view of convincing Greiser that an intensive continuation of the health and welfare measures so far taken, and a further extension of the health program set up for the fight against tuberculosis could effectively avert the acute dangers. The suggestion for a large tuberculosis settlement was particularly discussed. This plan was based on smaller examples, and its final aim was the establishment of a widely spread, but nevertheless closed settlement for tuberculosis patients and their families. In this settlement, all modern examination, treatment, isolation, and welfare facilities should be provided for the patients and members of their families who might be in danger.

* * * * *

Dr. Blome and I having agreed on the tactics to be taken toward Greiser and on the contents of the said letter, Dr. Blome began, in my presence, to dictate the draft of a new letter.

* * * * *

I concluded that the letter from Dr. Blome to Gauleiter Greiser was successful, mainly from the development in the fight against tuberculosis in the Wartheland. The regulation about tuberculosis relief having become effective for the whole Reich territory on 1 April 1943, a similar regulation for protection against tuberculosis could be decreed in the Wartheland in favor of the Polish population. A central office for the fight against tuberculosis was established under the management of a specialist. This office gave the same treatment to German and to Polish cases.

* * * * *

During my period in office as chief medical officer in Poznan, until January 1945, no tuberculosis patients were “liquidated” in the Wartheland as far as I know. I never received an order for such a measure, much less brought one about either directly or indirectly. On the contrary, the office always tried to give all tuberculosis patients proper treatment.

* * * * *

EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT BLOME[91]

_DIRECT EXAMINATION_

* * * * *

DR. SAUTER: Now, Witness, I come to a different problem. It is the suggestion made at that time that Poles suffering from incurable contagious tuberculosis should be liquidated. You were interrogated in January 1946 at Oberursel concerning your participation in the plan for the extermination of tubercular Poles, and also on 9 and 22 October 1946 here in the prison. Were the statements you made at that time true?