Chapter XXXVIII: Appendix: I (5)

[169] Partidas, P. IV, Tit. xxi, leyes 6, 8; Tit. xxii, ley 3. In the Fuero Real de España the only allusion to Moors is as slaves (Lib. IV, Tit. xi, ley 3; Tit. xiv, ley 1). It is virtually the same in the old Fuero of Madrid (Memorias de la R. Acad. de la Historia, VIII, 40).

The Church held that baptism manumitted the slave, even when the master was Christian, but when it sought to enforce the rule the masters resisted, either forbidding the baptism or demanding from the clergy the value of the slave and seizing pledges to ensure payment. Innocent III was much scandalized by this. In 1205 he complained to Alfonso IX that in place of requiring such converted slaves to be paid for at the price fixed by the canons he allowed the owner to determine the value, and thus the Bishop of Burgos had recently been forced to pay two hundred gold pieces for a girl not worth ten deniers (Innoc. PP. III, Regest. VIII, 50; IX, 150).

[170] Partidas, P. IV, Tit. xxi, ley 7.

[171] Fernández y González, pp. 21, 24-5.

[172] Dozy, Recherches, I, 124-6.

[173] Fernández y González, p. 28.

[174] Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, año II, cap. xvii.

[175] Fernández y González, pp. 39, 45-6, 58.

[176] Mondexar, Memorias de Alonso VIII, cap. cv, cviii.--Roderici Toletani de Rebus Hispan. Lib. VIII, cap. xii.

[177] Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXI, 131.

[178] Fernández y González, p. 97.

[179] See the capitulation of Valencia in 1232 (Villanueva, XVII, 331); also the _Constitutiones Pacis et Treugæ_ of Catalonia, in 1214, 1225, and 1228 (Marca Hispanica, pp. 1402, 1407, 1413), and also that of Rosellon, in 1217 (D'Achery, Spicileg. III, 587). In 1279 Pedro III of Aragon issues letters "to all his faithful Moors of the frontier of Castile and Viar," inviting them to come and populate Villareal, offering them the vacant lands there and pledging them security for all their goods (Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VIII, 151).

[180] Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 571, 573, 584, 600, 608, 622, 632; VI, 93, 106, 112, 220, 292, 308, 326, 385, 455. A charter of San Fernando III, in 1246, selling certain lands to the city of Toledo, says "vendo á vos, concejo de Toledo, á los caballeros é al pueblo, é á cristianos é á moros é á judios, á los que sodes é á los que han de ser adelant, todos aquellos terminos, etc."--Fernández y González, p. 319.

[181] Fernández y González, pp. 117, 122, 123.--Memorial histórico español, I, 285.

[182] Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 29.--Fernández y González, p. 294. In the charter of Hinestrosa (1287) the wergild for homicide is 500 sueldos. In that of Arganzon (1191) allusion is made to the wergild of 500 sueldos, but the special privilege is granted that the murderer shall pay only 250, the other 250 being remitted "for the sake of the king's soul." In the charter of Amaya (1285) the wergild is sixty maravedís.--(Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 222, 112, 205.)

[183] Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia, VIII, 39.

[184] Leyes de Estilo, 83, 84.

[185] Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 413.

[186] Fernández y González, pp. 407, 409. By a confirmation of Pedro IV of Aragon, in 1372, to the aljama of Calatayud it appears that the Moors of the cities were accustomed to have special shambles where their meat was slaughtered and marked "secundum eorum ritum sive çunam."--Ibid. p. 384.

[187] Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, IV, 130; VI, 145.--Fernández y González, pp. 286, 290, 386, 389.

[188] Fernández y González, pp. 92, 94-5, 102.

[189] Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion Primera, Carpeta I, n. 49.--Fernández y González, pp. 351, 353, 363.--Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 31.--Memorial histórico español, I, 81, 152.

[190] Fernández y González, pp. 221, 286.--Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 157, 196.--Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 309.

[191] Aguirre, V, 225, 227; VI, 369.--Cap. 5 Extra v, vi.--Cap. 2 Extrav. Commun. v, ii.--Tratados de Legislacion Musulmana, p. 216 (Madrid, 1853).--Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxv, leyes 2, 3.--Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib. I, cap. 3, 4 (Barcelona, 1588).--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1245 (Aguirre, VI, 306).

[192] Fernández y González, pp. 107-8, 120, 286, 359.--Memorial histórico español, I, 285.--For the manner in which the houses of conquered towns were distributed see the _Repartimiento de Jerez de la Frontera_ by Alfonso X in this same year 1266, printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, Junio, 1887, pp. 465 _sqq._).

[193] Fernández y González, p. 346.

[194] Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 255.--Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxv, ley 10.

[195] Tratados de Legislacion Musulmana, p. 7 (Madrid, 1853). In this collection the _Leyes de los Moros_ probably date from about the year 1300. Ice Gebir's _Suma de los principales Mandamientos_ was written in 1462. It would not be easy to find a more practical moral code than that presented in the short precepts assembled in Ice Gebir's first chapter (pp. 250 _sqq._). It is somewhat surprising to learn that in the _alchihéd_, or holy war against Christians, it was forbidden to slay non-combatants--women, children, old men and even monks and friars unless they defended themselves by force (cap. xxxv, p. 333). Even harmless things, such as ants and frogs, are not to be deprived of life (cap. clvii, p. 400). The vital reproach to be brought against Islam is the position assigned to woman--her degradation in her relations to man, and her scant recognition as a human being. In a classification of society into twelve orders, the eleventh is that of _baldios_ or robbers, sorcerers, pirates, drunkards, etc., and the twelfth and lowest is woman (Ib. cap. lx, pp. 412, 415).

[196] The ballad chronicler relates how--

Et los moros é las moras Muy grandes juegos hacian, Los judíos con las toras Estos Reyes bien recibian. Fernández y González, p. 239.

[197] Crónica de Juan II, año IV, cap. 26.

[198] Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VIII, 53.--Memorial histórico español, I, 239, 263; III, 439.

[199] Fernández y González, p. 389.

[200] Ibid. pp. 382, 386.

[201] Janer, Condicion Social de los Moriscos de España, pp. 47-9, 161, 162 (Madrid, 1857).

Under the Saracen domination, Almería was the chief port of Spain, crowded with ships from Syria and Egypt, Pisa and Genoa. It boasted of a thousand inns for strangers and four thousand weaving shops, besides manufactures of copper, iron and glass (Dozy, Recherches, I, 244-5). For the wonderful wealth of the Moors under the caliphs of Córdova, showing the capacity of the race and of the land, see Conde's "Arabs in Spain," P. II, cap. 94. How unfitted was the Castilian chivalry to perpetuate this prosperity is seen in a letter of Alfonso X in 1258, reciting how he had peopled with Christians the flourishing city of Alicante, as it was a stronghold and one of the best seaports; how the allotment of lands had given dissatisfaction and on investigation he had found that the Christians could not live and prosper there, wherefore he now makes a new _repartimiento_ (Memorial histórico español, I, 135).

[202] Fernández y González, pp. 294, 321, 367. Cf. Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii; C. Toletan. ann. 1324, cap. viii (Aguirre, V, 251, 259); Concil. Parisiensis, ann. 1212, Addend, cap. i (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII, 1420).

[203] Concil. Lateran. IV, ann. 1216, cap. lxviii (cap. 15, Extra, v, vi). This device originated among the Saracens of the East, who, in the eleventh century, required Jews and Christians to wear distinctive badges (Fernández y González, p. 16). The earliest trace of it in the West is found in the charter of Alais, in 1200, which prescribes distinctive vestments for Jews (Robert, Les Signes d'Infamie au Moyen Age, p. 7). In Italy, Frederic II obeyed the Lateran decree by ordering, in 1221, all Jews to wear distinguishing garments (Richardi de S. German. Chron. _ap._ Muratori, S. R. I., VII, 993), but he did not insert this in the Sicilian Constitutions or include his Saracen subjects. In 1254 the council of Albi prescribed for Jews a circle, a finger-breadth in width, to be worn upon the breast, and that of Ravenna, in 1311, a yellow circle (Harduin. VII, 458, 1370). In the fifteenth century, the Neapolitan Jews were required to wear as a sign the Hebrew letter Tau (Wadding, Annal. Minor. T. III, Regest. p. 392).

[204] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1217, n. 84.--Amador de los Rios, Hist. de los Judíos de España, I, 361-2, 554.

[205] Amador de los Rios, I, 362, 364.

[206] Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxiv, ley 11.

[207] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 227.

[208] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1238, cap. iv; ann. 1282, cap. v (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VIII, 132, 280).--Fernández y González, p. 369.--Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib. I, Tit. v, cap. 12 (Barcelona, 1589, p. 8).

[209] Ayala, Crónica de Enrique II, año VI, cap. vii.--Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 281.

[210] Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. I, 479. It was apparently in return for a tithe of ecclesiastical revenues that Jaime pledged himself to the pope to expel the Moors, but he was too wise a statesman to do so, and as late as 1275 he invited additional settlers by the promise of a year's exemption from taxation. On his death-bed in 1276, however, partly, no doubt in consequence of a dangerous Moorish revolt, and partly owing to the awakened fears shown by his taking the Cistercian habit, he enjoined his son Pedro to fulfil the promise, and in a codicil to his will he emphatically repeated the request (Danvila y Collado, La Expulsion de los Moriscos, p. 24.--Swift, James the First of Aragon, pp. 140, 253, 290), but Pedro was obdurate.

[211] Fernández y González, p. 109.

[212] Constitt. Valentin. (Aguirre, V, 206).

[213] Cap. 1 Clementin. Lib. V, Tit. ii.

[214] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, VI, 370).

[215] Concil. Dertusan. ann. 1429, cap. xx (Aguirre, V, 340).--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1483, n. 45.

In 1370 the _Carta Pueblo_, granted by Buenaventura de Arborea to the Moors of Chelva specifically allowed their alfaquíes to cry Alá Zalá as was their wont in the time of Pedro, her late husband.--Fernández y González, p. 386.

[216] Cap. 1 Clementin. Lib. II, Tit. viii; Lib. V, Tit. v.

[217] Although the acts of the council of Zamora were fully confirmed by the Córtes of Palencia in 1313 (Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 227, 240-1), it seemed impossible to enforce them. In 1331 the Córtes of Madrid ineffectually petitioned that Christians denying debts to Jews could offer another Christian as a witness and not be obliged to have a Jew. The Fuero Viejo de Castiella, as revised in 1356, however, grants the privilege (Lib. III, Tit. iv, ley 19). The editors of the Fuero, Asso and Manuel (Ed. 1847, p. 83) say that the practice varied, and that Henry III, in the Córtes of Madrid, in 1405, again granted the privilege. As early as 1263 Alfonso X had enacted that in mixed suits a Jew could not demand that his opponent should produce as witnesses a Christian and a Jew, but that the evidence of two good Christians should suffice.--Memorial histórico español, I, 207. The point has interest as an evidence of the desire to protect Jews from imposition.

[218] Amador de los Rios, II, 561-5.

[219] Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii (Aguirre, V, 250).

[220] Innocent. PP. III, Regest. X, 69; XII, post Epist. 107.--Concil. Lateran. IV, cap. lxix (cap. 16, Extra, v, vi).

[221] Fernández y González, p. 289.--Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 97.--Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxiv, ley 3.

[222] Annal. Novesiens. ann. 846 (Martene Ampliss. Collect. IV, 538). Cf. Gest. Episc. Leodiens. Lib. II, cap. 41.--Hist. Treverens. (D'Achery Spicileg. II, 222).

[223] Concil. Quinisext. cap. xi.--Gratian. cap. 13, Caus. xxviii, Q. 1.

[224] Cap. 13, Extra, V, xxxviii.

[225] Concil. Salmanticens. ann. 1335, cap. xii (Aguirre, V, 269).

[226] Ordenamiento de Doña Catalina, n. 10.

[227] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 147^{a} (Ed. 1494).

[228] Mariana, Hist. de España, VIII, 69 (Ed. 1790).

[229] Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 18.--Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. IV, 44. As recently as 1580 Gregory XIII recited the prohibitions of employing Jewish physicians uttered by Paul IV and Pius V and deplored their inobservance which precipitated many souls to damnation, to prevent which he ordered their strict enforcement.--Septimi Decretal. Lib. III, Tit. vi, cap. 2.

[230] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, VI, 371).

[231] Aguirre, V, 286-7. Pedro el Ceremonioso, the King of Aragon, was then only a boy of eighteen, who had ascended the throne in January, 1336.

[232] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 311, 322-8.

[233] Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 6.

[234] Concil. Palentin. ann. 1388, cap. v, vi (Aguirre, V, 300).

[235] Ordenamiento de Valladolid, i, xi (Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 176).--Fernández y González, pp. 400, 402.

[236] Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 10, 19.

[237] Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, IX, 270-84, 289, 292.--It was not until 1555 that Paul IV adopted the same policy in Rome and established the Ghetto, or Jewish quarter.--Septimi Decretal. Lib. V, Tit. I, cap. 4

[238] For a series of these capitulations see Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, T. VIII, pp. 403 _sqq._

[239] S. Agobardi de Judaicis Superstitionibus; Ejusdem de cavenda. Societate Judaica.--Amulonis Episc. Lugdunens. Lib. contra Judæos ad Carolem Regem.

[240] Stephani PP. VI, Epist. 2.

[241] Cap. 7, 9, Extra, Lib. V, Tit. vi.

[242] Concil. Paris, ann. 1212, P. V, cap. 2 (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII, 102).

[243] Innocent. PP. III, Regest. X, 190. Cf. Epistt. Select. Sæc. XIII, T. I, p. 414 (Pertz).

[244] Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. II, cap. xxiv, xxv.--Bernaldez, Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.--Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discurso contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 131, 132, 134 (Lisboa, 1623).--Bodleian Library, MSS. Arch. S. 130.

[245] P. de Alliaco Canon. Reformat, cap. xliii (Von der Hardt, Concil. Constant. I, VIII, 430-1)

[246] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1009.

[247] Berthold. Constant, ann. 1096.--Otton. Frisingens. de Gest. Frid. I, Lib. I, cap. 37.--Vitoduran. Chron. ann. 1336.--Gesta Treviror. Archiepp. ann. 1337.

[248] Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1182--Vaissette, Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, VIII, 1191-2 (Ed. Privat).--Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1189.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306.--Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1210.--Matt. Westmonast. ann. 1290.

[249] Fuero Juzgo, Lib. XII, Tit. ii, ley 18.

[250] Marca Hispanica, p. 1439.

[251] Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 96 (Madrid, 1833).--Memorial hist, español, I, 38, 124; II, 71.

[252] Amador de los Rios, I, 185-6, 189.

[253] Contin. Gerardi de Fracheto, ann. 1285 (Dom Bouquet, XXI, 7).

[254] Amador de los Rios, II, 67.--Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, II, 331.

It indicates the independent position of Jews and Moors that they refused to pay tithes on lands acquired from Christians and their liability was enforced only after a vigorous and prolonged struggle.--See Cap. 18, Extra, Lib. v, Tit. xix (Concil. Lateran. IV).--Innocent. PP. III, Regest. VIII, 50; x, 61.--Concil Tarraconens. ann. 1291 (Aguirre, VI, 292).--Concil. Zamorens. ann. 1313, cap. x (Amador de los Rios, II, 564).--Memorial hist. español, I, 33, 160.--Fernández y González, pp. 348, 355, 380, 389.--Benavides, _op. cit. II_, 539, 541.

[255] Concil. Roman. V, ann. 1078 (Migne's Patrologia, CXLVIII, 799).--Gregor. PP. VII, Regest. IX, 2.

[256] Amador de los Rios, I, 28-9.

[257] Ibidem, II, 58.

[258] Amador de los Rios, II, 74-5.

[259] Leyes de Estilo, 89-90.

[260] El Fuero Real, Lib. IV, Tit. iv, ley 7.--Partidas, VII, xxiv, 5. In 1322 Jaime II of Aragon forbids the molestation of Strogo Mercadell, a Jew, for taking a second wife.--Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 240.

[261] El Fuero Real, Lib. IV, Tit. ii, leyes 1, 2, 3.

[262] Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita III, 3.

[263] Alex. PP. II, Epist. 101 (Decreti Consid. XXIII, Q. viii, cap. 11).

[264] Amador de los Rios, I, 189-90.

[265] Roderici Toleti de Rebus Hispan. VIII, 2, 6.--Malo, Histoire des Juifs, p. 267 (Paris, 1826).

[266] Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXII, 328, 329, 333.

[267] Amador de los Rios, I. 370, 447-51.--Lindo's History of the Jews of Spain, P. 88.

[268] Leyes nuevas, Núm. XII, XIII. Cf. Ley 7 (Alcubilla, Códigos antiguos, I, 182).

[269] Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxiv. The provision punishing with death male Jews for intercourse with Christian women only expressed existing legislation, even when the woman was a prostitute.--Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV. II, 210.

[270] Villanueva, Viage Literario, XIII, 332.--R. Nachmanidis Disputatio (Wagenseilii Tela Ignea Satanæ).--Coleccion de Documentos de la C. de Aragon, VI, 165.

[271] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 546 (Archivo hist, nacional de Madrid).

[272] Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 167.--Villanueva, XIII, 336.--Ripoll Bullar Ord. Predic. I, 479.

[273] Aguirre, VI, 369.

[274] Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 170.

[275] Amador de los Rios, I, 438.

[276] Florez, España Sagrada, XLIV, 298.

[277] Septimi Decretal. Lib. V, Tit. i, cap. 2.

[278] Florez, _op. cit._, XLIV, 297-99.

[279] Bernard d'Esclot, Cronica del Rey en Pere, cap. clii.

[280] Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 194.

[281] Villanueva, XXI, 165, 303.

[282] Archivo gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Regist. 208, fol. 72; Regist. 229, fol. 239.

[283] Amador de los Rios, II, 98-102.

[284] Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 129 (Madrid, 1833).--Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, II, 374.

[285] Amador de los Rios, II, 90-4.

[286] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 247.--Cap. 1, Clement. Lib. V, Tit. v.

[287] Lindo's History of the Jews of Spain, p. 180.

[288] Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 327 (Ed. 1890).

[289] Decreti P. II, Caus. xiv, Q. 3, 4, 5, 6.--Cap. 1, § 2 Clement. Lib. V, Tit. v.

[290] Cap. 12, Extra, Lib. V, Tit. xix.--Concil. Lateran. IV, cap. 67.--Concil. Lugdunens. II, ann. 1274, cap. 26.--Cap. 1 Clement. Lib. V, Tit. v.--Concil. Pennafidelens. ann. 1302, cap. 9.

[291] Marca Hispanica, pp. 1415, 1426, 1431.--Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib. I, Tit. v, cap. 2.--Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXII, 301.--El Fuero Real, Lib. IV, Tit. ii, ley 6.

[292] Marca Hispanica, pp. 1433, 1436.--Coleccion de Documentos de la C. de Aragon, VI, 170.--Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 127, 227, 281.--Amador de los Rios, I, 393, 421, 587; II, 63, 69, 89, 121, 148.--Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 111, 113.

[293] Amador de los Rios, II, 139.

[294] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 234.

[295] Yanguas y Miranda, Diccionario de Antigüedades del Reino de Navarro, II, 93.

[296] Ordenamiento de Alcalá, Tit. XXIII, ley 2. Cf. Ordenanzas Reales, Lib. VIII, Tit. ii, leyes 1-8.

[297] Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XI, 404.

[298] Amador de los Rios, I, 488.

[299] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 325.--Amador de los Rios, II, 320.

[300] Villanueva, XVII, 247.

[301] Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. VI, cap. lxxviii.--Amador de los Rios, II, 175-9, 284-5, 289-91.

[302] Zurita, Lib. VIII, cap. xxvi, xxxiii.--Amador de los Rios, II, 260, 263, 299-300.

[303] Raynald, Annal. ann. 1348, n. 83.

[304] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1366.--Quarta Vita Urbani V (Muratori, S. R. I., III, II, 641).

[305] Ayala, Crónica de Pedro I, año VI, cap. vii.

[306] Ibidem, año IX, cap. vii, viii.

[307] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1366.--Ayala, año XVII, cap. viii.

[308] Amador de los Rios, II, 571-3.--Boletin, XXIX, 254.

[309] Ayala, Crónica de Juan I, año I, cap. iii.

[310] Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1395, n. 2; año 1404, n. 4.

[311] Amador de los Rios, II, 338-9, 579-89.--We have seen the prohibition, in the imperial jurisprudence, to erect new synagogues, and this was sedulously preserved in the canon law.--Cap. 3, 8, Extra, V, vi.

The twenty-three synagogues evidently refer to all in the diocese of Seville. At the time of the outbreak there were but three in the city.

[312] Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1379, n. 3; año 1388, n. 3.

[313] Amador de los Rios, II, 592-4.

[314] Acta capitular del Cabildo de Sevilla, 10-15 de Enero de 1391 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Dd, 108, fol. 78).

[315] Amador de los Rios, II, 613.

[316] Acta capitular, _ubi sup._

[317] Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1391, n. 1, 2, 3.--Ayala, Crónica de Enrique III, año I, cap. v, xx.--Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. V, cap. xx.--Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta II, n. 53.

[318] Ayala, Crónica de Enrique III, año 1391, cap. xx.--Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib. XVIII, cap. xv.--Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxvii, § 3.--Fidel Fita, Boletin, IX, 347.--Amador de los Rios, II, 360-3, 370-1, 382, 389, 391.--Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1391, n. 2; año 1404, n. 4.--Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta CVII, n. 1.

[319] Amador de los Rios, II, 595-601.

[320] Amador de los Rios, II, 372-77, 398.--Bofarull y Broca, Hist. de Cataluña, V, 35.

[321] História general de Mallorca, II, 319 (Ed. 1841).--Loeb, Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 172.--Villanueva, XXI, 224.

[322] Revue des Études Juives, 1887, pp. 261-2.

[323] Amador de los Rios, II, 392-4.--Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 430.

[324] Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 436, 438, 441, 454.

[325] José Fiter y Ingles, Expulsion de los Judíos de Barcelona, pp. 8-14 (Barcelona, 1876). This edict was renewed in 1479, 1480 and 1481 (Ibid. pp. 15-19).

[326] Viage literario, XVIII, 20.

[327] Amador de los Rios, II, 382-5.

[328] Amador de los Rios, II, 400-2, 445, 599-604.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. X, cap. xlvii.

[329] Bernaldez, Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.--The Jews likewise attributed their sufferings to this "Friar Vincent, from the city of Valencia, of the sect of Baal Dominic."--Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 265-7.

[330] Chron. Petri de Areniis, ann. 1408 (Denifle, Archiv für Litt. und Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 647).--Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, I, 118.--Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. cap. xii (Martene, Ampliss. Collect. VII, 387).--Salazar, Anamnesis Sanctt. Hispan. II, 513.--Tournon, Hommes Illustres de l'Ordre de S. Dominique, III, 37.--Mariana, Hist. de España, VI, 423 (Ed. 1790).--Alban Butler, Vies des Saints, 5 Avril.

[331] Rabbi Sam. Marrochiani de Adventu Messiæ (Mag. Bib. Patrum, Ed. 1618, T. XI, p. 421).--Jo. Chr. Wolfii Biblioth. Hebrææ, I, 1099.--This tract was translated from Arabic to Latin in 1338 by the Dominican Alfonsus Bonihominis and was reprinted so recently as 1742, at Cassano by the Jesuits.

[332] Mag. Bibl. Patrum, T. XII, P. II, p. 358. For the zeal of the convert to induce his brethren to follow him, see Hermanni Opusc. de Conversione sua, cap. xvi (Migne's Patrol. Lat. T. CLXX, p. 828).

[333] D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, I, I, 132.

[334] Pugionis Fidei P. III, Dist. iii, cap. 21, 22.

[335] Scrutinii Scripturarum P. II. See Graetz (VIII, 79) for a full account of Selemoh Ha-Levi and of the controversies to which his apostasy gave rise.

[336] Amador de los Rios, II, 447; III, 108-9.--P. de la Caballería, Zelus Christí contra Judæos (Venetiis, 1592).--Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, Tom. CV, p. 571).

[337] Amador de los Rios, II, 413-16, 419-22.--Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 544.

[338] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxii-iii.--Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, cap. xxviii.--Garibay, Compendio historial de España, Lib. XV, cap. 58.--Rodrigo, Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 44.--Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, IX, 371).

[339] Crónica de Juan II, año V, cap. xxii.

[340] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxvi-viii.--Amador de los Rios, II, 496-502.--Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares, pp. 400-5.

[341] Amador de los Rios, II, 503, 515.--Villanueva, XXII, 258.

[342] The Spanish historians claim that all the rabbis, except Joseph Albo and Vidal Ferrer, acknowledged the truth of Christianity and abjured the errors of Judaism (Amador de los Rios, II, 438-42; Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. XII, cap. xlv), but Graetz (Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 120-1) states with greater probability, that the only concession made by the twelve was that the Haggadah passages of the Talmud are of no authority and even from this Ferrer and Albo dissented.

[343] Zurita, Añales, Lib. XII, cap. xlv.

[344] Amador de los Rios, II, 627-53; III, 38.

[345] Concil. Basiliens. Sess. XIX, cap v, vi (Harduin. VIII, 1190-3).

[346] Raynald. Annal, ann. 1442, n. 15.--Wadding, Annal. Minor, ann. 1447, n. 10.

[347] Villanueva, XIV, 30.

[348] Amador de los Rios, III, 12.

[349] Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 257, 269).

[350] Caballero, Noticias del Doctor Alonso Díaz de Montalvo, p. 251.

[351] Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. XVIII.

[352] Tristan. Caraccioli Epist. de Inquisit. (Muratori, S. R. I., XXII, 97).

[353] Crónica de Juan II, año XIV, cap. ii.

[354] Amador de los Rios, III, 583-9.

[355] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 5.

[356] Amador de los Rios, III, 115-16.

[357] Boletin, XXVI, 468-72.

[358] Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, III, 717.

[359] Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. XXXI, § 9.--Amador de los Rios, III, 164-7.--Fernández y González, p. 213.

[360] Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. vii (Aguirre, V, 345).

[361] Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 45.

[362] Ordenanzas Reales, VIII, iii, 1-41.

[363] Archivo general de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 10, 33.

[364] Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV. 443.

[365] Amador de los Rios, III, 288-90.--Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 134.

[366] Amador de los Rios, III, 170-1.--Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 647.

Lindo (Hist. of the Jews of Spain, p. 244) estimates the Jews of Castile at this Period at between 200,000 and 300,000 over 16 years of age. Graetz assumes the total number as 150,000; Isidore Loeb at 50,000 or a little more.--Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 168.

[367] Amador de los Rios, III, 88-9, 116-17, 206-10, 213-15, 217-18.

[368] Amador de los Rios, III, 118-24.--Crónica de Juan II, año XLII, cap. ii, v.--Crónica de Alvaro de Luna, Tit. lxxxiii.

[369] Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 541-63.

[370] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1449, n. 12.

[371] Amador de los Rios, III, 125, 494.--Raynald. ann. 1451, n. 5.

[372] Nic. Antonio, Bibl. vetus Hispan., II, n. 565.

[373] In this I have chiefly followed a MS. account, evidently by a contemporary, preserved in the Bibl. nacional, MSS., G. 109. See also Amador de los Rios, III, 145-51; Valera, Memorial de diversos Hazañas, cap. xxxviii; Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. xc, xci.

[374] Merchan, _op. cit._, I, 641-3.

[375] Castillo, _op. cit._, cap. cxlvi.--Mariana, Lib. XXIII, cap. xv.

[376] Castillo, _op. cit._, cap. clx.--Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. clxxxiii.--Memorial hist. español, VIII, 507.

[377] Valera, cap. lxxxiii-iv.--Castillo, cap. clx.--Memorial hist. español, VIII, 508.--Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. VIII, cap. vi.--Amador de los Rios, III, 159-60.

[378] Amador de los Rios, III, 234.

[379] Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos, II, lxxvii.

[380] Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV, 323-5, 327, 328, 330; XXIII, 431.

[381] Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. cxi.

[382] As this measure seems to have hitherto escaped attention, I give the text of the document--a passage in a letter from Ferdinand, May 12, 1486, to the inquisitors of Saragossa. "Devotos padres. Porque por esperiencia parece que todo el daño que en los cristianos se ha fallado del delicto de la heregia ha procedido de la conversacion y practica que con los judios han recebido las personas de su linage, ningun tan comodo remedio hay como apartarlo dentre ellos de la manera que se ha fecho en el arzobispo de Sevilla e obispados de Córdova e de Jaen, e pues en essa ciudad tanto e mas que en ninguna otra han dañado, es nuestra voluntad que los judios dessa ciudad luego sean desterrados dessa dicha ciudad e de todo el arzobispado de Çaragoça e obispado de Santa María de Albarracin como por el devoto padre Prior de Santa Cruz vos sera escrito e mandado."--Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 96.

While this is apparently confined to the Saragossa Jews, a letter of Ferdinand to Torquemada, July 22, 1486, alludes to the Jews of Teruel having been ordered by the inquisitors to depart within three months. He deems them justified in complaining that the term is too short, seeing that they have to pay and collect their debts and sell their houses and lands and he therefore suggests an extension of six months additional.--See Appendix.

[383] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. I, año 1492.--Mariana, Lib. XXIV, cap. xviii.--Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisitionis, pp. 144, 156, 163 (Madriti, 1598).--Garibay, Comp. Hist. Lib. XIX, c. iv.

[384] An account of the expulsion at the end of the Libro Verde de Aragon states this to be the cause (Revista de España, CVI, 567-8). Ribas Altas, however was burnt some years earlier, for in the Saragossa auto de fe of March 2, 1488, his mother Aldonça was burnt and the report alludes to his previous burning and relates the story.--Memoria de Diversos Autos, Auto 29 (see Appendix).

[385] Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, I, 458.

[386] Revista de España, CVI, 568-70. This correspondence was long used as a weapon against the New Christians. See Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discorso contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 55-7, 166 (Lisboa, 1623). Rodrigo prints it (Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 47).

[387] I have considered this notable case at some length in "Studies from the Religious History of Spain," pp. 437-68. It can be studied with accuracy in the records of the trial of one of the accused, Jucé Franco, printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XI, 1887) with ample elucidations. The Catalan version of the sentence is in _Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon_, XXVIII, 68. For the legend and cult of the Santo Niño see Martínez Moreno, _Historia del Martirio del Santo Niño de la Guardia_, Madrid, 1866.

[388] Páramo (p. 144) seems to be the earliest authority for this story and, as he tells it, it seems rather applicable to an attempt of the Conversos to buy off the Inquisition, but modern writers attribute it to the Jewish expulsion. See Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap. VIII, Art. 1, n. 5; Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, XVIII; Amador de los Rios, III, 272-3.

[389] Manuel de novells Ardits vulgarment appellat Dietari del Antich Consell Barceloni, III, 94 (Barcelona, 1894).

[390] Nueva Recopilacion Lib. VIII, Tit. ii, ley 2.--Novísima Recop., Lib. XII, Tit. i, ley 3.--Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. I, año 1492.--Amador de los Rios, III, 603-9.--Boletin, XI, 425, 512.

[391] Zurita, _loc. cit._

[392] See Appendix.

[393] Páramo, p. 167.--Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P. II, Lib. vi, cap. 20, § 2.

[394] Amador de los Rios, III, 403.

[395] Llorente, Hist. crít., Append, VI.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 87.

[396] Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, 51.

[397] Zurita, _loc. cit._--Páramo, p. 166.

[398] Graetz VIII, 348.--Bernaldez, cap. CXII.--The cruzado of Portugal was worth 365 maravedís, the same as the _dobla de la banda_. The ducat was worth 374.

[399] Lindo, History of the Jews, p. 287.--Chronicle of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 327.

[400] Graetz, VIII, 349.

[401] Bernaldez, cap. CX.--Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, P. IX, cap. 2.--Amador de los Rios, III, 311.--Lindo, p. 292.

[402] Amador de los Rios, III, 312.--Boletin, IX, 267, 286; XI, 427, 586.

[403] Graetz, VIII, 348.--Chrónicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos, XIII, 195).

[404] Bernaldez, cap. CXII, CXIII.

[405] Dami[=a]o de Goes, Chronica do Rei D. Manoel, P. I, cap. cii, ciii.

[406] Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 328.--Amador de los Rios, III, 332-3.

[407] Amador de los Rios, III, 320.--Zurita, _loc. cit._

[408] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 927, fol. 124.--Isidore Loeb (Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 179).--Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P. II, Lib. vi, cap. 20, § 2.--Kayserling, Biblioteca Española-Portugueza-Judaica, p. xi (Strasbourg, 1890).

[409] Nueva Recopilacion, Lib. VIII, Tit. ii, ley 3.--Novís. Recop., Lib. XII, Tit. i, ley 4.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[410] Bernaldez, cap. CXI.

[411] Arnaldin. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix (Valentiæ, 1534).

[412] Zurita, _loc. cit._--Mariana, Tom. VIII, p. 336 (Ed. 1795).--Páramo, p. 167.

[413] Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 182.

[414] Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 323-4.

[415] Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib. VIII, Epist. 157.

[416] Joan. Pici Mirandulæ in Astrologiam, Lib. V, cap. xii.

[417] Il Principe, cap. xxi.

[418] Arnald. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix.

[419] Censura et Confutatio Libri Talmud (Boletin, XXIII, 371-4).

The Jews distinguished between unwilling converts, whom they termed _Anusim_ and voluntary converts, or _Meschudanim_; the former they pitied and helped, the latter they abhorred. The Judaizing Christians were also sometimes called _Alboraycos_, from _alborak_ (the lightning), the marvellous horse brought to Mahomet by the angel Gabriel, which was neither a horse nor a mule nor male nor female (Ibid. p. 379). A still more abusive popular appellation was _Marrano_, which means both hog and accursed. For the controverted derivation of the word see Graetz, _Geschichte der Juden_, VIII, 76 (Ed. 1890), who also (p. 284) admits the attachment of many of the Conversos to the old religion.

[420] C. Dertusan. ann. 1429, c. ix (Aguirre, V, 337).

[421] Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 347.

[422] C. Basiliens. Sess. XIX, c. vi (Harduin. VIII, 1193).

[423] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 6.

[424] Fortalicium Fidei, Prolog. (Ed. 1494, fol. ii^{a}). The date of the _Fortalicium_ is commonly assigned to 1459, the year which it bears upon its rubric, but on fol. lxxvii^{b} the author speaks of 1460 years having elapsed since the birth of Christ and, as this is at nearly the first third of the book, it may not have been completed for a year or two later.

[425] Nicol. Anton. Bibl. Vet. Hispan. Lib. X, cap. ix.

[426] Amador de los Rios, III, 60, 136.--Valera, Memoria de diversas Hazañas, cap. iv.

[427] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlvi.

[428] Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxi, § 3.--Valera, _loc. cit._

[429] All recent Spanish authorities, I believe, assume that Fray Alonso was a Converso, but the learned Nicolás Antonio (_loc. cit._) says nothing about it, and Jo. Chr. Wolff (Bibl. Hebrææ II, 1123) points out that he nowhere alludes to his own experience as he could scarce have failed to do when accusing the Jews of matters which they denied. He cites (fol. cxlix^{a}) Pablo de Santa María, Bishop of Burgos, for their prayers against Christians and another learned Converso as to a secret connected with the Hebrew letters (fol. xciv^{a}). His knowledge concerning the Jews was thus wholly at second hand and his assaults on the Judaizing of the Conversos have every appearance of emanating from an Old Christian.

[430] The prayers attributed to the Jews were the subject of repeated repressive legislation. See _Ordenanzas Reales_, VIII, iii, 34.

[431] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlii-ix, clxxxi-iii.

[432] Fuero Juzgo, XII, iii, 27.--Fuero Real, IV, i, 1.--Partidas, VII, xxiv, 7. In fact, these laws seem to have been a dead letter almost from the first. I have not met with an instance of their enforcement.

[433] Fortalicium Fidei, fol. liii-liv, lxxv-vi, clxxviii-ix.

[434] Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii. See also Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisit., p. 134.

Bernaldez evidently derives his details from the inquisitorial sentences read at the autos de fe, in which these evidences of Judaism are recited in endless repetition.

[435] Amador de los Rios, III, 142.

[436] Castillo, Cróníca de Enrique IV, cap. liii.--Mariana Historia de España, Lib. XXIII, cap. vi.

[437] Modesto Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX, 227.

[438] Boletin, XXIII, 300-1.

[439] Vicente Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, II, 362.

[440] Córtes de los Antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, Madrid, 1861 _sqq._

[441] Archivio Vaticano. Sisto IV, Registro 679, Tom. I, fol. 52. I have printed this bull in the American Historical Review, I, 46.

[442] It was during Isabella's stay in Seville that, on September 2d, she confirmed, followed by Ferdinand at Xeres, October 18, 1477, a forged decree, ascribed to Frederic II, granting certain privileges to the Inquisition of Sicily. This was done at the request of Filippo de'Barbarj, subsequently Inquisitor of Sicily, then at the court, whom both monarchs qualify as their confessor. He is said to have exercised considerable influence with them in overcoming the opposition to the establishment of the Inquisition in Castile. With regard to the forged decree of Frederic II, see the author's "History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages," Vol. II, p. 288.

[443] Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. XX, cap. xlix.

[444] Pulgar, Chronica, P. II, cap. lxxvii.--Bernaldez, cap. xliii.--Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial hist. español, VI, 235).

[445] Páramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 134.

Padre Fidel Fita has pointed out the discrepancy in the dates.--Boletin, XVI, 559.

[446] Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.

[447] Páramo, p. 135.--Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial histórico español, VI, 235).

[448] Pulgar, Crónica, P. II, cap. clxxvii.--Pulgar (cap. iv) gives sole credit to Isabella for the extirpation of heresy.

[449] The proceedings of this important assembly have been printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XXII, 212-250).

[450] Printed by Dom Clemencin, Elogio de Doña Isabel, pp. 595-7.

[451] Fortalicium Fidei, Lib. II, consid. xi.--History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 512-13.

[452] This bull is embodied in the first proclamation of the inquisitors, Seville, January 2, 1481, printed by Padre Fita (Boletin, XV, 449-52). It had previously been looked upon as lost. Its main provisions, however, are embodied in the cédula of Dec. 27, 1480, printed in the notes to the Novísima Recopilacion, Ed. 1805, Tom. I, p. 260.

It is a little singular that the Inquisition possessed very few documents relating to its early history. In an elaborate _consulta_ of July 18, 1703, presented to Philip V on the affair of Fray Froilan Diaz, the Suprema states that it had had all the records searched with little result; many important papers had been sent to Aragon and Catalonia and had never been returned; the rest were in a chest delivered to the Count of Villalonga, secretary of Philip III, to arrange and classify and on his arrest and the sequestration of his effects they disappeared.--Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 198.

It is quite possible that the contents of the chest form the "Bulario de la Inquisicion perteneciente á la Orden de Santiago," consisting of eight Libros, or folio volumes (five of originals and three of copies) now in the Archivo Histórico Nacional. It is from this collection that Padre Fita has printed the proclamation above alluded to and many other important documents, and it will be seen that I have made large use of it under the name of "_Bulario de la Orden de Santiago_." There are also vast stores of records in the Archivo Histórico Nacional of Madrid, in the archives of Simancas and Barcelona, and some in the Vatican Library. Llorente burnt many papers before leaving Madrid and carried others to Paris, some of which are in the Bibliothèque Nationale, _fonds espagnol_. The Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid also has a large number and others are dispersed through the various libraries of Europe or are in private hands.

[453] See his brief of January 29, 1482, printed by Llorente, Historia Crítica, Append. n. 1.

[454] History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 331.

[455] Archivo General de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3684, fol. 1. See Appendix.

[456] Fidel Fita, Boletin, XVI, 452.--Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap. V, art. ii.--Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, p. 22 (Sevilla, 1849).

[457] Boletin, XV, 453-7. This was fairly within the rules of the canon law but it did not put an end to the sheltering of fugitives from the Inquisition by nobles who doubtless found it profitable. In some instructions issued by Torquemada, December 6, 1484, there is one regulating the relations between such nobles and the receiver of confiscations.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[458] Bernaldez, cap. xliv. The castle of Triana continued to be the seat of the Inquisition of Seville until 1626, when it was threatened with ruin by the inundations of the Guadalquivir, and the tribunal was removed to the palace of the Caballeros Tellos Taveros in the Colacion de San Marcos. In 1639 it returned to the castle, which had been repaired and it remained there until 1789, when the continual encroachment of_the river caused its transfer to the Colegio known as las Becas.--Varflora, Compendio histórico-descriptivo de Sevilla, P. II, cap. 1 (Sevilla, 1789).--Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1693, n. 1.

The Counts of San Lucar were hereditary alcaides of Triana; in return for surrendering the castle they received the office of alguazil mayor of the Inquisition, which continued to be held by their representatives the Marquises of Leganes--a bargain which was ratified by Philip IV, November 8, 1634. In 1707 the office was valued at 150,000 maravedís a year, out of which the holder provided a deputy.--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 105.

[459] Amador de los Rios, III, 247-8.--Bernaldez, cap. xliii.--Fidel Fita, Boletin, XVI, 450 _sqq._, 557 _sqq._

As the parricide committed by the Fermosa Fembra entailed poverty and disgrace on her, through the confiscation of her father's property and the disabilities inflicted on his descendants, the Church interested itself in her fate. Rainaldo Romero, Bishop of Tiberias, secured for her entrance into a convent, but it can readily be understood that life there was not rendered pleasant to her and she quitted it, without taking the vows, to follow a career of shame. Her beauty disappeared and she died in want, leaving directions that her skull should be placed as a warning over the door of the house which had been the scene of her disorderly life. Her wishes were obeyed and it is still to be seen in the Calle del Artaud, near its entrance, hard by the Alcázar.--Amador de los Rios, III, 249.

[460] Bernaldez, cap. xliv. Rodrigo tells us (Hist. verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 74-6) that only five were burnt who refused all offers of reconciliation and were impenitent to the last, but the contemporary Bernaldez says that Diego de Susan died as a good Christian in the second auto.

[461] Bernaldez, cap. xliv.--Amador de los Rios, III, 250.--Field's Old Spain and New Spain, p. 279.

The remark of the good Cura de los Palacios in describing the _quemadero_ is "en que los quemaban y fasta que haya heregía los quemarán." The cost of the four statues was defrayed by a gentleman named Mesa, whose zeal won for him the position of familiar of the Holy Office and receiver of confiscations. He was, however, discovered to be a Judaizer and was himself burnt on the _quemadero_ which he had adorned.--Rodrigo, II, 79-80.

[462] Bernaldez, cap. xliv.

[463] Llorente, Añales de la Inquisicion, I, 44.

[464] Amador de los Rios, III, 252. Rodrigo (Hist. Verdad. II, 76) states that the first act of the inquisitors was the issue of the proclamation of the Term of Grace on January 2d, but this is scarce consistent with the narrative of Bernaldez.

[465] Bernaldez, cap. xliv.

[466] Páramo, p. 136.--Boletin, XV, 462.

[466a] It is very questionable whether a tribunal was established at Segovia thus early. Colmenares (Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxiv, § 18) asserts it positively, but the only tribunals represented in the assembly of organization, held in November, 1484, were Seville, Córdova, Jaen and Ciudad-Real. There was at first some resistance at Segovia on the part of the bishop, Juan Arias Dávila, who was of Jewish descent.--Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xlv.

In Ciudad-Real, the earliest inquisitors, in 1483, were the Licentiate Pedro Díaz de la Costana and the Doctor Francisco de la Fuente (Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 154, n. 375). Neither of these was a Dominican and the latter subsequently became an inquisitor-general and bishop successively of Avila and of Córdova.

In Córdova the Inquisition was established in 1482, with four inquisitors--the Bachilleres Anton Rúiz de Morales and Alvar González de Capillas, Doctor Pedro Martínez de Barrio, and Fray Martin Cazo, Guardian of the Franciscan convent. The first auto de fe was celebrated in 1483, when one of the victims was the concubine of the treasurer of the cathedral, Pedro Fernández de Alcaudete, who himself was burnt on February 28, 1484. His servants resisted his arrest and in the fray the alguazil of the Inquisition was killed.--Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de Córdova, pp. 1-2 (Córdova, 1839).

[467] "En publica forma e se avia fecho en esta dicha ciudad por el Doctor Thomás, juez delegado e inquisidor deputado por el reverendisimo señor Don Alfonso Carrillo, arzobispo que fué deste dicho arzobispado de Toledo."--Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Legajos 139, n. 145; 143, n. 196.

[468] Ibidem, Legajos 139, n. 145; 154, n. 356, 375.

[469] Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 262.

[470] Páramo, p. 170.--Padre Fidel Fita has compiled a chronological list of the trials at Ciudad-Real preserved in the Archivo Hist. Nacional (Boletin, XI, 311 _sqq._). These are included in the _Catálogo de las Causas contra la Fe seguidas ante el Tribunal del Santo Oficio de Toledo_, by D. Miguel Gómez del Campillo (Madrid, 1903).

[471] Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293).

[472] Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293-4).--Arch. Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3864, fol. 31.--Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 323.--Pulgar, Crónica, P. III, cap. 100.

Legally, Jews were not allowed to testify against Christians and the prohibition to receive such evidence was emphatically included in the ferocious bull of Nicholas V, in 1447, but, as we shall see, in the Inquisition, all accusing witnesses, however infamous, were welcomed.

How distasteful Ferdinand knew would be the work prescribed to the Aragonese magistracy is seen by his imperious command that it must be done--"e por cosa del mundo no fagais lo contrario ni recusais de lo facer porque nos seria tan molesto que no lo podriamos con paciencia tolerar."

[473] Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 295-6).

In 1629 a well-informed writer tells us that many of those who came forward and thus accused themselves were in reality good Christians, who, in the time while Jews were yet tolerated, had associated with them in their synagogues and weddings and funerals and had bought meat of their butchers. Terrified at the proceedings of the Inquisition they came and confessed and were reconciled, thus casting an indelible stain on their posterity when the records of the tribunals were searched and their names were found.--Tratado de los Estatutos de Limpieza, cap. 10 (Bibl. Nac. Seccion de MSS. Q, 418).

[474] Relacion (Ibid. pp. 292 _sqq._, 297, 299, 301-2, 303).

In the closing years of the fifteenth century and the opening ones of the sixteenth there seems to have been a special raid made on Guadalajara. In a list of cases of that period I find 965 credited to that place.--Arch. Hist. Nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 262, n. 1.

[475] Páramo, pp. 138-9.--Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXIII, 284 _sqq._--Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 108.

[476] Toledo, Cronicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos ineditos, XIII, 176, 179).--Pulgar, Chron. P. III, cap. 100.

[477] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I. Unfortunately my copy of this important volume and also of Libro 933 are not folioed. The dates of the documents however will sufficiently guide the investigator desirous of verifying the references.

[478] A list of these, made in the last century, is printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XV, 332). It is probably not wholly complete. Of later date than 1500 there are ten _reconciliados_--one each in 1509 and 1516 and eight in 1629--sent thither by the tribunals in which they were tried.

Further details as to the organization of the various tribunals will be found in the Appendix.

[479] Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxv, § 18.--Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib. XVIII, cap. 16.

[480] Páramo, p. 137.--Llorente, Añales, I, 73.--Zurita, Añales, Lib. XX, cap. xlix--Instruciones de Sevilla, 1484, Prólogo (Arguello, fol. 2).--Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajo 2843.

In the conference of Seville in 1484, besides the inquisitors and the members of the Council there are mentioned as present Juan Gutiérrez de Lachaves, and Tristan de Medina, whom Llorente (Añales, I, 74) conjectures to have been assistants of Torquemada.

[481] Folch de Cardona, in the Consulta of the Suprema to Philip V, July 18, 1703, states that the earliest bull in the archives was one of Sixtus IV in 1483 appointing Torquemada inquisitor-general with power to deputize inquisitors and to hear cases in the first instance. It was not till 1486 that Innocent VIII granted him appellate jurisdiction.--Bibl. Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 199.

The title of Inquisitor-general was not immediately invented. In a sentence pronounced at Ciudad-Real, March 15, 1485, Torquemada is styled simply "juez principal ynquisidor."--Arch. Hist. Nac. Inq. de Toledo, Legajo 165, n. 551.

[482] Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 630; IV, 125. Yet modern apologists do not hesitate to argue that the papacy sought to mitigate the severity of the Spanish Inquisition (Gams, Zur Geschichte der spanischen Staatsinquisition, pp. 20-1; Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, p. 269; Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 582), basing their assertions on the eagerness of the curia to entertain appeals, of which more hereafter.

[483] Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 28. anll, IV, 126.

[486] Páramo, p. 156.

[487] Arch. Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3486, fol. 45.--Páramo, p. 137.

[488] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 6, 8.--"ad nostrum et dictæ sedis beneplacitum."

The original appointments of Miguel de Morillo and Juan de San Martin were similarly _ad beneplacitum_ (Ibid. fol. 10), which may perhaps explain their assertion of independence of Torquemada.

[489] Ibid. fol. 3, 11, 13, 15, 20; Lib. IV, fol. 91, 118, 137; Lib. V, fol. 117, 136, 138, 151, 199, 200, 251, 264, 295.--Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.

[490] Instruciones de Sevilla (Arguello, Copilacion de las Instruciones, fol. 2, Madrid, 1630).

[491] Páramo, p. 156.

[492] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 8, 10.--Monteiro, Historia da Inquisiçaõ, II, 415.--Boletin, XV, 490.--Ripoll IV, 5, 6.

Somewhat similar was the question which arose, in 1507, on the retirement of Diego Deza and the appointment of Ximenes as inquisitor-general of Castile. His commission as usual contained the power of appointing and removing or punishing all subordinates, but those who derived their commissions from Deza seem to have claimed that they were not amenable to Ximenes and it required a special brief from Julius II, August 18, 1509, to establish his authority over them.--Bulario, Lib. III, fol. 68; Lib. I de copias, fol. 30.

[493] Llorente, Añales, I, 214.--Francisco de la Fuente, as we have seen was inquisitor of Ciudad-Real as early as 1483. Alonso de Fuentelsaz in 1487 was one of the inquisitors of Toledo and was then merely a doctor.--Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 176, n. 673.

[494] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.--"Inquisitores generales in omnibus regnis et dominiis serenissimorum regis et reginæ dominorum nostrorum subdelegati a reverendissimo patre nostro fratre Thoma de Torquemada ... inquisitore generali."

Yet we have the commission of Martin of Messina, in 1494, issued directly by the pope.--Bulario, Lib. I de copias, fol. 3.

[495] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.--Arguello, fol. 12.--Marieta, Hist. Ecles. Lib. XII, cap. xcii.

Torquemada was buried in a chapel of the church of his convent of Santo Tomás in Avila. In 1572 the body was removed to another chapel to make room for the interment of Francisco de Soto de Salazar, Bishop of Salamanca, when it gave forth a supernatural odor of delicious sweetness, greatly confusing to those engaged in the sacrilegious task. The Dominican provincial punished the authors of the translation and the historian Garibay petitioned the Inquisitor-general Quiroga to have the remains restored to their original resting-place, which was done in 1586.--Memorias de Garibay, Tit. X (Mem. hist. esp. VII, 393).

An anonymous biographer, writing in 1655, tells us that he retired to the convent of Avila two years before his death, Sept. 26, 1498 and that he has always there been reputed as a saint.--Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.

[496] Arch. de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 22.--Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 136.

[497] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 11, 12.

[498] Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.

[499] Ibid. Lib. I; Lib. II, fol. 35.

[500] Correspondence of Francisco de Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 462).

[501] Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 13, 15.

[502] Ibid. fol. 20, 72.--Gachard, Correspondance de Charles-Quint et d'Adrien VI, p. 235.

[503] Páramo, p. 137.

[504] Pulgar, Crónica, P. III, cap. c.--Archivo General de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[505] Inquisitor-general Manrique caused the _Instruciones Antiguas_ to be printed collectively, with a supplement classifying the several articles under the head of the officials whose duties they defined. This was issued in Seville in 1537 and a copy is preserved in the Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld. A. Subt. 15. Another edition was issued in Madrid in 1576, a copy of which is in the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid, Seccion de MSS. S, 299, fol. 1. It was reprinted again in Madrid, in 1627 and 1630, together with the _Instruciones Nuevas_, by Caspar Isidro de Arguello. It is to this last edition that my references will be made. All these texts vary in some particulars from the originals preserved in the Simancas Archives, Inquisicion, Libro 933. Where such deviations are of importance they will be noted hereafter. Professor Ernst Schäfer has performed the service of reprinting the Arguello edition, with a German translation, in the _Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte_,1904.