Chapter XIV: Part 14

Enemy’s was a brave lofty new Ship, the Admiral of _Manila_, and this the first Voyage she had made; she was call’d the _Bigonia_, of about 900 Tuns, and could carry 60 Guns, about 40 of which were mounted, with as many Patereroes, all Brass; her Complement of Men on board, as we were inform’d, was above 450, besides Passengers. They added, that 150 of the Men on board this great Ship were _Europeans_, several of whom had been formerly Pirates, and having now got all their Wealth aboard, were resolved to defend it to the last. The Gunner, who had a good Post in _Manila_, was an expert Man, and had provided the Ship extraordinary well for Defence, which made them fight so desperately; they had filled up all between the Guns with Bales to secure the Men. She kept a _Spanish_ Flag at her Main-top mast Head all the time she fought us; we shatter’d her Sails and Rigging very much, shot her Mizon-yard, kill’d two Men out of her Tops, which was all the Damage we could see we did ’em; tho’ we could not place less than 500 Shot (6 Pounders) in her Hull. These large Ships are built at _Manila_ with excellent Timber, that will not splinter; they have very thick Sides, much stronger than we build in _Europe_. Whilst the Officers were aboard us, Capt. _Courtney_ and others desir’d that what we had agreed upon might be put in Writing, and sign’d by as many as were present, to prevent false Reflections hereafter, which was done as follows.

At a Committee held on board the _Duke_, after we had engag’d the
bigger _Manila_ Ship, _December 27. 1709_.

_We having consider’d the Condition of all our 3 Ships, and that
our Masts are much damnified in engaging the_ Manila _Ship, do
think it for the Interest of the whole to forbear any further
Attempts upon her, having no Probability of taking her, but to do
our endeavours to secure the Prize we have already took, which will
be much more for the Honour and Interest of our selves and Country.
This is our Opinion, in witness whereof we have set our Hands, the
Day and Year above-written._

Woodes Rogers, Lan. Appleby,
Stephen Courtney, Charles Pope,
William Dampier, Henry Oliphant,
Edw. Cooke, Alex. Selkirk,
Rob. Frye, John Kingston,
Tho. Glendall, Nath. Scotch,
John Connely, John Piller.
John Bridge,

Thus ended our Attempt on the biggest _Manila_ Ship, which I have heard related so many ways at home, that I thought it necessary to set down every particular Circumstance of it, as it stood in my Journal. Had we been together at first and boarded her, we might probably have taken this great Prize; but after the Enemy had fixed her Netting-deck and close Quarters, they valued us very little. I believe also we might have burnt her with one of our Ships, but that was objected against by all the Officers, because we had Goods of Value on board all our 3 Ships. The Enemy was the better provided for us, because they heard at _Manila_ from our _English_ Settlements in _India_, that there were 2 small Ships fitted from _Bristol_, that design’d to attempt them in the _South Seas_. This was told us by the Prisoners we took on board the other Ship.

When I proposed parting Companies at the _Tres Marias_, and to cruise for the _Acapulco_ Ship from _Manila_ with our Ship and Bark at one Station, and the _Dutchess_ and _Marquiss_ at another, we then expected but one Ship from _Manila_, and she not so well provided as the least Ship now was; tho’ as we have found it, we might probably have been better asunder, for then I make little question but we should have got some Recruit of Provisions, and consequently our Men had been stronger and better in heart to have boarded this great Ship at once, before they had been so well provided; but since Providence or Fate will have it as it is, we must be content.

_Dec. 28._ The Enemy lay braced to all the time the Council held, and run out 4 Guns of her lower Teer, expecting we would have the other Brush with her; but when we made sail, she fil’d and made away, W.N.W. and we betwixt the S.S.E. and the S. close upon a Wind. At 6 a Clock we sent the Pinnace with some Men into the Harbour to secure the Prize, not knowing what might happen before we could get in with our Ships. We unrigg’d the Main-top-gallant Mast, and got it down, securing our Main-mast with Runners and Tackles every way we could contrive, had little Wind all the Afternoon and Night, but this Morning a fresh Breeze sprung up at E.S.E. and soon after we saw nothing more of the great Ship.

[Sidenote: _At Anchor in Port Segura on California._]

_Jan. 1._ After we arriv’d again at Port _Segura_, we dispatch’d the Prisoners away in the Bark, and likewise the _Guiaquil_ Hostages: having got Security for the Money as aforesaid, we supplied them with Water and Provisions enough to carry ’em to _Acapulco_; and gave Capt. _Pichberty_ and his chief Officers, with a Padre, their Clothes, Instruments, Books, _&c._ So that they parted very friendly, and acknowledged we had been very civil to ’em, of which they desired me to accept the following Testimony;

_We, whose Names are hereto subscrib’d, do acknowledge, that ever
since we have been in the Hands of Capt._ Woodes Rogers, _and
Capt._ Stephen Courtney, _Commanders of the_ Duke _and_ Dutchess,
_two_ British _private Men of War, we have been by them very
civilly treated_; _and whatsoever we have transacted or done, had
been voluntary, and by our Consent, and particularly in passing
Bills, and Obligations, thro’ the Hands of Sir_ John Pichberty,
_for the Ransom of the Town of_ Guiaquil, _and other valuable
Considerations. Witness our Hands on the Coast of_ California.

_Jan. 1. 1709._

_Don_ John Pichberty, Manuel de Punta.
_Don_ Antonio Guttera, Manuel Hemanes.

I wrote a Letter to my Owners, to acquaint ’em with our good Success, but could not be so full as I would, because I sent it by the Hand of an Enemy. We spent our Time till the 7th, in refitting, wooding, and watering; and were very glad to find as much Bread on board the Prize as we hop’d might, with what we had left of our old Store, make enough to subsist us in our next long Run. Capt. _Courtney_ and his Officers, with those on board the _Marquiss_, are too willing to complement Capt. _Dover_ with the chief Command of the Prize; which till now I thought he would not have accepted, his Posts already being above a Commander of any of our Prizes; but I and my Officers are against it; because we believe Capt. _Frye_ or others, are fitter Persons to take Charge of her, which we insisted on; and Capts. _Courtney_ and _Cooke_ came to me, where they agreed to a Paper that was drawn up while we were all together, in such a Manner as I thought would have satisfied every one. Capt. _Courtney_ carried this Agreement to Capt. _Dover_ to sign it, not doubting but all would be content with what we had concluded; yet to our Surprize, they spent the Remainder of the Day, and instead of making Capt. _Dover_ comply with it, undid all, and brought a Paper which impower’d him to be sole Commander, without the least Restraint, of not molesting those that should navigate the Ship, but to order every thing as he should think fit.

_Jan. 9._ We fetch’d our 3 wounded Men from on board the _Dutchess_; one of ’em was _Tho. Young_, a _Welchman_, who lost one of his Legs; the other, _Tho. Evans_, a _Welchman_, whose Face was miserably torn; the third, _John Gold_, wounded in the Thigh; and one died of his Wounds, _viz. Emanuel Gonsalves_, a _Portuguese_: So that out of ten that went, only 6 return’d safe. I sent a Letter to Capt. _Courtney_ this Morning, to know what Measures were going forward; having heard nothing from him since the 7th Instant, and desired that there might be no loss of time, but that the Committee might meet once more, to try if they would make use of their unbyass’d Reason. They were than all aboard the _Marquiss_, where I heard they had, ever since our last Meeting, concerted how to frame a Protest against me, and my Officers of the Committee, which was immediately answer’d by a Protest from us, both which are as follows.

_Know all Men, by these Presents, That We, the Commanders of the
Ships_ Dutchess _and_ Marquiss, _and other Officers, being the
major Part of a Committee appointed by the Owners, for the
regulating the Affairs of the Ships_ Duke _and_ Dutchess, _private
Men of War, till their Return to_ Great Britain, _as more largely
appears in their Orders and Instructions. Now, whereas we have
lately taken a rich Prize bound from_ Manila _to_ Acapulco, _and
the said Ship being safe at Anchor in a Bay near Cape_ St. Luke,
_on_ California, _We held a general Committee on board the_ Duke
_the 6th Day of_ January 1709-10. _for appointing a Commander and
other Officers for the said Prize, call’d by the_ Spaniards, _when
in their Possession_, Nostra Seniora del Incarnation de Singano,
_but now named by us_ The Batchelor Frigate, _wherein it was
carried by Majority of Votes for Capt._ Thomas Dover, _who came out
second Captain of the_ Duke, _and President of this Committee, and
Owner of a very considerable Part of both Ships_, Duke _and_
Dutchess, _to command the said Prize, we thinking him the most
proper Person for the Interest of the Owners and Company; we
likewise proposing to put two of the best of our Officers on board,
to command under him, and manage the navigating Part of the said
Ship during the Voyage, with other substantial Officers and Men,
sufficient to work the Ship and take Care of her._

[Sidenote: _At Anchor in Port Segura._]

_Now whereas Capt._ Woodes Rogers, _Commander of the_ Duke, _and
several of his Officers, Members of this Committee, did refuse to
sign to the Agreement of the said Committee (the Like never having
been refus’d by any before, when carried by Majority of Voices) to
acknowledge the said Capt._ Thomas Dover _Commander of the Ship_
Batchelor Frigate; _we do hereby, in the behalf of the Owners of
the Ships_ Duke _and_ Dutchess, _our selves and Company, Protest
against the unadvis’d Proceedings and Practice of the said Capt._
Woodes Rogers, _and the rest of the Officers of the Committee, that
refus’d to sign and agree to the same, it being directly contrary
to the Owners Orders and Instructions, (Reference being had
thereto) and the Union and Peace of the Ships Companies (by them
likewise recommended). And whatever Damage may ensue, either by
Loss of Time, Want of Provisions, or Men sufficient to manage the
said Ship, or any Mutiny or Disagreement that may arise from hence
between the Ships Companies, or any other Disaster whatsoever_, &c.
_we do likewise Protest against, in the behalf of the Owners,
ourselves, and Company, as aforesaid; expecting from the said
Captain_ Woodes Rogers, _and Officers of the Committee aforesaid,
full Satisfaction and Reparation of all Losses and Damages
whatsoever, that may happen to the said Ship during her Voyage to_
Great Britain.

_In witness whereof, we the Commanders and Officers, being the
major Part of the Committee, have set our Hands, this 9th Day of_
January, 1709-10. _on board the_ Marquiss, _at Anchor near Cape
St._ Luke, _on_ California.

Sign’d by the Officers of the _Dutchess_ and _Marquiss_.

Which Protest was answer’d by another from our Ship.

_We the chief Officers in behalf of ourselves and the rest of the
Ship’s Company of the_ Duke, _having taken a rich_ Spanish _Prize,
in Consortship with the_ Dutchess _and_ Marquiss, _call’d_ Nostra
Seniora del Incarnacion de ingano, _and did design to use the
securest Methods to carry her to_ Great Britain, _both for our
Employers interest and our own Advantage. But being in a remote
part of the World, we offer’d and desired our Consorts to put one
or more able Officers in the principal charge of the aforesaid
Prize, it being so valuable that a Retaliation for all our Risques
and Hardships is in her Riches, which highly behoves us to be very
careful in preserving. But against all our Ships Company’s Consent,
(tho’ we are so nearly concern’d) our said Consorts Officers,
Capt._ Stephen Courtney, _Capt._ Edward Cooke, _Capt._ William
Dampier, _Mr._ William Stretton, _Mr._ Charles Pope, _Mr._ John
Connely, _Mr._ George Milbourne, _Mr._ Rob. Knowlman, _and Mr._
John Ballett, _have sign’d an Instrument, and combin’d together, to
put Capt._ T. Dover _in Command of the said Ship._

_We therefore (being inclin’d to Peace and Quietness aboard and
not to use any Violence to remove the said Captain_ Dover _out of
the aforesaid forc’d Command, although he is utterly uncapable of
the Office) do hereby publickly Protest against the aforesaid
Commander, and every one of those that have already, or shall
hereafter combine to place him in. The Ship now being in safety, we
declare against all Damages that may arise or accrue to the said
Ship, or Cargo under his Command; and that the aforesaid Combiners,
who have put the Care of the said Ship under an uncapable Command,
we expect are accountable and liable to us for all Damages that may
happen. This is our publick Protest. Witness our Hands, aboard the
said Ship_ Duke, _riding at Anchor in a Port of_ California, _the
9th of_ January, 1709-10.

Sign’d by the Officers of the _Duke_.

’Twas our great Unhappiness, after taking a rich Prize, to have a Paper-War amongst our selves. I am sorry to trouble the Reader with these Disputes, which continued for two Days about a proper Commander for this Prize; because it highly concern’d us to take the utmost Precautions for her Safety, having a long Run through dangerous unknown Passages, into the _East Indies_, and most of the Recompence for our great Risques and Hardships lay in her Riches. I had always desired that Capt. _Dover_ might be aboard her, for being a considerable Owner, we all agreed he was a very proper Person to take Care of her Cargo, and to have all the Freedom and Accommodation that could be made for him in that Ship, which was of such vast Consequence to us and our Employers, that in their Instructions to me, they strictly charged me to use the securest Methods to bring her safe home, in case we should be so fortunate as we now are, to take one of the _Acapulco_ Ships: So that after the Protests were over on both sides, I desired they might assemble together, and finally determine what the Majority would agree on, that no Time might be lost. So all the Council met again on board the _Batchelor_, to endeavour an Accommodation. I being very weak, and in much Pain, was not able to stir, therefore sent my Opinion in Writing, as follows.

[Sidenote: _At Anchor in Port Segura._]

_My Opinion is, That ’tis not for the Safety of the rich_ Spanish
_Prize, that Capt._ Dover _command her, because his Temper is so
violent, that capable Men cannot well act under him, and himself is
uncapable. Our Owners directed me to use the securest Method to
bring the Ship home, if we should have the good Fortune to take
her; and ’tis not so, if an ignorant Person have the Command: And
tho’ it may be pretended that he’ll not command the sailing Part,
there are other Parts necessary for a Commander; so that whosoever
had the Charge of one, ought to act wholly in the rest, or else
Confusion follows a mix’d Command, that would be very pernicious in
this Case; and which it highly concerns us to beware of. I am
content, and desire Capt._ Dover _may be aboard, and have Power to
take Care of the Cargo, and all the Liberty and Freedom in her, he
can in reason otherwise desire, and that none may have the like
Power on board the Prize but himself. This is my Opinion._ Jan. 9.
1709-10.

Woodes Rogers.

This Dispute is against my Desire already put in Print, from the publick Notes of the Voyage, otherwise I had left it wholly out of my Journal, as I had done several other of our Differences, being unwilling to trouble the Reader with the Contests that too often happen’d in the Government of our sailing Common-wealth.

After a long Debate, they voted Mr. _Frye_ and Mr. _Stretton_, both to act in equal Posts, to take Charge of the navigating the Ship, tho’ under Capt. _Dover_, but they were to be no ways molested, hinder’d nor contradicted in their Business by him, whose Duty ’twas to see that nothing should be done contrary to the Interest of the Owners, and Ships Companies, in the Nature of an Agent, almost in the same Manner I proposed at first, only he had the Title of Chief Captain in that Ship, which was so small a Difference, where Titles are so common, that we all consented to it; and at the same time they chose Officers, agreeing that we should put 30 Men aboard her, the _Dutchess_ 25, and the _Marquiss_ 13, which with 36 _Manila Indians_, call’d _Las-Carrs_, and other Prisoners we have left, her Complement will be about 110 Men. The Majority keeping to their first Agreement I was obliged to come into it, according to my Instructions from our Owners; so that all our Differences about this Affair were at an end, and we drank to our safe Arrival in _Great Britain_.

The Council agreed as follows.

At a Council held on board the _Batchelor Frigate_, at Anchor in
Port _Segura_, on _California_, Jan. 10. 1709/10.

_It is agreed, by the Majority of this Council, that Capt._ Robert
Frye _and Capt._ William Stretton, _shall both act in equal Posts
in the sole Navigating, Sailing and Ingaging, if Occasion should
be, under Capt._ Tho. Dover, _on board the_ Batchelor Frigate, _and
that the said Capt._ Tho. Dover _shall not molest, hinder or
contradict ’em in their Business; and we do appoint_ Alexander
Selkirk _Master_, Joseph Smith _chief Mate_, Benj. Parsons _second
Mate_, Charles May _Surgeon_, John Jones _Carpenter_, Rob.
Hollinsby _Boatswain_, Rich. Beakhouse _Gunner_, Peirce Bray
_Cooper_, James Stretton _and_ Richard Hickman _Midshipmen_, Denis
Reading _Steward, and all other inferior Officers, as the
Commanders shall think fit._

Sign’d by the Majority of our Council.

In the Morning we put 35 good Hands aboard her. The _Dutchess_ and _Marquiss_ put no more than their Share. Mean while Capts. _Courtney_ and _Cooke_, and 2 or 3 more of the Committee came to me, where we sign’d a Paper for Capt. _Dover_ and the two Commanders, recommending Peace and Tranquility amongst them. And that in case of Separation, the Place of Rendezvous was to be _Guam_, one of the _Ladrones_ Islands, where we design’d to touch at, God willing, to get Provisions: Every thing being thus settled, and all in a Readiness to sail; before I proceed with the Relation of our Voyage from hence, I shall give an Account of _California_.

California _described_.

[Sidenote: _California Described._]

It is not yet certainly known whether it be an Island, or joins to the Continent, nor did either our Time or Circumstances allow us to attempt the Discovery. I heard from the _Spaniards_, that some of their Nation had sail’d as far up betwixt _California_ and the Main, as Lat. 42 N. where meeting with Shoal Water, and abundance of Islands, they durst not venture any further: So that if this be true, in all Probability it joins to the Continent, a little further to the Northward; for Shoal Water and Islands is a general Sign of being near some main Land: but the _Spaniards_ having more Territories in this Part of the World than they know how to manage, they are not curious of further Discoveries. The _Manila_ Ships bound to _Acapulco_ often make this Coast in the Latitude of 40 North, and I never heard of any that discover’d it farther to the Northward. Some old Draughts make it to join to the Land of _Jesso_, but all this being yet undetermin’d, I shall not take upon me to affirm whether it’s an Island, or joins to the Continent. The _Dutch_ say, they formerly took a _Spanish_ Vessel in those Seas, which had sail’d round _California_, and found it to be an Island; but this Account can’t be depended on, and I choose to believe it joins to the Continent. There is no certain Account of its Shape or Bigness, and having seen so little of it, I shall refer the Reader to our common Draughts for its Scituation. What I can say of it from my own Knowledge is, That the Land where we were is for the most part mountainous, barren and sandy, and had nothing but a few Shrubs and Bushes, which produce Fruit and Berries of several Sorts. Our Men who went in our Bark to view the Country about 15 Leagues to the Northward, say it was there cover’d with tall Trees. The _Spaniards_ tell us of several good Harbours in this Country, but we found none of them near this Cape. We frequently saw Smoak in several Places, which makes us believe the Inhabitants are pretty numerous. The Bay where we rode had but very indifferent Anchoring Ground, in deep Water, and is the worst recruiting Place we met with since I came out. The Wind at this Time of the Year generally blowing over Land, makes it good Riding on the Starboard Side of the Bay, where you ride on a Bank that has from 10 to 25 Fathom Water; but the rest of that Bay is very deep, and near the Rocks on the Larboard-side going in there’s no Ground.

During the Time of our Stay the Air was serene, pleasant, and healthful, and we had no strong Gales of Wind, very little Rain, but great Dews fell by Night, when ’twas very cool.

The Natives we saw here were about 300, they had large Limbs, were straight, tall, and of a much blacker Complexion than any other People that I had seen in the South Seas. Their Hair long, black, and straight, which hung down to their Thighs. The Men stark naked, and the Women had a Covering of Leaves over their Privities, or little Clouts made of Silk Grass, or the Skins of Birds and Beasts. All of them that we saw were old, and miserably wrinkled. We suppose they were afraid to let any of their young ones come near us, but needed not; for besides the good Order we kept among our Men in that respect, if we may judge by what we saw, they could not be very tempting. The Language of the Natives was as unpleasant to us as their Aspect, for it was very harsh and broad, and they pronounc’d it so much in the Throat, as if their Words had been ready to choak them. I design’d to have brought two of ’em away with me, in order to have had some Account of the Country, when they had learn’d so much of our Language as to enable them to give it; but being short of Provisions, I durst not venture it. Some of them wear Pearl about their Arms and Necks, having first notch’d it round, and fasten’d it with a String of Silk Grass; for I suppose they knew not how to bore them. The Pearls were mix’d with little red Berries, Sticks, and Bits of Shells, which they look’d upon to be so fine an Ornament, that tho’ we had Glass Beads of several Colours, and other Toys, they would accept none of them. They coveted nothing we had but Knives, and other cutting Instruments, and were so honest, that they did not meddle with our Coopers or Carpenters Tools, so that whatever was left ashore at Night, we found it untouch’d in the Morning.

We saw nothing like _European_ Furniture or Utensils among ’em. Their Huts were very low, and made of Branches of Trees and Reeds, but not sufficiently cover’d to keep out Rain. They had nothing like Gardens or Provisions about them. They subsisted chiefly on Fish while we were here, which with the Miserableness of their Huts, that seem’d only to be made for a time, made us conclude they had no fix’d Habitation here, whatever they may have elsewhere, and that this was their Fishing Season. We saw no Nets or Hooks, but wooden Instruments, with which they strike the Fish very dextrously, and dive to admiration. Some of our Sailors told me they saw one of ’em dive with his Instrument, and whilst he was under Water put up his Striker with a Fish on the Point of it, which was taken off by another that watch’d by him on a Bark Log. The Reader may believe of this what he pleases, but I give it the more credit, because I my self threw some rusty Knives overboard, on purpose to try those Divers, who seldom miss’d catching a Knife before it could sink about 3 or 4 Fathom, which I took to be an extraordinary Proof of their Agility.

[Sidenote: _California Described._]

Instead of Bread they us’d a little black Seed, which they ground with Stones, and eat it by Handfuls; some of our Men thicken’d their Broth with it, and say it tastes somewhat like Coffee. They have some Roots that eat like Yams, a sort of Seeds that grow in Cods, and taste like green Pease, a Berry which resembles those of Ivy, and being dry’d at the Fire, eats like parch’d Pease. They have another like a large Currant, with a white tartish Pulp, a Stone and a Kernel; this sort of Fruit they seem to value much. They have also a Fruit which grows on the prickle Pear-tree, tastes like Gooseberries, and makes good Sawce. They have many other Seeds and Plants unknown to us, but I was not in a condition to view or describe them.

They seem to have a Season of Hunting by the Skins of Deer, _&c._ we saw among them: They paid a sort of Respect to one Man, whose Head was adorn’d with Feathers made up in the Form of a Cap; in other respects they seem’d to have all things in common; for when they exchang’d Fish with us for old Knives, of which we had plenty, they gave the Knives to any that stood next, and after they had enough, we could get no Fish from them. They appear’d to be very idle, and seem to look after no more than a present Subsistance. They stood and look’d upon our Men very attentively, while they cut Wood and fill’d Water; but did not care to lend us a Hand at either, or indeed to do any thing that requir’d hard Labour. Their Arms are Bows and Arrows, with which they can shoot Birds flying. Their Bows are about 7 Foot long, and of a tough pliant Wood unknown to us, with Strings of Silk Grass; their Arrows about 4 Foot and a half, made of Cane, and pointed with Fish Bones that they shape for the purpose. Most of their Knives and other cutting Instruments are made of Sharks Teeth. I saw 2 or 3 large Pearl in their Necklaces and Bracelets, and the _Spaniards_ told me they had Store of them from the inner part of the Gulph of _California_, where they have Missionaries planted among them. Our Men told me they saw heavy shining Stones ashore, which look’d as if they came from some Mineral, but they did not inform me of this till we were at Sea, otherwise I would have brought some of ’em to have try’d what Mettal could be extracted out of ’em. The _Spaniards_ likewise inform’d me, that the Country in general within on the main Land of _Mexico_, is pleasant and fruitful, and abounds with Cattle and Provisions of all sorts. The Natives grew very familiar with us, and came frequently aboard to view our Ships, which they mightily admir’d. We saw no Boats or Canoes among them, nor any other Sailing Craft, but Bark-Logs, which they steer’d with Paddles at each End. We gave one of the Natives a Shirt, but he soon tore it in pieces, and gave it to the rest of his Company to put the Seeds in which they us’d for Bread. We saw no Utensils for Cookery about them, nor do I suppose they have any; for they bury their Fish in a Heap of Sand, and make a Fire over it, till they think it fit for eating. There were all the Fishes usual in those Seas to be found in the Bay. The fresh Water here is good, and they have abundance of Samphire. They make a Fire in the middle of their Huts, which are very low and smoaky. We saw no extraordinary Birds here. I am told by our People that have been ashore, that they get Fire by rubbing two dry Sticks against each other, as customary among the wild _Indians_.

The Entrance into the Harbour may be known by four high Rocks, which look like the Needles at the Isle of _Wight_, as you come from the Westward; the two Westermost in form of Sugar-loves. The innermost has an Arch like a Bridge, through which the Sea makes its way. You must leave the outermost Rock about a Cable’s Length on the Larboard side, and steer into the deepest part of the Bay, being all bold, where you may anchor from 10 Fathom to 20 or 25 Fathom Water. Here you ride land-lockt from E. by N. back to the S. E. by S. yet it is but an ordinary Road, if the Wind should come strong out of the Sea, which it never did while we lay there.

Mexico _describ’d_

I Shall next give a brief Account of _Mexico_ from the best Information and Authors. This Country lies betwixt Lat. 8. and 50 or 55 North, but it is little known or inhabited by the _Spaniards_ to the Northward of 35. ’Tis divided into Old and New, and the former is also called _New Spain_, The Country in general includes all the West Side of Northern _America_, as far as ’tis known. ’Tis divided into the _Audiences_, or Jurisdictions of _St. Domingo_, _Mexico_ properly so call’d, _Guadalajara_ or _New Gallicia_, and _Guatimala_; and these again are subdivided into several Provinces, with which I shall not trouble the Reader, since that is the Business of a Geographer, and not of a Sailor. That part of it call’d _New Spain_ is the best and most famous Part of all _North America_, and the Name is sometimes extended by the _Spaniards_ to the whole.

[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._]

The Air in general is mild, temperate and healthful, and the Soil so fertile, that in some places it produces 100 for one of Corn, and of Maiz 200; but the great Rains in Summer hinder their having good Oil and Wine. Their most remarkable Plant is that call’d _Maguey_, which abounds in this Country, and some of it we found in the _Maria Islands_; of the Juice the _Spaniards_ and Natives make a small Wine, Vinegar, and Honey; and of the Leaves and other Parts they make Cordage, Thread, and Cloth for Sacks and Shirts. They have great and small Cattle, and Fowl in such plenty, that they frequently kill them only for the Skins and Feathers. They have also excellent Horses of the best _Spanish_ Breed. There are few Gold Mines in this Country, but abundance of Silver, and tho’ not so rich as those of _Peru_, are much easier to be work’d, with less Expence of Money, and far less Danger of Mens Lives. Their other chief Commodities are Iron, Steel, Copper, but none of ’em much wrought, Hides, Wool, Cotton, Sugar, Silk, Cochineal, Scarlet-Dy, Feathers, Honey, Wax, Balm, Amber, Ambergrise, Salt, abundance of Medicinal Drugs, Cocoa, Cassia, Gold in the Sands of their Rivers, Figs, Oranges, Citrons, and other Fruit peculiar to the Climate, besides all those common in _Europe_; wild Beasts, and Fowl of all sorts, Chrystal, Turquoises, Emeralds, Marcasites, Bezoar Stones, and Pepper. This must be understood of _Mexico_ in general; for all those Commodities are not in one Province, but some have one sort and some another. Nor is the Temper of the Climate every where the same, for those Places towards the _South Sea_ are warm, but in and about the Mountains ’tis cold; and in some places they have continu’d Rains almost for 8 or 9 months in a Year, and are much infected with Serpents, Moskitto’s, and other Insects, especially near the Torrid Zone.

I shall not swell my Book with the fabulous Accounts of the Origin of the antient _Mexicans_, which are shocking to common Sense, nor pretend to give the Reader the History of their Kings, because ’tis not my Business; besides ’twould puzzle the ablest Critick to distinguish betwixt Truth and Falshood in those pretended Histories, preserv’d by fanciful Hieroglyphicks, which will bear what Sense any Author pleases to impose upon them. Therefore I shall only say in general, that the _Spanish_ Authors who write of those Countrys say the Kings of _Mexico_ were very potent, that they had 25 or 30 petty Kings their Tributaries, that their ordinary Guards did usually consist of 2 or 3000 Men, and that on occasion they could raise 2 or 300000; that their Palaces were magnificent, their Temples sumptuous, and their Worship barbarous, it being ordinary for them to sacrifice their Enemies, and sometimes their own Subjects. The Natives of Old _Mexico_ say they are not of that Race of People, but that their Ancestors came from divers Nations, who inhabited the Northern parts of the Continent, and particularly that call’d _New Mexico_; and by the Account their Historians give of their Travels to settle here, ’twould seem those who compos’d the Story had heard something of the Travels of the Children of _Israel_ in the Wilderness, and design’d to write something like it; and by calling their Leader _Mexi_, they would make his Name resemble that of _Moses_. ’Twas a long time before they united into one Monarchy; for _Montezuma_, who reign’d when _Fernando Cortez_ invaded them, was only the 9_th_ in their Catalogue. The Divisions among the Natives, and the Hatred which the Neighbouring Princes bore to their Kings, made the Conquest of _Mexico_ much easier to the _Spaniards_ than they expected; so that in the Bishoprick of _Los Angeles_, &c. there are many thousands of _Indians_ exempted from extraordinary Taxes, because their Ancestors assisted the _Spaniards_ in the Conquest of the Country.

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The Natives of _Mexico_, properly so call’d, are the most civiliz’d, industrious and ingenious; they are noted for admirable Colours in their Paintings, tho’ their Figures are not proportionable; they draw ’em with the Feathers of their Cincons, a small Bird, which they say lives only upon Dew. They make use of certain Characters instead of the Letters of the Alphabet, by which they have preserv’d some Fragments of their History. The _Spanish_ Governour of _Mexico_, our Author says, with much difficulty got it out of the Hands of the Natives, with an Explanation in their own Language, and had it translated into _Spanish_. The Ship in which ’twas sent to the Emperor _Charles_ V. being taken by a _French_ Ship, the Manuscript fell into the Hands of _Andrew Thevet_ at _Paris_, from whose Heirs our _Hackluyt_, being then Almoner to the _English_ Ambassador, purchas’d it. Sir _Walter Raleigh_ got it translated into _English_, and the Learned Sir _Henry Spelman_ prevail’d with _Purchas_ to get the Figures engraven. They represent Princes and others in several Postures, and bring down their History from the Year 1324. to the Beginning or Middle of the 16_th_ Century, or thereabouts. This History is divided into 3 Parts; the first contains little but an Account of the Names and Conquests of their Princes, with a Summary of their Vices and Virtues, so that it is not worth insisting upon. The second has an Account of the Tributes paid by the People, which were Proportions of the Product of the Country for Provisions, Clothes, Arms, warlike Habits and Ornaments, Paper and Houshold Furniture. The third gives an account of the Oeconomy, Customs and Discipline of the _Mexicans_, which because they are odd enough, I shall give a short Account of the most remarkable.

Four Days after a Child was born, the Midwife carried it to the Yard of the House, laid it upon Rushes, and after washing it, desir’d 3 Boys, who were there at a sort of Feast, to name it how they pleas’d. If it was a Boy, she put into its Hand the Tools belonging to its Father’s Imployment; and if a Soldier, his Arms. If ’twas a Girl, she put a Distaff or other Utensils of Women by it. If the Boy was design’d for the Church, they carried it to a Temple with Presents, when of a sufficient Age, and left it with the High Priest to be educated; and if design’d for War, they carried him to an Officer to teach him the Use of Arms. The Parents corrected them by Blows, or pricking them with Needles made of the Maguey Tree: The Father prick’d the Boys, if unlucky, all over their Body, and the Mother prick’d her Daughters only in the Fists. When Boys were pretty well grown, they ty’d ’em Hand and Foot, and laid ’em in muddy Water naked a whole Day, and then their Mothers took ’em out and clean’d ’em at Night. When a Maid was to be married, the Marriage-maker carried her on his Back to the Bridegroom’s House, 4 Women bearing Torches before her; the Bridegroom’s Friends receiv’d her in the Yard or Court, carried her to a Room, and set her down by him on a Mat, and ty’d the Skirts of their Garments together, offer’d Incense to their Idols, and had 4 old Men and Women to be Witnesses; after a Feast the Witnesses exhorted ’em to live well together, and so the Ceremony concluded.

The Priests train’d up their Novices in sweeping the Temples, carrying Branches, _&c._ to adorn them, to make Seats of Cane, to bring Needles or Thorns of Maguey to draw Blood for Sacrifices, and Shrubs to keep a perpetual Fire; and if they fail’d in their Duty, return’d to their Parents, or were catch’d with Women, they prick’d ’em with those Needles. One of the chief Priests went by Night to a Mountain, where he did Penance, carried Fire and Perfume to sacrifice to the Devil, and was always attended by a Novice; others of the Priests play’d on Musical Instruments by Night, and some of ’em observ’d the Stars, and told the Hours. The Novices arriv’d to the chief Dignities of the Priesthood by degrees, and some of ’em always attended the Armies to encourage the Men, and perform their Rites.

Those who train’d the Youth to War, punish’d their Scholars by throwing burning Coals on their Heads, pricking them with Sticks of Pine sharpen’d at one End, or by burning off their Hair. Their Kings rewarded the Soldiers according to the Number of Prisoners they took, with Military Habits of several Colours, or Posts in the Army, till they came to the highest. Their Chief Priests were also Men of Arms, and capable of all Military Preferments.

Their capital Punishments were Strangling or Stoning to Death. If a Caicque or petty Prince rebell’d, all his Subjects shar’d in his Punishment, except they found some Method to appease the King. They punish’d Drunkenness in young Men by Death, but allow’d it in old Men and old Women of 70. Highway-men and Adulterers they ston’d to Death. They had Assemblies for publick Affairs, wherein the Great Master of the Emperor or King’s Houshold exhorted the Youth to avoid Idleness, Gaming, Drunkenness, and other Vices.

This is the Sum of what that Hieroglyphical History says of the antient _Mexicans_.

As to the present Natives, most of ’em are subject to the _Spaniards_; but in some of the Mountains and Northern Parts they are not reduc’d; so that they frequently attack the _Spaniards_, when they meet with a favourable Opportunity.

[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._]

In that call’d _New Mexico_ some of the Natives are very barbarous, and much given to Arms, the Men wear nothing but Skins, and the Women scarce any other Covering than their Hair; they live for the most part on raw Flesh, and go together in Troops, changing their Habitation as the Season requires, or for the Conveniency of Pasturage. Their Oxen and Cows are large, with small Horns, their Hair almost like Wooll, long before, and short behind, with a Bunch on their Backs, great Beards like Goats, and their Fore Legs short; they are of an ugly Aspect, but very strong; they are the principal Riches of the Natives, their Flesh serves them for Diet, their Skins for Clothes and Coverings to their Huts, they make Thred of their Hair, Bow-strings of their Nerves, Utensils of their Bones, Trumpets of their Horns, keep their Drink in their Bladders, and use their Dung for Firing, because they are scarce of Wood. They have Sheep as large as our Asses, and Dogs so strong, that they make ’em carry their Baggage. This Country is inhabited by People of different Languages and Manners; some of them live in Cities, of which ’tis said there are several that contain from 30 to 50000 Inhabitants; others wander about in Herds like the _Arabs_ or _Tartars_; but in short, this Country is so little known, and Travellers differ so much in their Accounts of it, that there’s not much to be depended upon.

I think it proper here to say something of the peopling of it. There are many Opinions about the peopling of _America_, but the most reasonable to me is, that it was peopled from _Tartary_ by way of the North Pole, where they suppose it to join with some part of _Asia_. This I think very probable, because the _Spaniards_, who come yearly hither from _Manila_ or _Luconia_, one of the _Philipine_ Islands in the _East Indies_, are forced to keep in a high Latitude for the Benefit of Westerly Winds, and have often sounded, finding Ground in Lat. 42. N. in several Places of the Ocean betwixt the _East Indies_ and _America_, which makes me conclude that there must be more Land, tho’ none of ’em, as I have heard of, ever saw any Continent till they fall in with _California_, in about 38 or 39°. N. Lat. I have often admir’d that no considerable Discoveries have yet been made in South Latitude from _America_ to the _East Indies_: I never heard the South Ocean has been run over by above three or four Navigators, who varied little in their Runs from their Course, and by consequence could not discover much. I give this Hint to encourage our _South Sea Company_, or others, to go upon some Discovery that way, where for ought we know they may find a better Country than any yet discover’d, there being a vast Surface of the Sea from the Equinox to the South Pole, of at least 2000 Leagues in Longitude that has hitherto been little regarded, tho it be agreeable to Reason, that there must be a Body of Land about the South Pole, to counterpoise those vast Countries about the North Pole. This I suppose to be the Reason why our antient Geographers mention’d a _Terra Australis Incognita_, tho’ very little of it has been seen by any body. The Land near the North Pole in the _South Sea_, from _California_ to _Japan_, is wholly unknown, altho’ the old Maps describe the Streights of _Anian_, and a large Continent, it is but imaginary; for the _Dutch_ themselves, that now trade to _Japan_, say they do not yet know whether it be an Island, or joins to the Continent.

_Gemelli_[147] having been in this Country in 1697, who is the latest Traveller that has publish’d any thing about it, and his Accounts being in the main confirmed to me by our _Spanish_ Prisoners, I shall give a brief Hint of what he says, especially of what relates to Trade and Provisions.

Their best Product is Gold and Silver, Pearl, Emeralds, and other precious Stones: He saw the Silver Mines of _Pachma_, 11 Leagues from the City of _Mexico_: One of ’em he says is 225 _English_ Yards deep, the other 195: He adds, that in the Space of 6 Leagues there are about 1000 Mines, some laid aside, others still in use. There are many thousands of People imploy’d to dig ’em, from some the Metal and the Water is brought up by Engines, and from others the Metal is brought up on Mens Backs to the great Danger of their Lives, besides Numbers that are lost by the falling in of the Earth, and pestilential Damps: They go down to them by notch’d Poles, which being wet and slippery, the poor _Indian_ Slaves many times fall, and break their Necks. Our Author says he was in danger of doing the like, when he went to see them. He adds, the Workmen inform’d him, that from one of the Veins, where near 1000 Men work’d _per diem_, they had in 10 Years Dug 40 Millions of Silver, that 2 Millions had been laid out in Timber-work to support it, and that it became so dangerous, as the Owner stop’d it up. I refer to him for the Manner of separating the Metal from the Oar. Every Discoverer of a Mine must pay the 5_th_ of the Product to the King, who allows him only 60 _Spanish_ Yards round from the Mouth, or all on one side, if he pleases. _Gemelli_ says there’s 2 Millions of Marks, of 8 Ounces each, entred at _Mexico_ in a Year from those Mines, besides what is stole, and 700000 Marks of it are coin’d annually into Pieces of Eight there, for which the King has a Ryal _per_ Mark. There being Gold mix’d with the Silver, they make use of _Aqua Fortis_ to separate them. The Officers of the Mint have very profitable Places, but I can’t insist upon their Sallaries.

’Tis needless to be particular in describing the Birds and Beasts of this Country; they having been so often done by others, I shall only say, they have enough for Provisions,

[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._]

and many of both sorts unknown to us. ’Tis the like as to their Fruits and Plants, which serve them for Food and Physick; but I have not room to be particular.

_Mexico_ is the Capital City of this vast rich Country, and lies in N. Lat. 19. 40. in the Middle of a Valley, which is 14 _Spanish_ Leagues long, and 7 broad, encompass’d by a Ridge of Mountains. The City is surrounded by a Lake, and is square, with long, wide, and well pav’d Streets, cross one another. ’Tis 2 Leagues round, and the Diameter half a League. There are 5 Causeys or Banks through the Lake into the City, which vies with the best in _Italy_ for noble Structures and beautiful Women, who prefer _Europeans_ to their own Country-men; this occasions irreconcilable Prejudices betwixt them, so that an _European_ can scarce pass the Streets without being insulted. The Inhabitants are about 100000, the major part Blacks, and Mulatto’s, because of the vast Number of Slaves carried thither. _Europeans_ seldom marry there, because finding no way to get real Estates, they generally become Clergymen, which takes up most of those that come from _Old Spain_. There are 22 Nunneries and 29 Friaries of several Orders within the City, and all richer than they ought to be, says _Gemelli_. The Cathedral is exceeding rich, maintains 10 Canons, 5 dignify’d Priests, 6 Demi-Canons, 6 half Demi-Canons, 1 Chief Sacristain, 4 Curates, 12 Royal Chaplains, and 8 others chosen by the Chapter, besides many others nam’d by the King. The Revenue of the Cathedral is 300000 Pieces of Eight _per Annum_. The Climate here is uncertain, as through all the Country, being for most part both cold and hot at the same time, _viz._ cold in the Shade, and hot in the Sun, but is never excessive either way; yet the Inhabitants complain of the Cold in the Mornings, and of the Heat from _March_ till _July_; from thence to _September_ the Rains cool the Air, and from that time till _March_ the Rains are but small. The _Indians_ reckon those Nights cold, but the _Europeans_ like the Climate well enough. Their Water is very cool. The neighbouring Country produces 3 Harvests _per Ann._ one in _June_, the 2_d_ in _October_, and the 3_d_ uncertain, as the Weather proves. Maiz or _Indian_ Corn is their chief Grain, the earliest being sow’d in _March_, the latest in _May_. It yields a wonderful Increase, and other Provisions being plentiful, one may live well here for half a Piece of Eight _per_ Day, and all the Year round there’s Fruit and Flowers in the Market. There’s no Brass Money here, and the least Piece of Silver is Three-pence; so that they buy Herbs and small Fruit with Cocoa Nuts, 60 or 70 of which, as the Time goes, are valu’d at 6_d._ I cannot insist on the particular Description of the Churches and Monasteries. The Archbishop has 11 Suffragans under him, whose Revenues in all amount to 5160000 Pieces of Eight. The Cathedral founded by _Fernando Cortez_, who conquer’d this Country, was not finished in 1697. ’tis carried on at the King’s Charge. They have admirable Conveyances to let the Water run out of the Lake by Canals, to prevent its overflowing the City, as sometimes it has done. The Expence of these Canals is so prodigious, that it seems incredible; the Curious may find it in _Gemelli_, as also an Account of the Royal Palace and other Structures. I say nothing of the fabulous Accounts which the Natives give of the Foundation of this City.

The present Habit generally wore by the Natives of this Country is a short Doublet and wide Breeches, a Cloak of several Colours on their Shoulders, which they cross under the Right Arm, and tye on the Left Shoulder by the 2 Ends in a great Knot: Some wear Sandals, the rest go bare footed and bare-legg’d, and all wear their Hair long, which they will by no means part with. The Women wear a fine white Cotton Cloth, and under it a thing like a Sack; they wear another upon their Backs, with which they cover their Heads when abroad or in Church. The Natives adorn their narrow Coats with Figures of Beasts, Birds and Feathers. Both Sexes are of a dark Colour, but endeavour to make themselves fair with pounded Herbs. They daub their Heads with thin Clay, to refresh them, and make their Hair black. The Mestizzo, Mullatto, and black Women, are most in Number, but not being allow’d to wear Veils, or the _Spanish_ Habit, and despising the _Indian_ Garb, they wear a thing like a Petticoat a-cross their Shoulders, or on their Heads, which makes ’em look like so many Devils. The Blacks and Mullattoes are very insolent, and so much increas’d, that if it ben’t prevented, they may at one time or other endanger the Country. The _Indians_ of most Parts of _Mexico_ are nothing so industrious as formerly, and the _Spaniards_ say they are cowardly, cruel, Thieves, Cheats, and so beastly, that they use Women in common, without regard to the nearest Relations, lie on the bare Ground, and are nasty in their Way of living, which perhaps may proceed from the Slavery they are kept under, being worse treated than those

_From a copper-plate engraving._]

[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._]

in the Mines. He adds that there’s scarce one fair dealing Man to be found among 100 Mullattoes.