Chapter XLVII: Appendix: II (8)

[1945] I have learned of only two such cases; one was in Tuscaloosa County. The woman was a Bureau school-teacher from the North. _Independent Monitor_, May 24, 1871. The other was the case of America Trammell in east Alabama. Ala. Test., p. 1119.

[1946] Ala. Test., pp. 166, 433, 459, 462, 476, 1125, 1126, 1749.

[1947] Ala. Test., pp. 476, 1125, 1126.

[1948] Ala. Test., pp. 922, 923, _et passim_. I have been told that in one place 2000 muskets were collected, taken from negroes.

[1949] Ala. Test., p. 1179. The legal militia consisted of Major-General Dustan only.

[1950] Not nearly so many as is usually supposed. Lakin, who never underestimated anything, could think of only six in all north Alabama.

[1951] Ala. Test., 1138; Coburn-Buckner Report.

[1952] Several southern churches seized by Lakin for the northern church were burned.

[1953] Report of Joint Committee, 1868; Ala. Test., p. 1138.

[1954] Ala. Test., pp. 126, 127, 230, 418. See above, p. 612.

[1955] Ala. Test., p. 1983.

[1956] "Of the acts of this Order much has been written which is untrue; every disturbance between the races was laid at its door; every act of violence, in which the negro or the northern man was the victim, it was charged with. I do not deny that extreme measures were sometimes resorted to, but of such I have no personal knowledge.... Four hours would have been in [Perry County] ample time to secure the assembly, at any central point, of a thousand resolute men who would have done the bidding of their commander whatever it might have been, yet in this time [three years] no single act of violence was committed on the person or property of a negro or alien by its order or which received its sanction or indorsement."--Dr. G. P. L. Reid.

[1957] However, in 1871 Governor Lindsay stated that there were in the state fewer feuds, crimes, difficulties, etc., than since 1819, when the state was admitted. This was especially the case, he said, in northern Alabama, for this reason: the people of the mountain and hill county were now prosperous; cotton was selling for $100 to $150 a bale; these white mountaineers by their own labor were doing well. Such was not the case with the planter who had to hire negro labor and pay high prices for provisions, farming implements, and mules. Meat that cost the planter 22 cents a pound was raised by the mountain people. Outrages against negroes were now very rare. Ala. Test., pp. 206-207. It is certain that the prosperity of the white counties which in 1870 got rid of the alien local officials had much to do with allaying disorder.

[1958] The estimate is Lakin's.

[1959] Report Joint Committee of 1868; Ala. Test., p. 115 _et passim_. The _N. Y. Tribune_, Nov. 14, 1868, states that Gustavus Horton, the first Radical mayor of Mobile, was killed in this riot. After the riot was over the United States troops appeared too late, as they usually were in such cases.

[1960] Ala. Test., pp. 77, 429 _et passim_; _Montgomery Mail_, July 16, 1870. The mountain people had another grudge against Luke. He associated constantly with negroes and was said to be a miscegenationist. The mountain farmers had the greatest horror of such.

[1961] Ala. Test., pp. 257, 266, 275, _et passim_. Boyd had many private enemies, among them relatives of a man he had killed, and it was charged that they killed him. He was a man of low character, and his own party was not sorry to lose him.

[1962] It was a marked fact that no resistance to the United States soldiers was ever attempted. When the soldiers appeared, all violence ceased. The soldiers were as a rule in favor of the whites and sometimes took a hand in the Ku Kluxing. They usually appeared after the row was over.

[1963] Ala. Test., pp. 81, 221, _et passim_; _Eutaw Whig_, Oct. 27, 1870.

[1964] Ala. Test., p. 229 _et passim_. When he testified before the Ku Klux Committee, Alston swore that it was the men whom he had asked to protect him that had shot him,--such men as General Cullen A. Battle.

[1965] Ala. Test., p. 723.

[1966] "The company of K. K. K.'s which was organized in Tuscaloosa, was an independent organization, _i.e._ it was altogether a local affair, having no connection with any general Klan."--Randolph.

[1967] Miss. Test., pp. 60, 223, 249; Ala. Test., pp. 213, 1822-1824; Garner, "Reconstruction in Mississippi," pp. 345, 346.

[1968] Ala. Test., p. 942; Lester and Wilson, p. 78.

[1969] The anti-negro bands of the hills and mountains were rather of the spurious Ku Klux and were largely composed of tories and Radicals.

[1970] Ala. Test., p. 1763.

[1971] Constitution, Article 76; Brown, "Ku Klux Movement," _Atlantic Monthly_, May, 1901.

[1972] Ala. Test., pp. 226-257.

[1973] Ala. Test., pp. 159-225.

[1974] With the White Camelia in south Alabama the case was somewhat different.

[1975] See Testimony of Lindsay and Clanton, cited above; also Ala. Test., p. 376 (Pettus); p. 896 (Lowe).

[1976] Somers, "Southern States," pp. 4, 15, 21; Lester and Wilson, Chs. III, IV, V; Sanders, "Early Settlers," p. 31. "The peaceful citizen knew that a faithful patrol had guarded his premises while he slept."--Mrs. Stubbs. Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV; Ala. Test., pp. 432, 1520, 1532, 1803.

[1977] Throughout the pages of the Ku Klux Testimony are found assertions that Ku Klux was not an organization, but merely the understanding of the southern people, the spirit of the community, the concert of feeling of the whites, a state of mind in the population.

[1978] Ala. Test., pp. 165, 380, 649, 724; Somers, "Southern States," p. 154. Governor Lindsay said that the so-called Ku Klux who went over to Mississippi were roughs and that the people were glad when they heard that one of them had been shot. In 1870-1871, while living in Alabama, General Forrest, the reputed Grand Wizard, repeatedly condemned in the strongest terms the conduct of the so-called Ku Klux. Ala. Test., pp. 212, 213.

[1979] Ala. Test., pp. 162, 376.

[1980] Ala. Test., p. 719.

[1981] Ala. Test., pp. 610, 778.

[1982] Ala. Test., pp. 559, 560, 1229.

[1983] Ala. Test., p. 679. Governor Smith, a Radical, said in regard to the motives of Senator George E. Spencer, I. D. Sibley, and J. J. Hinds, carpet-baggers: "My candid opinion is that Sibley does not want the law executed, because that would put down crime and crime is his life's bread. He would like very much to have a Ku Klux outrage every week to assist him in keeping up strife between the whites and blacks, that he might be more certain of the votes of the latter. He would like to have a few colored men killed every week to furnish semblance of truth to Spencer's libels upon the people of the state generally. It is but proper in this connection that I should speak in strong terms of condemnation of the conduct of two white men in Tuskegee a few days ago, in advising the colored men to resist the authority of the sheriff; these men were not Ku Klux, but Republicans." Letter in _Huntsville Advocate_, June 25, 1870. See also Herbert, "Solid South," p. 55.

[1984] See Ala. Test., p. 433.

[1985] Ala. Test., p. 230. In some communities a negro is still told that he must not let the sun go down on him before leaving.

[1986] Ala. Test., pp. 944, 947, 948.

[1987] Ala. Test., pp. 1757, 1758, 1764, 1765, 1768. Judge Mudd was by no means a representative of the old slaveholding element, but rather of the white county people.

[1988] Ala. Test., p. 492.

[1989] Ala. Test., pp. 1127, 1128, 1139.

[1990] Ala. Test., pp. 1175, 1179.

[1991] G. O. No. 11, Sub-Dist. Ala., April 4, 1868; _Selma Times and Messenger_, April 9, 1868; _N. Y. Herald_, April 7, 1868.

[1992] Report of the Secretary of War, 1869, p. 83 _et seq._; Report of Meade, 1868.

[1993] Joint Resolution, Sept. 22, 1868, in Acts of Ala., p. 292. The delegation to Washington did not provide themselves with an authenticated copy of the resolution and had to wait for it. Governor Smith, who was with the delegation, spoiled everything by declaring that there was no disorder except along the Tennessee River and in southwestern Alabama and that troops were not needed. No officials had been resisted, he said, and it would be imprudent to send troops. _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 27, 1868. The citizens of Montgomery held a mass-meeting and denied _in toto_ the allegations of the memorial, denouncing it as a move of partisan politics. The strangers were sure to fall from power unless upheld by outside force. _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 25, 1868.

[1994] Act of Dec. 24, 1868; Acts of Ala., p. 439.

[1995] Joint Resolutions, Nov. 14 and Dec. 8, 1868; Acts of Ala., pp. 593, 594.

[1996] J. DeF. Richards and G. R. McAfee of the Senate, and E. F. Jennings, W. R. Chisholm, and G. W. Malone of the House.

[1997] Report of Joint Committee on Outrages, 1868.

[1998] Act Dec. 26, 1868; Acts of Ala., 444-446. A supplementary act had to be passed allowing the probate judges to license _for one dollar_ the wearing of masks or disguises at balls, theatres, and circuses and other places of amusement, public and private. Application had to be made at least three days beforehand by "three responsible persons of established character and reputation." Act Dec. 31, 1868; Acts of Ala., p. 521.

[1999] Act of Dec. 28, 1868; Acts of Ala., pp. 452-454.

[2000] See Dunning, "Essays," pp. 243-246.

[2001] Messages and Papers, Vol. VII, pp. 55, 56, March 30, 1871.

[2002] _The Nation_, Feb. 4, 1875, in regard to the "Force" legislation: "It would not have been possible for the most ingenious enemy of the blacks to draw up a code better calculated to keep up and fan the spirit of strife and contention between the races." James L. Pugh, later United States Senator from Alabama: The people were tired of being reconstructed by President and by Congress. Now the Enforcement Laws punish all for the crime of a few. They are an insult to a whole people, assuming them incorrigible. Alabama Testimony, pp. 407, 408, 411.

[2003] See Burgess, "Reconstruction," pp. 69-73.

[2004] Text of act in McPherson, pp. 549-550. This act was ostensibly to provide for the enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments. Its constitutionality has been criticised on these grounds: (1) the amendments were directed against _states_, not _persons_; (2) the law enacted penalties not only against state officers, but also against any _person_ who might offend against the election laws of the state or against this act; (3) it is entirely out of the question to claim that the amendments protect the right of a person within a state against infringement by other persons, or even against the state itself unless on account of race, color, or previous condition. See Burgess, pp. 253-255.

[2005] Text of act in McPherson, "Handbook of Politics," 1872, pp. 3-8. While only the congressional elections and all the registrations were to be guarded, the chief purpose of the act was to control state elections, which were held at the same time and place. See Burgess, "Reconstruction," pp. 256-257. This was so clearly the purpose that after the rescue of the state government from carpet-bag rule the time of the state and local elections was changed from November to August in order to escape Federal espionage.

[2006] "Upon the basis of information which turned out to be very insufficient and unreliable."--Burgess, p. 257.

[2007] Messages and Papers, Vol. VII, pp. 127-128.

[2008] Burgess, pp. 257, 258.

[2009] Text in McPherson, "Handbook," 1872, pp. 85-87. For criticism, Burgess, pp. 257, 259.

[2010] Messages and Papers, Vol. VII, pp. 134, 135.

[2011] Report of the Committee, pp. 1, 2.

[2012] Some of the Conservatives who testified were Gen. Cullen A. Battle, R. H. Abercrombie, Gen. James H. Clanton, P. M. Dox, Gov. Robert B. Lindsay, Reuben Chapman, Thomas Cobbs, Daniel Coleman, Jefferson M. Falkner, William H. Forney, William M. Lowe, William Richardson, Francis S. Lyon, William S. Mudd, Gen. Edmund W. Pettus, Turner Reavis, James L. Pugh, P. T. Sayre, R. W. Walker,--all prominent men of high character.

[2013] Some of those who gave, willingly or unwillingly, Democratic testimony: W. T. Blackford (c.), Judge Busteed (c.), General Crawford, Nicholas Davis (s.), L. W. Day (c.), Samuel A. Hale (c.), J. H. Speed (s.), Senator Willard Warner (c.), N. L. Whitfield (s.). (c.) = carpet-bagger; (s.) = scalawag.

[2014] Charles Hays (s.), W. B. Jones (s.), S. F. Rice (s.), John A. Minnis (c.), A. S. Lakin (c.), B. W. Norris (c.), L. E. Parsons (s.), E. W. Peck (s.), and L. R. Smith (c.).

[2015] Day, Busteed, Van Valkenburg, General Crawford, etc.

[2016] Senate Report, No. 48, 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Pts. 8, 9, and 10, and House Report, No. 22, 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Pts. 8, 9, and 10, contain the Alabama Testimony.

[2017] Feb. 17, 1872; Report of Committee, p. 626.

[2018] McPherson, "Handbook," 1872, pp. 89, 90.

[2019] McPherson, "Handbook," 1872, pp. 90, 91. These provisions had to be inserted in the Sundry Civil Bill, which was approved June 10, 1872. Kellogg of Louisiana introduced the "rider."

[2020] For instances of petty annoyances to the people from marshals, deputy marshals, and supervisors, see Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 119, 47th Cong. 1st Sess., and Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 246, 48th Cong., 2d Sess. These annoyances lasted for several years.

[2021] Ku Klux Rept., pp. 320, 330.

[2022] In his Message, Nov. 15, 1869, Smith stated: "Nowhere have the courts been interrupted. No resistance has been encountered by the officers of courts in their effort to discharge the duties imposed upon them by law." Smith was criticised by the carpet-baggers for not calling out the negro militia to "enforce the laws." He stood out against them, and on July 25, 1870, he replied to their criticisms, denouncing George E. Spencer (United States Senator), J. D. Sibley, J. J. Hinds, and others as systematically uttering every conceivable falsehood. "During my entire administration of the state government," he said, "but one officer had certified to me that he was unable, on account of lawlessness, to execute his official duties. That officer was the sheriff of Morgan County. I immediately made application to General Crawford for troops. They were sent and the said sheriff refused their assistance." "Solid South," p. 55.

[2023] _Montgomery Mail_, July 3, 1872. The Black Cavalry and its spurious Ku Klux successors infested those parts of eastern Alabama where, in 1903, the existence of a system of peonage was discovered.

[2024] _Tuskegee News_, Sept. 3, 1874; Report of Joint Committee on Election of George Spencer. During the remainder of Reconstruction under the Enforcement Acts, the Federal government exercised supervision over all elections. Election outrages by the Democrats probably decreased, while outrages by the Radicals tended to increase. The Democrats put in their work of influence and intimidation in the summer and early fall, and when the elections came were quiet, trusting to the influence brought to bear some months previously. After the carpet-bag government collapsed, the Federal Enforcement Acts still gave supervision of elections to the Washington government. The Democrats in Congress were unable to secure the repeal of the force legislation. "We do not expect to repeal any of the recent enactments [Force Laws]. They may stand forever, but we intend by superior intelligence, stronger muscle, and greater energy, to make them dead letter upon the statute books." _Birmingham News_, quoted in the _State Journal_, June 24, 1874. But in 1880 no appropriation was made for the pay of the deputy marshals and supervisors.

In 1875 the supreme court in the case of United States _vs._ Reese declared the two most important sections of the Enforcement Act of 1870 unconstitutional. In 1883, in the case of the United States _vs._ Harris, the Ku Klux Act of April 20, 1871, was declared unconstitutional. In 1888, when House, Senate, and President were Republican, an attempt was made by Mr. McKinley (afterward President) to pass a Force Bill to enforce the old election laws, which were still on the statute book. The measure failed to pass. It was in opposition to this Force Bill that Colonel Hilary A. Herbert of Alabama and other southern congressmen wrote the work called "Why the Solid South? or Reconstruction and its Results." It is said that this book had some influence in causing a halt in force legislation. It was the first attempt to write the history of the Reconstruction period, and is still the best general account. In 1894, when House, Senate, and President were Democratic, the remnants of the Enforcement Acts were repealed, and thus was swept away the last of the Radical system. See Dunning, "The Undoing of Reconstruction," in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Oct., 1901.

[2025] Coburn-Buckner Report, p. 238. The constitution is not in the _Journal_, however.

[2026] Coburn-Buckner Report, pp. 7, 12, 19, 702, 882, 883.

[2027] Cameron Report, 1876, pp. 53, 108; oral accounts.

[2028] The accounts of the wild and idle negro children of the rice and tobacco districts are not true of those in the Cotton Belt. The smallest tot could do a little in a cotton field.

[2029] See _Birmingham Age-Herald_, March 31 and April 7, 1901 (J. W. DuBose); _Review of Reviews_, Sept., 1903, on "The Cotton Crop of To-day," by R. H. Edmonds; Ingle, "Southern Sidelights," p. 271; Address of President Thach, Alabama Polytechnic Institute, before the American Economic Association, 1903; Tillinghast, "Negro in Africa and America," pp. 126, 143; Mallard, "Plantation Life before Emancipation"; Washington, "Up from Slavery," and "The Future of the American Negro," _passim_. The immense cost of slave labor is seen when the value of the slaves is compared with the value of the lands cultivated by their labor. In 1859 the cash value of the lands in Alabama was $175,824,622, and that of the slaves was $215,540,000. The larger portion of this land had not a negro on it, and if cultivated, was cultivated exclusively by whites. See Census of 1860. The effect of the loss of slaves on the welfare of a planter is shown in the case of William L. Yancey. His slaves were accidentally poisoned and died. The loss ruined him, and he was forced to sell his plantation and engage in a profession. A farmer in a white county employing white labor would have been injured only temporarily by such a loss of labor.

[2030] The tenant furnished labor, supplies, and teams, and paid the landlord a fourth of the cotton and a third of the corn produced.

[2031] There was usually good feeling between the whites and blacks at work together; but the negroes, at heart, scorned the poor whites, and had to be closely watched to keep them from insulting or abusing them. The negro had little respect for the man who owned no slaves or who owned but few and worked with them in the fields. To protect the slaves against outsiders was one reason why discipline was strict, supervision close, passes required, etc. When both white and black were allowed to go at will over the plantation and community, trouble was sure to result from the impudent behavior of the negro to "white trash" and the consequent retaliation of the latter. The whites often came to the master and wanted him to whip his best slaves for impudence to them. The master, to prevent this, regulated the liberty of the slave by passes, etc., and the whites, especially strangers, were expected not to trespass on a plantation where slaves were.

[2032] The idea of the so-called "prejudice" against manual labor is perhaps due largely to abolitionist theories and arguments, which have been partially accepted since the war by some southerners who think it due to the old system to show its lofty attitude toward the common things of life. But the negro had, and still has, a contempt for a white who works as he does. And it has always been a custom of mankind,--white, yellow, or black,--to get out of doing manual labor if there was anything else to do.

[2033] Accounts from old citizens, former planters.

[2034] The agent of President Johnson.

[2035] Report to President, April 9, 1866.

[2036] Colonel Saunders, a noted slaveholder in one of the white counties in north Alabama, established a patriarchal protectorate over his former slaves. He built a church for them, and organized a monthly court, presided over by himself, in which the old negro men tried delinquents. It is said that the findings of this court were often ludicrous in the extreme, but order was preserved, and for a long while there was no resort to the Bureau. Saunders, "Early Settlers," p. 31. Many similar protectorates were established in the remote districts, but the policy of the Bureau was to break them up.

[2037] A term of contempt.

[2038] See _Sewanee Review_, Jan., 1905, article on "Servant Problem in a Black Belt Village."

[2039] _N. Y. Herald_, July 17, 1865; Reid, "After the War," pp. 211, 218, 219; Tillet, in _Century Magazine_, Vol. XI; Reports of General Swayne, 1865, 1866; Van de Graaf, in _Forum_, Vol. XXI, pp. 330, 339; _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1866, p. 220; oral accounts.

[2040] For a description of the Bureau labor regulations, see Chapter XI, Sec. 1. Also _Montgomery Mail_, May 12, 1865; Howard's Circular, May 30, 1865; Circular No. 11, War Department, July 12, 1865; _Huntsville Advocate_, July 26, 1865; Swayne's Reports, 1865, 1866; G. O. No. 12, Dept. Ala., Aug. 30, 1865; G. O. No. 13, Dept. Ala., Sept., 1865; _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865. The so-called "Black Laws" passed by the legislature in 1865-1866 to regulate labor were scarcely heard of by the people who hired negroes.

[2041] Somers, "Southern States," 130.

[2042] _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874; _Selma Messenger_, Nov. 15, 1865; _Harper's Monthly Magazine_, Jan., 1874; _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865; oral accounts; _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1866.

[2043] Swayne to A. F. Perry, _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 28, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, July 17, 1865; Reid, "After the War," pp. 211-219; _DeBow's Review_, 1866, pp. 213, 220; Somers, "Southern States," p. 131.

[2044] _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1866.

[2045] Many of the carpet-bag politicians were northern men who had failed at cotton planting.

[2046] Report to the President, April 9, 1866; "Ten Years in a Georgia Plantation," by the Hon. Mrs. Leigh; oral accounts. On account of the general failure of the northern men who invested capital in the South in 1865 and 1866, there grew up in the business world an unfavorable feeling against the South, and for the remainder of Reconstruction days that section had to struggle against adverse business opinion. _Harper's Magazine_, Jan., 1874.

[2047] _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865. Nearly all the newspapers printed advertisements of the immigration societies.

[2048] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 378.

[2049] _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, July 2, 1866.

[2050] The great evil of slavery was its tendency to drive the whites who were in moderate circumstances away from the more fertile lands of the prairie and cane-brake and river bottoms, leaving them to the few slaveholders and the immense number of slaves. Emancipation thus left on the finest lands of the state a shiftless laboring population, which still retains possession. Now, as in slavery times, the white prefers not to work as a field hand in the Black Belt when he can get more independent work elsewhere. And besides, he does not wish to live among the negroes. Slavery kept white farmers from settling on the fertile lands; the negro keeps whites from taking possession now.

[2051] _Mobile Daily Times_, Oct. 21, 1860; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March 21, 1866; _DeBow's Review_, March 18, 1866.

Several young women of Montgomery, who were once wealthy, worked in the printing-office of the _Advertiser_. One of them was a daughter of a former President of the United States. Many women became teachers, displacing men, who then went to the fields. Disabled soldiers generally tried teaching.

There seems to be a belief that emancipation had a good effect in driving to work a certain "gentleman of leisure" class, who had been supported by the work of slaves and who had scorned labor. (See W. B. Tillett, in the _Century Magazine_, Vol. XI, p. 769.) It is a mistake to regard the slaveholding, planting class as, in any degree, idle, unless from the point of view of the negro or the ignorant white, who believed that any man who did not work with his hands was a gentleman of leisure. The Alabama planter was and had to be a man of great energy, good judgment, and diligence. It was a belief that a man who could not manage a plantation or other business should not be intrusted with an official position. One of the most serious objections made by the cotton planters to Jefferson Davis as President was that he had failed to manage his plantation with success. See also Somers, "Southern States," p. 127.

[2052] _DeBow's Review_, Feb. and March, 1866; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March 21, 1866; _N. Y. Herald_, July 17, 1866. It was estimated that in the fall of 1865 the negro male population of the state was reduced by 50,000 able-bodied men, who were hanging around the cities and towns, doing nothing. At Mobile there were 10,000; at Meridian, Miss., 5000; at Montgomery, 10,000; at Selma, 5000; and at various smaller points, 20,000. _Mobile Times_, Oct. 21, 1865.

[2053] See also Reid, "After the War," p. 221.

[2054] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 431 _et seq._

[2055] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 431; Reports of General Swayne, Dec. 26, 1865, and Jan., 1866, in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. General Swayne strongly approved the objects of these societies. He said there was not and never had been any question of the right of the negro to hold property. Free negroes had held property before the war.

[2056] _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1868.

[2057] Jan. 31, 1866.

[2058] I have this account from a planter of the district.

[2059] Somers, an English traveller, thought that the economic relations of planter and negro were startling, and that anywhere else they would be considered absurd. The tenant, he said, was sure of a support, and did not much care if the crop failed. Even his taxes, when he condescended to pay any, were paid by his master. For all work outside of his crop he had to be paid, and often he went away and worked for some one else for cash. And his privileges were innumerable. "The soul is often crushed out of labor by penury and oppression. Here a soul cannot begin to be infused into it through the sheer excess of privilege and license with which it is surrounded." "Southern States since the War," pp. 128, 129.

[2060] My father's tenants, white and black, rented on all systems. The negroes usually began as wage laborers or as tenants "on halves," for they had no supplies when they came. Then the more industrious and thrifty would save and rent farms for "third and fourth" or for "standing rent." The whites usually obtained the highest grade, and the average white man would save enough of his earnings to purchase a team, wagon, buggy, farm implements, and a year's supply and spend all else, though some saved enough to buy land of their own in cheaper districts or to support themselves for a year or two while opening up a homestead in the pine woods. The negro, as a rule, rented "on halves," for he spent all his earnings and required supervision. The average negro stays only a year or two at one place before he longs for change and removes to another farm. About Christmas, or just before, the negroes and many of the whites begin to move to new homes. For a description of conditions in Mississippi, where the negro has somewhat better opportunities than in Alabama, see Mr. A. H. Stone's article in the _Quarterly Journal of Economics_, Feb., 1905.

[2061] In the census each person cultivating a crop is counted as a farmer and the land he cultivates as a farm. Thus a plantation might be represented in the census statistics by from five to twenty-five farms.

[2062] See also Otken, "Ills of the South"; Somers, "South since the War," p. 281; _Harper's Monthly_, Jan., 1874; _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1868.

[2063] Any stick is good enough to beat slavery with, so it is usually stated that slavery was responsible for the wasteful methods of cultivation that prevailed in the South before the war. That can be true only indirectly, for the soil always received the worst treatment in the white counties. Like frontiersmen everywhere, the Alabama white farmers found it easier to clear new land or to move West than to fertilize worn-out soils. The lack of transportation facilities in the white districts made it almost impossible to bring in commercial fertilizers or to move the crops when made. The railroads had opened up only the rich slave districts. If there had not been a negro in the state, the frontier methods would have prevailed, as they still do among the farmers in some parts of the West. On the other hand, the rich lands worked by slave labor under intelligent direction were kept in good condition. Under free negro labor they are in the worst possible condition. Experience, necessity, the disappearance of free land, and the increase of transportation facilities have caused the white county farmer to employ better methods, and to keep up and increase the fertility of the land by using fertilizers.

[2064] But it was nearly forty years before the entire cotton crop of the state was as large as in 1859.

[2065] _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 206, 207; Somers, "Southern States," p. 117. In 1860 it was estimated that of the whole cotton crop 10 to 12 per cent was produced by white labor; in 1876 the proportion of whites to blacks in the cotton fields was 30 to 51; in 1883 white labor produced 44 per cent of the cotton crop; in 1884, 48 per cent; in 1885, 50 per cent; in 1893, 70 per cent. And this was done by the whites on inferior lands. See W. B. Tillett, in _Century Magazine_, Vol. XI, p. 771; Hammond, "The Cotton Industry," pp. 129, 130, 132.

[2066] DeBow estimated that the entire acreage of the cotton crop was as follows:--

1836. 2,000,000 acres
1840. 4,500,000 acres
1850. 5,000,000 acres
1860. 6,968,000 acres

The Commissioner of Agriculture in 1876 estimated that the acreage in 1860 was 13,000,000. Taking this estimate, which, while probably too large, is more nearly correct, only 4 per cent of the arable land was planted in cotton--the staple crop. Hammond, "The Cotton Industry," p. 74.

[2067] Smith, "Cotton Production in Alabama" (1884); Census, 1880; Smith in Ala. Geolog. Survey, 1881-1882; Kelsey, "The Negro Farmer"; oral accounts and personal observation.

[2068] So poor were the people after the war that, even though the value of the mineral and timber lands was well known, there was no native capital to develop them, and the lion's share went to outsiders, who bought the lands at tax and mortgage sales during and after the carpet-bag régime.

[2069] Slavery or negroes prevented the establishment of manufactures by crowding out a white population capable of carrying on manufactures. The census shows that in 1860 the white districts had a fair proportion of manufactures for a state less than forty years old.

[2070] Address of President C. C. Thach, Dec. 29, 1903.

[2071] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 378; see article on "Immigration to the Southern States" in the _Political Science Quarterly_, June, 1905.

[2072] Address of President C. C. Thach, Dec. 29, 1903.

[2073] The decreasing value of the wage laborer is shown by the following table of wages:

===========================================
YEAR | MEN | WOMEN | YOUTHS, 14-20
---------|---------|--------|--------------
1860 |$138 | $89 | $66
1865-1866| 150-200 | 100-150| 75-100
1867 | 117 | 71 | 52
1868 | 87 | 50 | 40
1890 | 150 | 100 | 60-75
===========================================

The figures of 1860 are based on the wages of an able-bodied negro. The statistics of 1865-1866 are taken from tables of wages prescribed by the Freedmen's Bureau; those for 1867 and 1868 show the decline caused by the inefficiency of the free negro laborer. Yet the demand for labor was always greater than the supply. In 1860 clothing and rations were also given; in 1866-1868 rations and no clothing. In 1890 nothing was furnished. In 1866-1868 the currency was inflated, and the wages for 1868 were really much lower. Hammond, "The Cotton Industry," p. 124; _Montgomery Mail_, May 16, 1865; Freedmen's Bureau Reports, 1865-1870.

[2074] A convention held in Montgomery, in 1873, recommended that the share system be abolished and a contract wage system be inaugurated; wages should be secured by a lien on the employer's crop; separate contracts should be made with each laborer, and the "squad" system abolished. In this way the laborer would not be responsible for bad crops. To aid the laborers, Congress was asked to pass the Sumner Civil Rights Bill, providing for the recognition of certain social rights for negroes, to exempt homesteads from tax action, and to increase the tax on property held by speculators. And the President was asked to supply bread and meat to the negro farmers. Annual Cyclopædia (1873), p. 19; _Tuscaloosa Blade_, Nov. 30, 1873.

[2075] See Willet, "Workers of the Nation," Vol. II, pp. 701, 702.

[2076] Willet, Vol. II, p. 714.

[2077] Washington, in _Atlantic Monthly_, Vol. LXXVIII, pp. 324-326.

[2078] Somers, p. 166.

[2079] _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874.

[2080] Somers, p. 117.

[2081] Somers, p. 159.

[2082] _Southern Magazine_, March, 1874.

[2083] "Southern States," p. 131.

[2084] The prosperity of several large commercial houses in Alabama is said to date from the corner groceries of the '70's.

[2085] Somers, "Southern States," pp. 159, 272; _Harper's Monthly Magazine_, Jan., 1874; King, "The Great South"; C. C. Smith, "Colonization of Negroes in Central Alabama"; _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874; _The Forum_, Vol. XXI, p. 341; Hoffman, p. 261; Hammond, p. 191. See also Appendix II.

[2086] A northern traveller in the Alabama Black Belt in recent years says of it: "The white population is rapidly on the decrease and the negro population on the increase.... There are hundreds of the 'old mansion houses' going to decay, the glass broken in the windows, the doors off the hinges, the siding long unused to paint, the columns of the verandas rotting away, and the bramble thickets encroaching to the very doors. The people have sold their land for what little they could get and moved to the cities and towns, that they may educate their children and escape the intolerable conditions surrounding them at their old beloved homes.... These friends have largely gone from the negro's life, and he is left alone in the wilderness, held down by crop liens and mortgages given to the alien. Land rent is half its value; the tenant must purchase from the creditor's store and raise cotton to pay for what he has already eaten and worn." C. C. Smith, "Colonization of Negroes in Central Alabama," published by the Christian Women's Board of Missions, Indianapolis, Ind.

[2087] See also Edmunds, in _Review of Reviews_, Sept., 1900; Dillingham, in _Yale Review_, Vol. V, p. 190; Stone, "The Negro in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta"; Stone, in _Quarterly Journal of Economics_, Feb., 1905; _Gunton's Magazine_, Sept., 1902 (Dowd); Brown, in _North American Review_, Dec., 1904; Census 1900, Vol. VI, Pt. II, pp. 406-416; _Harper's Monthly Magazine_, Jan., 1874, and Jan., 1881; Stone, in _South Atlantic Quarterly_, Jan., 1905; Kelsey, "The Negro Farmer"; Hammond, "The Cotton Industry."

Another solution of the problem is often suggested, viz. the crowding out of the blacks from the Black Belt by the whites--especially northerners and Germans--who want to cultivate the Black Belt lands, who settle in colonies, and who have no place for the negro in their plans of industrial society. The Black Belt landlords are becoming weary of negro labor, and some are disposed to make special inducements to get whites to settle in the Black Belt. In Louisiana and Mississippi, Italians have replaced negroes on many sugar and cotton plantations. Georgia and Alabama, in order to make the negro work, have recently passed stringent vagrancy laws, and the planters are talking of Chinese labor. For the opinions of those who favor white immigration to the South, see the _Manufacturers Record_, the _Atlanta Constitution_, and the _Montgomery Advertiser_, during recent years. There is a general demand for foreigners who will perform agricultural labor.

[2088] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 879 (Lowe); _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867, Aug. 15, 1868.

[2089] For information in regard to the Radical congressmen: Barnes, "History of the 40th Congress," Index; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Clanton, Lowe, Lindsay); _Harper's Weekly_, May 1, 1869 (picture of Spencer); _Elyton Herald_, ----, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, July 25, 1868; _N. Y. World_, Feb. 15 and Sept. 22, 1868; Alabama Manual (1869), p. 32; _N. Y. Herald_, ----, 1868.

[2090] Pike was the only county that never fell completely into the hands of the Radicals.

[2091] "North Alabama Illustrated," p. 50; _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 13, 1866; _N. Y. World_, April 11 and July 23, 1868; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 187, 188, 881, 1815, 1956; Acts of Ala. (1868), p. 414; (1869-1870), pp. 157, 336; Beverly, "Alabama," p. 203. A vivid description of the first session of the reconstructed legislature was published by Capt. B. H. Screws, "The Loil Legislature."

[2092] Tradition says that what is now known as the Davis Memorial Room was the one thus used.

[2093] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 231, 881, 1411, 1424, 1468; _Weekly Mail_, March 24, 1869; _Independent Monitor_, Jan. 11, 1870; Report of Investigating Committee; Miller, "Alabama," p. 254; "Northern Alabama," p. 50; oral accounts of former members.

[2094] Acts of Ala. (1868), pp. 67, 71, 79, 212, 305, 352.

[2095] Senate Journal (1868), pp. 168, 176, 297.

[2096] Acts of Ala. (1868), pp. 113, 129, 133, 350, 407, 414, 421; (1869-1870), p. 451; _Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 24, 1870; Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 12.

[2097] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 13; Journal (1869-1870), _passim_; Brown, "Alabama," p. 268.

[2098] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 19; _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 17, 1868.

[2099] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 90, 91, 187; Senate Journals (1868-1874).

[2100] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 189, 239, 240, 324, 435, 523, 962, 1421, 1590, 1816, 1819, 1820, 1957; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 53; Coburn Report, p. 256; _N. Y. World_, April 11, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, April 21, 1870.

[2101] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 13.

[2102] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 510; _Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel_, June 13, 1866; _Selma Times and Messenger_, June 9, 1868.

[2103] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 93, 103, 104, 358, 435, 1878; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 3, 1868; Coburn Report, p. 512; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 60.

[2104] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 14; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 91, 1177, 1178, 1179, 1242; _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 27 and Oct. 26, 1868; Report of Sec. of War, 1869, vol. I, p. 88.

[2105] McPherson's scrap-book, "Campaign of 1868," Vol. I, p. 156; Vol. V, pp. 43, 45, 46, 48, 49; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 95, 360, 502, 1956; _N. Y. World_, Sept. 12, 1868; G. O. No. 27, Dept. of the South, Oct. 8, 1868; G. O. No. 38, Dept. of the South, Nov. 10, 1868; _Tuskegee News_, July 29, 1876.

[2106] _N. Y. Times_, Sept. 7, 1868 (speech of Judge T. M. Peters).

[2107] Nordhoff, "Cotton States in 1870," pp. 85, 86; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 185, 209, 210, 434, 435, 1879.

[2108] Miller, "Alabama," p. 256; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 84, 182, 183, 216, 232, 311, 356, 357, 378, 379, 512, 531, 1038, 1625; McPherson's scrap-book, "Campaign of 1870," Vol. I, pp. 55, 61; Annual Cyclopædia (1870), pp. 16, 17; "Northern Alabama," p. 50; _Montgomery Mail_, Aug. 20, 1870 (Union League Appeal).

[2109] Somers, "Southern States," p. 132; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 225; Miller, "Alabama," p. 256.

[2110] Somers, "Southern States," pp. 167, 186; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., 214, 232, 381, 423, 1299, 1371, 1558-1561 (see also the whole of Lindsay's testimony); "Northern Alabama," p. 50; Annual Cyclopædia (1871), p. 11; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 259-261; Beverly, "Alabama," p. 204.

[2111] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Sept. 23, 1872.

[2112] Report of Joint Committee in regard to election of George E. Spencer; Taft, "Senate Election Cases," pp. 558, 562, 574-578; Annual Cyclopædia (1872), pp. 11, 12; (1873), 16-18; Memorial of General Assembly (Radical) to President, November, 1872; Coburn Report, p. 716; Senate Journal (1872-1873), pp. 15-86 ("Court-House Senate"); Senate Journal, 1871 ("Capitol Senate"), Appendix; McPherson, "Handbook of Politics" (1874), pp. 85, 86; Acts of Ala. (1872-1873), p. 532; Acts of Ala., 1873, p. 156; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 12 and 24, 1872; Jan. 4, Feb. 22 and 23, 1873; _Southern Argus_, Nov. 22, 1872; Jan. 10, 1873; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 57-59; Miller, "Alabama," p. 261.

[2113] Coburn Report, pp. 230, 262, 267, 271, 274, 280, 525, 528, 529; "Northern Alabama," p. 51; _Tuscaloosa Blade_, Nov. 27, 1873; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Sept. 27, 1872.

[2114] See Coburn Report, pp. 154, 161.

[2115] _Montgomery Advertiser_, March, 1870; Report of Inspector of Penitentiary, 1873-1874; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 230, 244, 1220, 1380, 1384; Acts of Ala. (1869-1870), p. 28; Washington, "Up from Slavery," pp. 83-90; _N. Y. World_, Feb. 22 and April 11, 1868; _Tuscaloosa Monitor_, Dec. 18, 1867; Coburn Report, pp. 108, 110, 161, 203, 204, 295; Clowes, "Black America," pp. 131, 140; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 59.

[2116] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 71, 233, 390, 391, 881, 1815, 1816; Coburn Report, p. 861; _Huntsville Democrat_, 1872; Straker, "The New South Investigated," pp. 24, 41, 57; _Ala. State Journal_, May 20, 1874; McPherson's Scrap-book, "Campaign of 1869," Vol. I, p. 57.

[2117] _International Monthly_, Vol. V, p. 220; Coburn Report, p. 527; "The Land We Love," Vol. I, p. 446; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 390, 391, 405, 411, 926; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 321, 322, 329; Clowes, "Black America," pp. 53, 131, 140, 144; Murphy, "The Present South."

[2118] See also Ch. XXII.

[2119] Charge of Judge H. D. Clayton to Barbour County grand jury in Coburn Report, p. 839; Report of Montgomery grand jury in _Advertiser_, Oct. 20, 1871; _Tuskegee News_, March 16, 1876; Little, "History of Butler County," p. 111; _Tuscaloosa Blade_, Nov. 19, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 524, 1219; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 27, 1873; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 230, 1175, 1179; _Scribner's Monthly_, Sept., 1874; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 63, 67.

[2120] _Ala. State Journal_, Jan. 14, 1874.

[2121] _State Journal_, March 10, 1874. The justice who performed the ceremony in one case gave as his excuse that the woman was so bad that nothing she could do would make her worse.

[2122] _Montgomery Advertiser_ and other Montgomery papers of March 5, 1873.

[2123] Coburn Report on Affairs in Alabama, 1874, pp. xiv, 341, 519, 520, 521, 743; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Oct. 23, 1902.

[2124] See _State Journal_, Jan. 10 and Feb. 1, 1874.

[2125] A few years ago Strobach offered to tell me all about his political career in exchange for $50, but died before he could begin the account.

[2126] Coburn Report, pp. 225, 230, 272, 280-282; _State Journal_, May 20 and 27, 1874; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Oct. 23, 1902.

[2127] See Coburn Report, pp. 225, 282-288.

[2128] Coburn Report, pp. 118, 135, 145, 151, 279. When the Coburn Committee was in Opelika, Washington Jones, colored, appeared before it and demanded that the promises made to him be fulfilled. He wanted the mule, the land, "overflow" bacon, etc. The committee got rid of him in a hurry. See Coburn Report, p. 135.

[2129] Coburn Report, pp. 59, 63, 106, 118, 122, 142, 181, 641; _State Journal_, June 10, 1874.

[2130] Coburn Report, pp. 58, 59, 92, 106, 136, 275, 295, 296, 416, 641.

[2131] Coburn Report, pp. 58, 59, 106, 203, 204.

[2132] Coburn Report, pp. 59, 63, 109, 118, 119. See also Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 1072-1075.

[2133] Coburn Report, pp. 58, 59, 61, 118, 278, 280, 308, 317, 320, 446.

[2134] The _State Journal_ of Aug. 1, 1874, has a list of extracts from Democratic papers from 1868 to 1874, showing the change of attitude in regard to the negro.

[2135] _Tuskegee News_, June 4, and Aug. 20, and Sept. 10, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 120, 860, 861, 1231, 1232, _et passim_; _Eufaula Times_, July 30, 1874, quoting from the _Birmingham News_, _Shelby Guide_, and _Eutaw Whig_; _State Journal_, June 24, 1874.

[2136] _Opelika Times_, Aug. 22, 1874, condensed; Coburn Report, pp. 97, 100, 104.

[2137] See testimony of Dunbar and Gardner in Coburn Report, pp. 101, 209, 210, 300, 302; _Opelika Daily Times_, Sept. 30, 1874.

[2138] _State Journal_, June 16, 1874. For a typical readoption of this platform see the resolutions of the Tuscaloosa County Democrats in _State Journal_, June 24, 1874. "Old Whig" in the _Opelika Daily Times_, Sept. 30, 1874, proposed that the whites "fall back upon the old Wesleyan doctrine 'to prefer one another in business';" "Give the Radicals no support;" "The adder that stings should find no warmth in the bosom of the dying victim."

[2139] _Opelika Times_, Oct. 14, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 97, 103-104.

[2140] Coburn Report, p. 856; Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 15.

[2141] Coburn Report, pp. 99, 101, 856, 859; _Opelika Daily Times_, June 29 and Oct. 3, 1874; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Oct. 23, 1902.

[2142] _State Journal_, June 4 and 27, 1874; Coburn Report, p. 881; Annual Cyclopædia (1874), pp. 15, 16; _Tuskegee News_, July 2, 1874.

[2143] The division was as follows:--

=====================================================
DISTRICT | DISTRIBUTING POINTS | POUNDS
-----------------|---------------------------|-------
| |
First | Mobile, Selma, Camden | 55,851
Second | Montgomery | 44,402
Third | Opelika, Talladega, Seale | 41,802
Fourth | Demopolis | 53,663
Fifth and sixth | Decatur | 31,278
=====================================================

[2144] Senate Journal, 1874-1875, p. 7.

[2145] For full account of the bacon question see Ho. Doc., No. 110, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.; also _Tuskegee News_, June 4, Aug. 27, and Sept. 24, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 36, 50, 69, 207, 241.

The following list shows how one distribution was made in October, just before the elections:--

=====================================
COUNTY | POUNDS
-----------------------------|-------
Montgomery | 14,151
Lowndes | 8,283
Butler | 4,235
Dale (to P. King, Haw Ridge) | 2,482
Barbour | 4,527
Bullock | 5,169
Pike (to Gardner and Wiley) | 2,066
Henry | 1,036
Clay | 3,000
Randolph | 2,000
Coosa | 3,000
Elmore | 3,500
Talladega | 7,500
Lee (to W. H. Betts) | 9,792
Russell (to W. H. Betts) | 2,390
Walker | 2,178
"To G. P. Plowman, by order |
of Charles Pelham, M. C." | 1,000
=====================================

[2146] Coburn Report, pp. 59, 60.

[2147] Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 13; Coburn Report, pp. 247-254.

[2148] _The Tribune_, Oct. 7, 8, and 12, 1874; _The Nation_, Aug. 27, and Oct. 15 and 27, 1874; Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 12; Foulke, "Life of O. P. Morton," Vol. II, p. 350. The Hays-Hawley letter was first published in the _Hartford Courant_ and in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_. It is also in the Coburn Report, pp. 1254-1260.

[2149] _N. Y. Tribune_, Oct. 7, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 244, 245, 1221, 1226, 1241, 1247, 1264, 1266.

[2150] Coburn Report, p. 512.

[2151] Coburn Report, p. 931.

[2152] _Eufaula News_, Sept. 3, 1874; Coburn Report, p. 855.

[2153] Coburn Report, pp. 679, 681, 746.

[2154] Coburn Report, pp. 514, 515, 681, 1239.

[2155] Coburn Report, pp. 680, 682; "An appeal to Governor Lewis from the People of Sumter."

[2156] Coburn Report, pp. 236, 244, 245, 289, 291, 702, 1201, 1231-1235.

[2157] _Union Springs Herald and Times_, quoted in _State Journal_, June 13, 1874.

[2158] Coburn Report, pp. 130, 948.

[2159] For information in regard to the campaign of 1874 I am indebted to several of those who took part in it, and especially to Mr. T. J. Rutledge, now state bank examiner, who was then secretary of the Democratic campaign committee.

[2160] Coburn Report, pp. 125, 530.

[2161] Coburn Report, pp. xix, 43, 80-84, 427, 434, 476, 794, 850, 851, 949, 1200-1204; _Tuskegee News_, Nov. 5, 1874; _State Journal_, Oct. and Nov., 1874.

[2162] Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 17; _Tribune_ Almanac, 1875.

[2163] Coburn Report, pp. 239, 253, 701, 703; _The Nation_, Nov. 30, 1874; _Tuskegee News_, Dec. 10, 1874.

[2164] In the code of Alabama (1876), pp. 100-120, is printed the "Constitution (so-called) of the State of Alabama, 1868," as the code terms it. The last three amendments are thus noted, "Adoption proclaimed by the Secretary of State, Dec. 18, 1865" (or July 20, 1868, or March 30, 1870). The other amendments have notes stating date of submission and date of ratification by the state. See code of 1876, pp. 27, 28; also code of 1896.

[2165] The negroes voted against it. Some of them were told that, if adopted, a war with Spain would result and that the blacks, being the "only truly loyal," would have to do most of the fighting against the Spanish, who would land at Apalachicola, Milton, and Eufaula. See _Tuskegee News_, Dec. 9, 1875. See also in regard to the new constitution, _Tuskegee News_, June 3, 1875; "Northern Alabama Illustrated," pp. 51, 52; Annual Cyclopædia (1875), p. 14; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 46, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.; "Report of the Joint Committee in regard to the Amendment of the Constitution."

[2166] Most whites believe that eliminating the negro has solved the problem of the negro in politics. It seems to me that this is a superficial view. The black counties are still represented in party conventions and legislature in proportion to population. The white counties are jealous of this undue influence and would like to reduce this representation. The party leaders have been able to repress this jealousy, but it is not forgotten. Before it will submit to loss of representation the Black Belt, it is believed, will gradually admit to the franchise those negroes who have been excluded, and they will vote with the whites. Such a course will undoubtedly cause political realignments. Notice on the maps that the Republican strongholds are now in the white counties. The "Lily Whites" are increasing in numbers.

[2167] These views are set forth most clearly by Alexander Johnston in Lalor's "Cyclopædia of Political Science," Vol. III, p. 556. See also McCall, "Thaddeus Stevens," and his article in the _Atlantic Monthly_, June, 1901; Blaine, "Twenty Years"; Schurz, in _McClure's Magazine_, Jan., 1905; Grosvenor, in _Forum_, Aug., 1900.

[2168] For a belated recognition of the reasons for this, see H. L. Nelson, "Three Months of Roosevelt," in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Feb., 1902.

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