Chapter XLII: Appendix: II (3)

[519] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 11, 1861. As early as Jan. 14, 1861, Governor Moore reported that the poorest classes were in want and that much suffering, perhaps starvation, would result unless aid were given. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 51. The soldiers' families were reported to be almost destitute in April, 1861. _Idem_, p. 220.

[520] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 31, 1861.

[521] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 29, 1861.

[522] Annual Cyclopædia (1862), p. 9.

[523] Jones, "Diary," Vol. I, pp. 194, 198.

[524] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 8, 1862.

[525] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 11, 1862.

[526] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 8, 1862.

[527] Act of Gen. Assembly, Oct. 16, 1864.

[528] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Oct. 9 and Dec. 9, 1862, and Aug. 29, 1863. Miller, "Alabama," p. 167.

[529] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 26, 1862.

[530] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 28, 1862.

[531] Jones, "Diary," Vol. I, p. 194.

[532] Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 6.

[533] _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 26, 1863.

[534] Act, April 19, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 18th Sess.; Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 5, 1863.

[535] Act of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 29, 1863.

[536] Act of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 27, 1863.

[537] Act of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 27, 1863.

[538] Resolutions of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 27, 1863.

[539] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863.

[540] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 4 and Dec. 7, 1863.

[541] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Oct. 7, 1864, and Dec. 13, 1864.

[542] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 9, 1864.

[543] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 13, 1864.

[544] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 4, 1864.

[545] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1862, Aug. 27 and 29, 1863, and Dec. 13, 1864.

[546] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863. There were Confederate soldiers who were paid only twice in two years' service, and then not enough to buy a new uniform. The following incident is related of the 9th Alabama Infantry: at Chancellorsville some Federals had been captured by the regiment, and as they were being sent back over the field covered with dead Federals, one of the prisoners remarked: "You rebs are sharper than you used to be. You used to shoot us anywhere; now you shoot us in the head so as not to bloody our clothes." The 9th was a regiment of sharpshooters from north Alabama. The narrator says that the prisoner was alluding to "the practice of stripping the dead of their clothing to cover our nakedness."--"The Land We Love," Vol. II, pp. 216.

[547] The legislature had offered $200,000 for 50,000 pairs of shoes, but received none.

[548] Miller, p. 167; Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 32, 196.

[549] Resolutions of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 28, 1863.

[550] Miller, "Alabama," p. 229.

[551] Miller, p. 198.

[552] Miller, "Alabama," pp. 198, 199, 229.

[553] Saunders, "Early Settlers," p. 68.

[554] Saunders, "Early Settlers," p. 206; Hague, "Blockaded Family"; Clayton, "White and Black under the Old Régime"; "Our Women in the War."

[555] Governor Shorter's Proclamation, March 1, 1862; Annual Cyclopædia (1862), p. 9.

[556] Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 6; Resolution, April 4, 1863, Pub. Laws, 15th Cong., 3d Sess.

[557] A report to Davis in October, 1864, stated that Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi had been supplying the Confederate armies. Georgia was exhausted, and Alabama, having sent 125,000 pounds of bacon, could do no more. Pollard, "Lost Cause," pp. 648-649. But in remote counties were large stores of supplies that could not be moved for want of transportation facilities.

[558] "Our Women in the War," p. 275 _et seq._

[559] Moore, "Rebellion Records," p. 3; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 701.

[560] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 11, 1862.

[561] Jones, "Diary," Vol. I, p. 198; Schwab, p. 180.

[562] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 8, 1862.

[563] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 13, 1864.

[564] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1862.

[565] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863.

[566] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, p. 971.

[567] In September, 1864, Surgeon Richard Potts was instructed to buy all the apple brandy to be had, at not more than $35 a gallon, but to purchase as a private individual in order not to have to pay too much. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 682.

[568] Saunders, "Early Settlers of Alabama," p. 29; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 608.

[569] See also article by C. C. Jones, Jr., in _Magazine of American History_, Vol. XVI, pp. 168-175; J. W. Beverly (colored), "History of Alabama," p. 22.

[570] Act, Jan. 31, 1861; Beverly, "Alabama," p. 200.

[571] April 15 and 21, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 2d Sess.

[572] Acts, Oct. 31 and Nov. 20, 1862.

[573] Resolutions, Aug. 29, 1863.

[574] I have known two men who hired negro substitutes to go to the army, and the negroes having been killed in battle, the whites were forced to go.

[575] Beverly, "Alabama," p. 200; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 198, 199, 207; Curry, "Civil History," p. 110; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 933.

[576] John S. Wise, "End of an Era," pp. 161, 212, speaks of the impression made by the 3d Alabama before and after the two years' service. The privates in one company in this regiment paid tax on $3,000,000.

[577] See also Beverly, "Alabama," p. 200. Several of these old body-servants have related their experiences to me.

[578] _Sewanee Review_, Vol. II, pp. 94-95; Acts of Ala., Nov. 20, 1863, and Resolution of Aug. 29, 1863; Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 10.

[579] See also C. C. Jones, Jr., in the _Magazine of American History_, Vol. XVI, pp. 168-175. When the war ended General (now Senator) Morgan was recruiting near Selma for a Confederate negro brigade.

[580] His master was named Godwin. Horace learned to make bridges, and became so skilful and was so much in demand that he was set free. By special act of the Alabama legislature he was given civil rights and at once he became a slave owner. After the war he was in Republican politics for a while, but soon went back to bridge-building.

[581] Some masters, like General John B. Gordon, informed their slaves that the victory of the North meant the freedom of the negroes. See Ku Klux Rept., Ga. Test., and _Sewanee Review_, Vol. II, p. 95. I have been told by ex-slaves that the negroes in the quarters believed from the first that their freedom would follow the defeat of the masters, but that few slaves believed that their masters could be defeated.

[582] The following are some of the various occupations in which slaves relieved whites: spinners, weavers, dyers, cutters and dressmakers, body-servants, butlers, coachmen, gardeners, carpenters, planters, brick masons, painters, tanners, shoemakers, harness makers, barrel makers, wheelwrights, blacksmiths, machinists, engineers, millers, seine and sail makers, and ship carpenters, besides farm occupations. Nearly all of the skilled laborers were negroes. Their industrial capacity was even greater during the war than in time of peace. President Winston in Proceedings of Fourth Conference for Education in the South, pp. 40, 41. See also the books of Miss Hague, Mrs. Clayton, and Booker T. Washington.

[583] Harrison, "Gospel Among the Slaves," p. 299.

[584] See Mallard, pp. 209, 210; Hague, "Blockaded Family"; Clayton, "White and Black"; "Our Women in War"; _Sewanee Review_, Vol. II, p. 95.

[585] See Mallard, p. 210; _Sewanee Review_, Vol. II, pp. 94-95; _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874.

[586] It has been estimated that one-fourth of the total number of negroes was not engaged in field labor, but in some kind of service which brought them into close relations with the whites. Tillinghast, "Negro in Africa and America," p. 126. And on the farms and smaller plantations also the blacks knew their "white folks."

[587] See W. H. Thomas, "American Negro," p. 41.

[588] The experiences of Reconstruction showed that the negro had only to feel the touch of a stronger hand, and, with most of them, the attachments of a lifetime were of no force. The negro was as wax in the hands of a stronger race. Hence the influence of the carpet-baggers, who were for a time the stronger power.

[589] Harrison, "Gospel among the Slaves," pp. 299, 300; McTyeire, "A History of Methodism"; Riley, "Baptists in Alabama"; Mallard, "Plantation Life," p. 74 _et seq._ W. H. Thomas (colored), "American Negro," pp. 41, 149, gives as reasons why the slaves did not revolt during the war: (1) genuine affection for the whites; (2) the desire on the part of the negro to do the duty intrusted to him; (3) and most important--the supreme and all-pervading influence of religion. The mission work among the negroes was kept up all during the war. Harrison, pp. 292-300; Tichenor, "Work of Southern Baptists among the Negroes" (pamphlet).

[590] Harrison, pp. 299, 300. For general information in regard to the negroes during the war, consult Beverly (colored), "Alabama," pp. 201, 202; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 142-157; Mallard, "Plantation Life"; Washington, "Up from Slavery"; Washington, "Future of the American Negro"; Thomas, "The American Negro"; Tillinghast, "Negro in Africa and America"; Hague, "A Blockaded Family"; Clayton, "White and Black under the Old Régime"; Smedes, "Southern Planter"; "Our Women in War."

[591] W. G. Clark, "Education in Alabama," pp. 87-92; W. G. Clark, "The Progress of Education," in "Memorial Record," Vol. I, p. 160; Acts, 1st Called Sess. (1861), p. 56; _N. Y. Daily News_, May 29, 1865; _Century Magazine_, Nov., 1889. In recent years Congress has made a grant of lands in north Alabama to replace the burned buildings. Rept. Comr. of Ed., 1899-1900, Vol. I, p. 484.

[592] Clark, "Education in Alabama," pp. 149, 152, 153, 156; "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 453.

[593] Clark, "Education in Alabama," pp. 164, 174, 179, 180.

[594] Clark, "Education in Alabama," pp. 204, 208, 259; Acts, 1st Called Sess. (1861), pp. 67, 70, 82, 113; Acts, 2d Called Sess. and 1st Regular Sess., pp. 92, 93, 94; Brewer, "Alabama," p. 347.

[595] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 513.

[596] Clark, "Education in Alabama," pp. 6, 7, 224, 226, 229, 239, 259; Ingle, "Southern Side-Lights," p. 172.

[597] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862; 1st Cong., 2d Sess., Oct. 11, 1862.

[598] Acts, 1st Called Sess. (1861), p. 82.

[599] Acts (1862), p. 97.

[600] Acts, 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess. (1861), pp. 65, 182, 183, 223, 253, 255; Acts of 1863 and 1864, _passim_.

[601] My chief source of information in regard to the common schools during the war has been the accounts of persons who were teachers and pupils in the schools.

[602] From 1863 to 1865 W. G. Clark and Co. of Mobile, the chief educational publishers of the state, brought out a series of five readers, "The Chaudron Series,"--by Adelaide de V. Chaudron, a well-known writer of Mobile. Large numbers were sold. S. H. Goetzel of Mobile published Madame Chaudron's spelling-book, of which 40,000 copies were sold in 1864 and 1865. W. G. Clark and Co. printed a revision of Colburn's Mental Arithmetic in 1864. A Mental Arithmetic by G. Y. Browne of Tuscaloosa is dated Atlanta, 1865, but was probably published in North Carolina. In 1864 W. G. Clark and Co. announced "A Book of Geographical Questions." Before the close of the war Confederate text-books were quite common in the state. The series were usually named "Confederate," "Dixie," "Texas," "Virginia," etc. Stephen B. Weeks, in "A Preliminary Bibliography of Confederate Text-books" (Rept. of Comr. of Ed., 1898-1899, Vol. I, p. 1139), lists 16 primers, 14 spellers, 29 readers, 4 geographies, 1 dictionary, 12 arithmetics, 12 grammars, 8 books in foreign languages, 20 Sunday-school and religious works, and 10 miscellaneous educational publications. Those published in Georgia, North and South Carolina, and Virginia sold largely in Alabama. Few came from the West. See also Yates Snowden, "Confederate Books."

[603] See Weeks, "Bibliography of Confederate Text-books."

[604] See Mrs. Clayton, "White and Black," p. 115, and Hague, "Blockaded Family."

[605] See Hague, "A Blockaded Family." Miss Hague was a teacher in a plantation school during the war.

[606] W. W. Screws, "Alabama Journalism," in "Memorial Record," Vol. II, pp. 195, 234.

[607] Screws, pp. 194, 195, 205, 212, 218, 233, 234; Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862; 2d Sess., Oct. 11, 1862; Yates Snowden, "Confederate Books."

[608] Screws, pp. 161, 166, 188, 192, 231.

[609] See also Yates Snowden, "Confederate Books." I have examined copies of most of the books mentioned.

[610] Riley, "History of the Baptists of Alabama," p. 279.

[611] McPherson, "Rebellion," p. 514.

[612] Smith, "Life and Letters of James Osgood Andrew," p. 473.

[613] _N. Y. World_, Dec. 26, 1860.

[614] Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," p. 291.

[615] McPherson, "Rebellion," p. 591.

[616] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862, and 2d Sess., Oct. 11, 1862.

[617] Acts of Ala., Dec. 9, 12, and 13, 1864.

[618] _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 30, 1865.

[619] Rev. J. William Jones, "The Great Revival in the Southern Armies"; Rev. J. William Jones, "Confederate Military History," Vol. XII, p. 119 _et seq._; Bennett, "The Great Revival in the Southern Armies"; Alexander, "History of the Methodist Church South," p. 74.

[620] Hague, "Blockaded Family," pp. 111, 112, 142; Ball, "Clarke County," p. 283.

[621] For one instance, see Hague, "Blockaded Family," p. 141; and for others, Jones on the "Morale of the Confederate Armies," in Vol. XII, "Confederate Military History."

[622] By the Alabama Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, there was appropriated for slave missions in the state

From 1829 to 1844 $17,366.36
From 1845 to 1864 340,166.67

Before the separation the planters were not favorably inclined toward Methodist missionaries on account of the attitude of the northern section of the church. They preferred the Baptists and Presbyterians, who did most of their work with the blacks in connection with the white congregations. After the separation, in 1845, there was a greater demand for Methodist missionaries. Many planters of the Episcopal Church paid the salaries of Baptist and Methodist missionaries to their slaves, and erected chapels for their use. Harrison, "Gospel among the Slaves," pp. 302, 312, 313, 326. In 1860 there were 20,577 negro southern Methodists in Alabama, about half of whom were attached to the white churches and the rest to plantation missions. The number was rapidly increasing. The number of negro Baptists was much greater, but there are no exact statistics of membership. There were smaller numbers in all the other churches.

[623] The following statistics relate to colored mission work by the Methodists:--

=================================================================
YEAR| NUMBER OF MISSIONS |MEMBERS|MISSIONARIES|APPROPRIATIONS
----|-----------------------|-------|------------|---------------
1859| 38 | 8381 | 39 | $25,849.10
1860| 40 | 9208 | 40 | 27,091.66
1861| 40 | ---- | 40 | 27,091.66
1862| 36 | 8962 | 35 | 10,800.00
1863| 37 | 9020 | 37 | 31,311.59
1864| 22 | 5153 | 22 | 24,508.00
|(Montgomery Conference)| | |
1864| 23 | 5684 | 33 | 26,938.16
| (Mobile Conference) | | |
1865| | | |Some money was
| | | | raised in 1864
| | | | for 1865.
=================================================================

The General Conference raised, in 1862, $93,509.87 for negro missions; in 1864, $158,421.96; and, for 1865, $80,000.

[624] Harrison, p. 314.

[625] Riley, "Baptists of Alabama."

[626] Hague, pp. 10, 11.

[627] Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 286, 300; McTyeire, "A History of Methodism," p. 671; Tichenor, "The Work of the Baptists among the Negroes." The war records of the churches show that sometimes the slaves gave more money for church purposes than the whites; for example, in the Methodist church of Auburn, Ala.

[628] Smith, "Methodists in Georgia and Florida."

[629] McPherson, p. 521.

[630] McPherson, p. 521.

[631] McPherson, pp. 521, 522; Nicolay and Hay, Vol. V, p. 337.

[632] See _Gulf States Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1902, on "The Churches in Alabama during Civil War and Reconstruction"; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, p. 718; _Southern Review_, April, 1872, p. 414; _Boston Journal_, Nov. 15, 1864; McTyeire, "A History of Methodism," p. 673.

[633] Richardson, "Lights and Shadows of Itinerant Life," p. 183.

[634] See Whitaker's paper in Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV, p. 211 _et seq._

[635] Col. Higginson seems to understand the influence of the women, but not the reason for their interest in public questions. He says: "But for the women of the seceding states, the War of the Rebellion would have been waged more feebly, been sooner ended, and far more easily forgotten.... Had the voters of the South been all women, it would have plunged earlier into the gulf of secession, dived deeper, and come up even more reluctantly." Higginson, "Common Sense about Women," pp. 54, 209. Professor Burgess, with a better understanding, explains the reason for the interest of the women in sectional questions. He says that, after the attempt of John Brown to incite the slaves to insurrection, "especially did terror and bitterness take possession of the hearts of the women of the South, who saw in slave insurrection not only destruction and death, but that which to feminine virtue is a thousand times worse than the most terrible death. For those who would excite such a movement or sympathize with anybody who would excite such a movement, the women of the South felt a hatred as undying as virtue itself. Men might still hesitate ... but the women were united and resolute, and their unanimous exhortation was: 'Men of the South, defend the honor of your mothers, your wives, your sisters, and your daughters. It is your highest and most sacred duty.'" Burgess, "Civil War and the Constitution," Vol. I, p. 42.

[636] "Our Women in War," _passim_; Ball, "Clarke County," pp. 261-274; oral accounts, scrap-books, letters.

[637] One of my acquaintances says that quite often she had only bread, milk, and syrup twice a day. Sometimes she was unable to eat any breakfast, but after spinning an hour or two she was hungry enough to eat. To many the diet was very healthful, but the sick and the delicate often died for want of proper food.

[638] At the close of the war my mother was twelve years old; for more than two years she had been doing a woman's task at spinning. Her sister had been spinning for a year, though she was only six years old.

[639] Many of the heavier articles woven during the war, such as coverlets, counterpanes, rugs, etc., are still, after forty years, almost as good as new.

[640] Acts, Dec., 1861, 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess., p. 70.

[641] Hague, "Blockaded Family," _passim_; Miller, pp. 223-232; "Our Women in the War," p. 275 _et seq._; Clayton, "White and Black under the Old Régime," pp. 112-149; Porcher, "Resources of the Southern Fields and Forests," pp. 70, 107, 284-295, 351, 372, 657.

[642] Clayton, "White and Black under the Old Régime"; Hague, "Blockaded Family," _passim_; Miller, p. 229; Jacobs, "Drug Conditions," p. 16; oral accounts; Porcher, _passim_.

[643] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 1073-1075; Jacobs, "Drug Conditions."

[644] Jacobs, pp. 4-6, 12-14, 16-21; Porcher, p. 65.

[645] Hague, "Blockaded Family."

[646] Jacobs, "Drug Conditions," pp. 4-6, 12-14, 16-21; Hague, "Blockaded Family," _passim_; "Our Women in the War"; Ball, "Clarke County"; Miller, "Alabama"; Porcher; Pub. So. Hist. Ass'n, March, 1903.

[647] Smedes, "A Southern Planter," p. 226.

[648] In the early part of the war when a soldier received a slight wound he was given a furlough for a few weeks until he was well again. Slight wounds came to be called "furloughs," and some soldiers when particularly homesick are said to have exposed themselves unnecessarily in order to get a "furlough."

[649] See _Boston Journal_, Sept. 29 and Nov. 15, 1864.

[650] See Mrs. Clayton's "White and Black" in regard to rations for negroes.

[651] See Acts of Ala., Nov. 28 and 30, 1861, Dec. 9, 1862, and Dec. 8, 1863; Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV, pp. 219 _et seq._

[652] It was estimated that one-fourth of the people of the state were furnished for three years with meal and salt.

[653] Moore, "Rebellion Record," Vol. IV (1862).

[654] _N. Y. News_, March 29, 1864, from the _Richmond Whig_, from the _Mobile Evening News_; oral accounts. There were numbers of women who actually cut off their hair, thinking that it could be sold through the blockade. For a while they were hopeful and enthusiastic in regard to the plan of selling their hair.

[655] P. A. Hague's "Blockaded Family" is the best account of life in Alabama during the war. Mrs. Clayton's "White and Black under the Old Régime" is very good, but brief. "Our Women in the War" is a valuable collection of articles by a number of women. Nearly all the incidents mentioned I have heard related by relatives and friends. "John Holden, Unionist," by T. C. De Leon, gives a good account of life in the hill country. Mary A. H. Gay's "Life in Dixie during the War" and Miller's "History of Alabama" give information based on personal experiences. Porcher's "Resources of the Southern Fields and Forests," published in 1863, is a mine of information in regard to economic conditions in the South. Porcher quotes much from the newspapers and from correspondence. The second edition, published in 1867, omits much of the more interesting material.

[656] In his inaugural proclamation of July 20 (or 21), 1865, Governor Parsons gives the following figures:--

Alabama male population (1860), 15 to 60 years 126,587
Connecticut male population (1860), 15 to 60 years 120,249
Alabama soldiers enlisted 122,000
Connecticut soldiers enlisted 40,000
Alabama soldiers died in service 35,000
Alabama soldiers disabled 35,000

_N. Y. Times_, Aug. 2, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 11, 1865; Parsons's Message, Nov. 22, 1865; Parsons's Speech at Cooper Institute, Nov. 13, 1865.

[657] Fowler's Report, Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. II, p. 188.

[658] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.

[659] _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 31, 1865.

[660] Southern Hist. Soc. Papers, Vol. XV (Paroles at Appomattox); Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 233; Brewer, "Regimental Histories."

[661] Census of 1866, _Selma Times and Messenger_, March 24, 1868.

[662]

WHITES BLACKS
1860 526,271 1860 437,770
1866 522,799 1866 423,445
1870 521,384 1870 475,510

Censuses of 1860, 1866, 1870.

[663] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.

[664] Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 141.

[665] Miller, "Alabama," p. 141 (Auditor's Report).

[666] 1860, 6,385,724 acres; 1880, 6,375,706 acres.

[667] 1860, $7,433,178; 1890, $4,511,645; 1900, $8,675,900.

[668] Which must be reduced by one-fifth for depreciated currency.

[669] See Census Bulletin, No. 155, 12th Census.

[670] Census, 1860 and 1900; Miller, "Alabama," p. 235.

[671] _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 2, 1865 (Truman).

[672] The explosion was caused by fire reaching the ordnance stores left by the Confederate troops. One of the cotton agents claimed that 9000 bales of cotton were destroyed for him in the explosion. But the government held otherwise. It was charged, without satisfactory proof, that the cotton agents caused the explosion to cover their shortage.

[673] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 321.

[674] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 427.

[675] M. G. Molinari, "Lettres sur les États-Unis et le Canada," p. 233; Somers, "Southern States," pp. 181, 183.

[676] Somers, "Southern States," p. 114; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.

[677] John Hardy, "History of Selma," pp. 51, 52; Reid, "After the War," pp. 211, 214, 222, 371; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 233-235; Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. (Patton to Congress); _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 2, Oct. 31, and Aug. 17, 1865; Riley, "History of Conecuh County"; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 304, 305; Brewer, "Alabama," pp. 65, 69; Brown, "Alabama," pp. 254, 256; DuBose, "Alabama," pp. 114, 115; "Our Women in the War," p. 277 _et seq._

[678] Somers, "Southern States," p. 115.

[679] Somers, "Southern States," p. 115.

[680] Somers, "Southern States," p. 114.

[681] Reid, "After the War," pp. 222, 371; Ball, "Clarke County," p. 294; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 304-305; _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 31, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, July 23, 1865.

[682] An indignant northern newspaper correspondent appealed to the military authorities to check this "rebellious discrimination," but nothing was done. The railroad officials, as well as all other southern people, were now suspicious of paper money.

[683] Ho. Repts., Vol. IV, 39th Cong., 2d Sess., on "Affairs of Southern Railroads"; Trowbridge, "The South," p. 451; Reid, "After the War," p. 212; Brewer, "Alabama," pp. 78, 79; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 141, 234; _N. Y. World_, July 18, 1865; _Selma Times_, Jan. 25 and Feb. 2, 1866; _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 31, 1865; April 25 and July 2, 1866; Berney, "Handbook of Alabama"; Hodgson, "Alabama Manual and Statistical Register."

[684] _N. Y. Herald_, June 17 and Aug. 30, 1865; Taylor, "Destruction and Reconstruction," pp. 227, 228; Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 237; McCulloch, "Men and Measures," p. 235.

[685] _N. Y. Herald_, July 17 and 20, 1865; _N. Y. World_, July 20, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 17 and Dec. 27, 1865; Miller, "History of Alabama," pp. 235, 237; Herbert, "The Solid South," pp. 18, 19; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 451; oral accounts.

[686] "Our Women in the War," p. 279; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 304, 305. See also Elizabeth McCracken, "The Southern Woman and Reconstruction," in the _Outlook_, Nov., 1903.

[687] Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 238; Patton's Message, Jan. 16, 1866.

[688] Brewer, "Alabama," pp. 205, 206.

[689] _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 2, 1865 (Truman).

[690] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 5, 1895; Report of Carl Schurz.

[691] _Chicago Tribune_, (fall of) 1865, Montgomery correspondence.

[692] Governor Patton's Message, Jan. 16, 1866.

[693] Oral accounts; _Daily News_, Sept. 3, 1865 (Selma correspondence).

[694] Ordinances, No. 4, Sept. 20, 1865, and No. 54, Sept. 30, 1865.

[695] Reid, "After the War," pp. 351, 352; Ordinance, No. 43, Sept. 30, 1865.

[696] _Daily Times_, Aug. 17, Nov. 2, and Dec. 27, 1865; Report of Carl Schurz; oral accounts.

[697] Report of the Freedmen's Bureau, Oct. 24, 1865; Patton's Message, Jan. 16, 1866; Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, p. 140.

[698] _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 10, 1865. See also Resolutions of Legislature, 1865-1866.

[699] Joint Memorial and Resolutions of the General Assembly, in Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), pp. 598-600.

[700] Memorial and Joint Resolutions, Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), pp. 601-603.

[701] Miller, "Alabama," p. 242.

[702] _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 15, 1865.

[703] The wife of one of these officers was a notorious prostitute.

[704] _Selma Times_, Feb. 22, 1866.

[705] From Ms. account by a citizen of Greensboro. The young man who came so near hanging was some years later a hotel proprietor in Birmingham and created much newspaper discussion by ordering General Sherman to leave his hotel.

[706] See Mrs. Clayton, "White and Black Under the Old Régime," pp. 152-153.

[707] Washington, "Up From Slavery," pp. 23, 24.

[708] _Columbus_ (Ga.) _Sun_, Nov. 22, 1865; _The World_, July 20, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, July 23, 1865; Parsons's Speech, Cooper Institute, Nov. 13, 1865; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 305, 307; Ball, "Clarke County," p. 294; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 19, 20; Miller, "History of Alabama," Ch. CXLI; oral accounts.

[709] _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 27, 1865; _Mobile Register_, Aug. 16, 1865.

[710] _Huntsville Advocate_, July 26 and Nov. 9, 1865; McTyeire, "History of Methodism"; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama"; conversations with various negroes and whites.

[711] Hardy, "History of Selma," p. 85.

[712] _DeBow's Review_, March, 1866.

[713]

Negro population in 1860 437,770
Negro population in 1866 423,325
-------
Decrease 14,445

[714] Estimated 20,000--Census of 1866.

[715] _Southern Mag._, Jan., 1874. Authorities as already noted and _DeBow's Review_, March, 1866; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March 21, 1866; Hardy, "History of Selma," p. 85; _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 31, 1865; _Huntsville Advocate_, Nov. 9, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, July 17, 1865; _N. Y. News_, Sept. 7 and Dec. 4, 1865; Census of 1866 in _Selma Times and Messenger_, March 24, 1868; Mrs. Clayton, "White and Black," pp. 152, 153; "Our Women in the War"; Thomas, "The American Negro," p. 190; Report of the Joint Committee, Pt. III, p. 140; B. C. Truman, Report to the President, April 9, 1866; Carl Schurz, Report to the President, see Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 2, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; General Grant, Report to the President, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 2, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.

[716] _Southern Mag._, Jan., 1874.

[717] Protestant Episcopal Freedmen's Commission, Occasional Papers, Jan., 1866.

[718] _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 17, 1865, Jan. 25, Feb. 12, and July 2, 1866; _N. Y. Herald_, June 24, 1866; _The Nation_, Feb. 15 and April 19, 1866; Reid, "After the War," pp. 369-371; Reports of Grant, Truman, and Schurz; Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction (Fisk); Herbert, "Solid South," p. 20; Paper by Petrie in Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV, p. 465.

[719] Brown, "Alabama," p. 259.

[720] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Dec., 1865, and Jan. 31, 1866; _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 31 and Dec. 27, 1865; _N. Y. News_, Dec. 4, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, Dec., 1865, and Jan. 31, 1866; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 42, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. (W. H. Smith); Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 2d Sess. (Swayne's Report); Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," p. 305; Trowbridge, "The South," p. 445; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 228, 229; Somers, "South since the War," p. 134; _Huntsville Advocate_, Nov. 23, 1865.

[721] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Jan. 31, 1866.

[722] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Buckley's Report, Jan. 16, 1865; Report of John H. Hurst and A. B. Strickland, Oct. 4, 1865.

[723] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866; R. T. Smith to Swayne, Jan. 6, 1866 (in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.); W. H. Smith, D. C. Humphreys, and J. J. Giers, Memorial to Congress, Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 42, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Patton's Message, Jan. 16, 1866.

[724] Report of M. H. Cruikshank, March, 1866.

[725] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess; _National Intelligencer_, Oct. 2, 1866.

[726] _Huntsville Independent_, April 3 and 19, 1866; _Selma Times_, June 9, 1866; oral accounts.

[727] W. Garrett to Swayne, Jan. 15, 1866, in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 38th Cong., 1st Sess.

[728] _Chicago Tribune_, June 2, 1866 (Correspondent at Bellefonte, Jackson County); _Huntsville Independent_, April 3 and 19, 1866; Reports of General Swayne, 1865-1866.

[729] March 8, 1867, General Howard of the Freedmen's Bureau reported that in Alabama there were 10,000 whites and 5000 blacks in a destitute condition, and that during the next five months, owing to the failure of the crops in 1866, there would be needed 2,250,000 rations valued at $562,500, or 25 cents per ration. Sen. Ex. Docs., No. 1, 40th Cong., 1st Sess. Report of Swayne, Oct. 31, 1866; Report of Com. Bureau, Nov. 1, 1867; G. O., No. 4, Hq. Dist. of Ala., Montgomery, Oct. 10, 1866.

[730] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Oct. 24, 1868.

[731] Swayne's Report, Nov., 1866; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.; Reid, "After the War," p. 221; Freedmen's Bureau Report, Nov. 1, 1866, Nov. 1, 1867, Oct. 2, 1868; and other authorities noted above.

[732] These were general agents, supervising special agents, assistant special agents, local special agents, agency aids, aids to the revenue, customs officers, and superintendents of freedmen. Rules and Regulations, July 29, 1864. Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.

[733] Amended regulations, Sec. IV, March 30, 1865.

[734] Rules and Regulations, Sec. IX, Treasury Department, May 9, 1865. Renewed by Circular Instructions, May 16, 1865, and in force to June 30, 1865. In Alabama the regulation was enforced during the entire summer. Ho. Rept., No. 83, 45th Cong., 3d Sess.

[735] McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 9.

[736] Proclamations, June 13 and 23, 1865.

[737] Proclamation, Aug. 29, 1865.

[738] Wilson burned at Selma 32,000 bales, and at Columbus, Ga., 150,000 bales, much of which came from Alabama. During the raid he destroyed 275,000 bales, 125,000 of which were burned in Alabama. The Confederates destroyed at Montgomery 80,000 bales (other accounts say 97,000 and 125,000; see Greeley, Vol. II, p. 19). Government cotton was, of course, the first destroyed, and there is no doubt but that nearly all of it was burned either by the raiders or by the Confederates to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy. Cotton was also destroyed at Mobile and by the Federal armies that came up from the South.

[739] Report of A. Roane, Chief of the Produce Loan, C.S.A. Office, in Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.

[740] Roane then estimated that by April 1, 1865, the Confederacy owned in all no more than 150,000 bales. Dr. Curry, a member of the Confederate Congress, stated that only 250,000 bales were ever owned by the Confederate government. "Civil History," pp. 115, 128. F. S. Lyon, when a member of the Confederate Congress in 1864, found that the Confederacy had a claim on about 150,000 bales scattered over ten states. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., 1426.

[741] J. Barr Robertson, "The Confederate Debt and Private Southern Debts," p. 25.

[742] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 78, 38th Cong., 1st Sess. (Chase).

[743] Circular, Sept. 9, 1865.

[744] Act, March 12, 1863.

[745] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.; Treasury Department Doc., No. 2261. According to a decision of the Supreme Court in case of Klein _vs._ United States (13 Wallace, 128), "disloyal" owners might become "loyal" by pardon and thus have all rights of property restored. This was the effect of proclamations of the President. "The restoration of the proceeds [then] became the absolute right of persons pardoned." See Ho. Repts., No. 784, 51st Cong., 1st Sess., and No. 1377; 52d Cong., 1st Sess. The Attorney-General stated that "Congress took notice of the fact that captures of private property on land had been made and would continue to be made by the armies as a necessary and proper means of diminishing the wealth and thus reducing the powers of the insurgent rulers," and that after a seizure had been made there could be no question of whether the usages of war were observed or violated, except through the courts; the President and the Secretary of the Treasury had no discretion in the matter. Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. According to the opinion of the United States law officers, "No one who submitted to the Confederate States, obeyed their laws, and contributed to support their government ought to recover under the statute" of March 12, 1863, See Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 22, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.

[746] Secretary McCulloch to President of the Senate, Jan. 16, 1869. Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 22, 40th Cong., 2d Sess., No. 37, 39th Cong., 25th Sess.

[747] Department Circular, No. 4, Jan. 9, 1900; 15 Stats.-at-Large, p. 251.

[748] See Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 16, 42d Cong., 2d Sess.; No. 12, 42d Cong., 3d Sess.; No. 23, 43d Cong., 1st Sess.; No. 18, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.; No. 30, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.; No. 4, 45th Cong., 2d Sess.; Nos. 10 and 30, 46th Cong., 2d Sess.; also Treasury Department Doc., No. 2261 (1901); Department Circular, No. 4. Jan. 9, 1900.

[749] Sen. Rept., No. 41, Pt. I, pp. 442, 445, 42d Cong., 2d Sess.

[750] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 1941.

[751] Curry, "Civil History Confederate States," pp. 115, 126, 128. See testimony of Lieut.-Col. Hunter Brooke in Rept. Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, p. 115.

[752] Whitelaw Reid, "After the War," p. 204.

[753] Reid, "After the War," pp. 208, 209.

[754] Miller, "Alabama," p. 236.

[755] One who suffered writes from Selma: "Our cotton, the only thing left us with which to buy the necessaries of life, was seized at the point of the bayonet under the plea that it was Confederate cotton and that it was being seized by the government for its own use, whereas it was taken by the officers and sold, and the money put into their own pockets. It was then worth $255 a bale. Gen. ---- commanded at this place, and he and his staff coined money faster than a mint could turn it out." Judge B. H. Craig. In July, 1865, a train of wagons at Talladega was sent to the ginnery of Ross Green, at Alexandria, and 59 bales of cotton, Green's own property, worth $100 a bale in gold, were carried off. Miller, p. 236.

[756] Testimony in Rept. of Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, p. 115; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 1426. F. S. Lyon said that the people would have been better reconciled to the confiscation had the cotton been sold for the benefit of the United States, but it was plainly stolen by the agents and the army, and they began to resist in every way. Some of them concealed Confederate cotton; some stole from the government, some from the agents what the latter had stolen from them; some went into partnership with the agents. No one believed that any one except the original owner had a right to the cotton, and they did anything to get even.

[757] Miller, p. 236; _N. Y. Times_, March 2 and Aug. 30, 1865. In the Black Belt the United States military authorities collected the tax-in-kind which had been levied by the Confederate authorities but not collected. One planter had to pay one thousand bushels of corn, two barrels of syrup, and smaller quantities of other produce. From those who refused to pay the tax was taken forcibly. See Ku Klux Rept., p. 446 (F. S. Lyon).

[758] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 30, 46th Cong., 2d Sess.

[759] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 447; Reid, "After the War," pp. 208, 209, 375; _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 30, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, June 23, 1865.

[760] _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 30 and Nov. 2, 1865; _De Bow's Review_, 1866; oral accounts.

[761] McCulloch, "Men and Measures," pp. 234, 235.

[762] Sen. Rept., No. 41, Pt. I, 42d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 442-445.

[763] The minority Ku Klux Report asserted that it was a well-known fact that Draper when appointed cotton agent was a bankrupt, and that when he died he was a millionnaire.

[764] The cotton secured in this way was, it was claimed, sold as "waste," "trash," or "dog tail" to some friend of the agent, who would divide with the latter.

[765] All freight, agency, auctioneer, insurance, storage, etc., charges, and fees for legal advice, were charged against the cotton, and had to be paid before it was restored.

[766] Probably Draper was correct here. The agents would consign to him all cotton that they felt sure the government had record of, and the rest they sold for their own benefit.

[767] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.

[768] Secretary McCulloch to President of the Senate, March 2, 1867, in Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 37, 39th Cong., 2d Sess. In this way, during the summer of 1865, $616,844.34 was restored to owners, and to the end of 1866 $1,018,459.83 was restored. Most of the owners lived in Alabama and Louisiana.

[769] See Brewer, p. 375, and Garrett, p. 587. Lyon was one of the most useful, reliable, and respected public men of Alabama and his account is entitled to confidence. He had been a lawyer, clerk of the senate, senator, member of Congress, state bank commissioner, presidential elector, member Confederate Congress, etc.

[770] Letter to F. P. Blair, in Sen. Rept., No. 41, Pt. I, p. 445, 42d Cong., 2d Sess.

[771] Under the reconstruction government Dustin held the office of major-general of militia.

[772] See Ku Klux Rept., pp. 444-446. Letter of F. S. Lyon to General Blair. Also Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 1410-1426, 1661.

Lyon had been agent for the Confederate Produce Loan, and consequently knew what was government cotton and what was not. After the war he acted as attorney for those whose cotton was unlawfully seized. The general officers commanding in his district approved his conduct, but he was hated by the cotton agents, who frequently complained of his "rebellious conduct." Lyon tried to save even the cotton pledged to the Confederacy, on the ground that the promise or sale had not been completed and that the transaction was void from the beginning, and that the right of capture did not exist after the close of the war.

[773] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 146.

[774] Calculation based on subscriptions to Produce Loan. Most of it had been destroyed.

[775] _N. Y. Times_, June 2, 1865; _Huntsville Advocate_, May 26, 1866. Report of Grand Jury.

[776] _N. Y. Times_, June 2, 1866.

[777] Worth $500,000, at the lowest price.

[778] G. O., No. 55, Department of Ala., Oct. 30, 1865; G. O., No. 8, Department of Ala., Feb. 14, 1866; Ms. records in War Department archives. For years these men were in prison while their friends were working to secure their release. The principal arguments for Dexter's release were the virtue of his wife's relations in New England and the illegality of the trial before the military commission in time of peace. Judging from the tone of the indorsements he was probably released, though there is no record of the fact in the archives. The manuscript proceedings of the trial show that thousands of bales of cotton had been "spirited away," but everything was in such a state of confusion that little could be plainly proven against the agents. Only one thing was certain, "that much more cotton was seized for the government than was received by the government." The investigation was hushed up as soon as possible; too many were implicated.

[779] Sen. Rept., No. 41, Pt. I, pp. 442, 445, 42d Cong., 2d Sess. This estimate is probably too large for both numbers.

[780] "Civil History, Confederate States," pp. 115, 128.

[781] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 37, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.

[782] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 56, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.

[783] Sen. Rept., No. 41, Pt. I, p. 444, 42d Cong., 2d Sess.

[784] After which date confiscation was forbidden by Treasury regulation.

[785] An example of the way charges were piled up: A lot of 448 bales of cotton was seized in Eufaula, Alabama, and shipped to New York, _via_ Appalachicola. The expenses were:--

Expenses to and at Appalachicola $24,264.85
Freight 4,164.69
Expenses at New York 2,500.05
Information and collecting 30,893.31
---------
Total expenses 61,822.90
Gross proceeds of sale 78,352.56
Net proceeds of sale 16,529.66

Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 23, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.

The following cotton statistics show how the Mobile agents ran up expenses:--

J. R. Dillon, 1st Agency: Cotton sales $57,033.66
Total proceeds of all sales 129,076.33
Expenses, total 64,350.01

S. B. Eaton, 1st Agency: Cotton sold 15,963.01
Total receipts 27,799.48
Total expenses 27,799.48

T. C. A. Dexter, 9th Agency: Cotton sold 39,945.39
Total receipts 783,152.62
Expenses 485,137.77

J. M. Tomeny, 9th Agency: Cotton sold 14,159.51
Total receipts 208,185.63
Expenses 208,185.63

Total expenses of every kind amounted to 6,546,000.95

On receipts of 34,396,189.95

Of which cotton sold for 29,518,041.17

[786] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 56, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.

[787] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 97, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.

[788] See Ku Klux Rept., pp. 443-446; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 37, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 97, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 113, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 23, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.; Department Circular, No. 4, Jan. 9, 1900.

[789] Department Circular, No. 4, Jan. 9, 1900; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 23, 43d Cong., 2d Sess. There are imperfect records of only two Alabama agencies, which reported a certain number of bales seized. The other agencies did not report their operations in Alabama. The agents not reporting were: J. R. Dillon, H. M. Buckley, S. B. Eaton, E. P. Hotchkiss, L. Ellis, A. D. Banks, James and Ellis Carver, and perhaps others. None of the numerous collecting agents made reports or kept records. In 1876, thirty-three cotton agents were defaulters to the United States, one man owing the United States $337,460.44. Of these, sixteen were not to be found anywhere. Four of the defaulters had operated in Alabama. These men were by their own records defaulters--having failed to turn over to the government the proceeds of sales they had reported. Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.

[790] In addition to the tax of twenty-five per cent on purchases of cotton levied by a Treasury regulation during the war and in force during 1865. Treasury regulations, May 9, 1865. See also President's proclamation, in McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 9.

[791] Governor Patton, in his message of Nov. 12, 1866, stated that the cotton tax of three cents a pound was oppressive and unjust, a burden on the farmers and on the laborers also; that the tax went into the United States Treasury and then passed into the hands of the manufacturers as a gratuity of three cents per pound; that there was no way of getting the ruinous tax raised or lightened unless by an appeal in the form of a petition; that the people of Alabama had no voice in the government; that this "law paralyzes our energies and represses the development of our resources and is injurious to the whole country." Governor's Message, House Journal, 1866-1867, p. 21.

[792] Twenty states and territories are not included in these sums, as no reports were received from them. Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 181, 42d Cong., 3d Sess., and Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 2, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.

[793] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 181, 42d Cong., 3d Sess.

[794] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 47, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 181, 42d Cong., 3d Sess.

[795] $54,191,229 in 1870.

[796] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 181, 42d Cong., 3d Sess.

[797] The cotton tax was justified on the ground that while Alabama had paid $14,200,982 from 1862 to 1872, New Jersey had paid a total tax of $48,528,298, the two states having very nearly the same population. But no account was taken of the fact that for four years no tax was collected from Alabama by the United States, while nearly all of the movable wealth was destroyed during the war, and that in 1865 property was almost non-existent in Alabama. New Jersey, however, was a rich state. Alabama had besides paid an enormous war tax and had been looted of millions of dollars' worth of cotton. And in Alabama there were 500,000 negroes who paid no tax, while most of the population of New Jersey were taxpayers. Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 181, 42d Cong., 3d Sess.

[798] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 34, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.

[799] Sen. Mis. Doc., No. 100, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. (A. A. Low, Chairman of Committee of the N. Y. Chamber of Commerce).

[800] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 383, 403 (General Pettus); Journal of the Convention of 1867.

[801] See Saunders, "Early Settlers," p. 31 (Reverdy Johnson to Saunders). Jan. 18, 1872, the Alabama legislature (Republican Senate and Democratic House) memorialized Congress, asking to have the cotton tax refunded to the impoverished people, and stating that the tax was "most unjust and oppressive, a direct tax upon industry"; that to refund the tax would be "evenhanded but tardy justice." Acts of Ala., 1871-1872, pp. 445-446. A similar petition was made on Feb. 23, 1875. Acts of Ala., 1874-1875, p. 674.

[802] In December, 1903, Representative J. S. Williams of Mississippi introduced a measure in Congress to refund the amount of the cotton tax to the southern states.

[803] It is difficult to understand now how thoroughly the Confederate soldier realized that the questions at issue were decided against him. But that it was a crime to have been a Confederate soldier, he did not understand. See also testimony of John B. Gordon and of Edmund W. Pettus in the Ku Klux Testimony.

[804] A neglected point of view is the attitude of the Confederate soldier. He had surrendered with arms in hand, and certain terms had been made with him, as he thought, a contract, embodied in the parole. This he believed secured his rights in return for laying down arms, and that as long as he was law-abiding his rights were to be inviolate. He was well pleased with the "spirit of Appomattox," but nearly all that happened after Appomattox was in violation, he felt, of the terms of surrender. The whole radical programme was contrary to the contract made with men who had arms in their hands. Lee had decided that there should be no guerilla warfare, and in return certain moral obligations rested on the North. See the statements of General (now Senator) Edmund W. Pettus, in Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 377, 383, and of General John B. Gordon, in Ga. Test., pp. 314, 332, 333, 343.

[805] See "Our Women in the War," p. 280; Ball, "Clarke County," p. 463; Le Conte, "Autobiography," p. 236.

[806] _N. Y. Herald_, June 17 and Aug. 30, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 17 and Oct. 31, 1865; Mrs. Clay, "A Belle of the Fifties"; _Nation_, Feb. 15, 1865; oral accounts; Clayton, "White and Black under the Old Régime."

[807] Letter concerning affairs at the South, Dec. 18, 1865, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 2, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.; McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 67. General Grant's conclusions were undoubtedly correct, but they evidently could not be based on the information gathered in a week's journeying through the South. This gave the Radicals an opportunity to attack his report as being based on insufficient information. But General Grant knew the men against whom he had fought, he had talked with many of the representative men of the South, and through military channels was well informed as to actual conditions at the South.

[808] Report of Carl Schurz, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 2, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. Schurz made a journey of more than two months through the southern states. Judging from the testimony which he submits, his confidence must have been confined to the officers of the Freedmen's Bureau. As a foreigner (a German), he would not be able, even if so inclined, to ascertain anything of the sentiments of the representative people. However, his report was evidently not based entirely on the evidence submitted with it; if it had been, it would have been even more unfavorable. In _McClure's Magazine_, January, 1904, Schurz has an article which is practically a rewriting of this report made nearly forty years before. He repeats some of the same stories told him then, and endeavors to reconcile his attitude in 1865-1866 with his course as a Liberal Republican in 1871-1872.

[809] Report of Benjamin C. Truman to the President, April 9, 1866, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 43, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; _N. Y. Times_, March 2, 1865. Truman spent two months in Alabama, and saw many prominent men whom Schurz did not see, and came in contact with thousands of other citizens. His aim was to picture conditions as they were. The newspaper correspondents, regardless of politics, gave better accounts than the volunteer officers, who had little training or education and much prejudice.

[810] See Blaine, Vol. II, p. 127.

[811] The sub-committee: Senator Harris (New York) and Senator Boutwell (Massachusetts) and Morrill (Vermont) from the House.

[812] Smith and Humphreys.

[813] J. J. Giers.

[814] M. J. Saffold. He was pardoned by President Johnson for that offence.

[815] George E. Spencer, Colonel 1st Alabama Union Cavalry.

[816] The witnesses who furnished testimony to the Congressional committee were:--

==================================================================
NAME | NATIVITY | REMARKS
------------------------------|----------------|------------------
1. Warren Kelsey | Massachusetts | Cotton speculator
2. General Edward Hatch | Iowa | Volunteer army
3. General George E. Spencer | Iowa | Volunteer army
4. William H. Smith | Alabama | Deserter
5. J. J. Giers | Alabama | Tory
6. Mordecai Mobley | Iowa |
7. General George H. Thomas | Virginia | U. S. Army
8. General Clinton B. Fisk | North | Freedmen's Bureau
9. M. J. Saffold | Alabama | "Union" man
10. D. C. Humphreys | Alabama | Deserter
11. Colonel Milton M. Bane | Illinois | Volunteer army
12. General Joseph R. West | California | Volunteer army
13. Colonel Hunter Brooke | North | Volunteer army
14. General Grierson | Illinois | Volunteer army
15. General Swayne | North | Freedmen's Bureau
16. General C. C. Andrews | Minnesota | Volunteer army
17. General Chetlain | Illinois | Volunteer army
18. General Tarbell | North | Volunteer army
==================================================================

[817] One of these men (W. H. Smith) became the first scalawag governor of Alabama, another (George E. Spencer) became a United States senator by negro votes, the third (Giers) was provided for in the departments at Washington, the fourth (Saffold) became a circuit judge in Alabama, and the fifth (Humphreys) a judge of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia. See Herbert, "The Solid South," pp. 19, 20.

[818] Testimony of General Swayne, Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, 1866, Pt. III, pp. 138-141.