Chapter XLIV: Appendix: II (5)

[1141] In November, 1866, the following army officers, most of whom were members of the Veteran Reserve Corps, were made superintendents of these depots: Montgomery, Capt. J. L. Whiting, V.R.C.; Mobile, Brevet Major G. H. Tracy, 15th Infantry; Huntsville, Brevet Col. J. B. Callis, V.R.C.; Selma, Lieut. George Sharkley; Greenville, James F. McGogy, Late First Lieut. U.S.A.; Tuscaloosa, Capt. W. H. H. Peck, V.R.C.; Talladega, J. W. Burkholder, A.A.G., U.S.A.; Demopolis, Brevet Major C. W. Pierce, V.R.C. Other Bureau officials who afterward became well-known carpet-baggers were: Major C. A. Miller, 2d Maine Cavalry, A.A.G.; Major B. W. Norris, Additional Paymaster; Lieut.-Col. Edwin Beecher, Additional Paymaster; Rev. C. W. Buckley, Chaplain 47th U.S.C. Infantry. Other officers of the V.R.C. who arrived later were Capt. Roderick Theune, Lieuts. George F. Browing, G. W. Pierce, John Jones, P. E. O'Conner, and Joseph Logan. See Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 21, 40th. Cong., 2d Sess. With one exception these later assisted in Reconstruction.

[1142] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Oct. 24, 1869.

[1143] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Oct. 24, 1868.

[1144] McPherson's scrap-book, "Freedmen's Bureau Bill, 1866," p. 128.

[1145] For examples, see Schurz's Report and accompanying documents, Nos. 20, 21, 22, 28; Taylor, "Destruction and Reconstruction"; article by Schurz in _McClure's Magazine_, Jan., 1904.

[1146] _The Nation_, Feb. 15, 1866.

[1147] Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, p. 138.

[1148] G. O. No. 7, Montgomery, Aug. 4, 1865.

[1149] No one ever knew exactly how far the military commander was bound to obey the assistant commissioner and _vice versa_. The problem was at last solved by making Swayne military commander also.

[1150] Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, p. 138 (testimony of General Wager Swayne).

[1151] Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, p. 138.

[1152] Swayne did not hesitate to intimidate such men as Parsons. He would treat old men--former senators, governors, and congressmen--as if they were bad boys; he himself was under thirty.

[1153] The reason for this was that the day before several Federal drunken officers had been careering around the bay in a boat, and Forsyth, who was on this boat, did not want his party of ladies to meet them.

[1154] Statement of Swayne, 1901; _N. Y. News_, Aug. 21, 1865.

[1155] Circular No. 20 (Freedmen's Bureau), War Dept., Nov. 30, 1865.

[1156] Circular No. 15, Sept. 12, 1865.

[1157] McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 13.

[1158] Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, p. 352; G. O. No. 64, Dept. Ala., Dec. 10, 1865; Swayne's Report, Jan. 31, 1865; Freedmen's Bureau Reports, Dec., 1865, and Nov., 1866.

[1159] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec., 1895; Swayne's Reports, Jan. 31 and Oct. 31, 1866, in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, and Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.

[1160] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Nov. 1, 1866.

[1161] Ho. Rept., No. 121, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.

[1162] Freedmen's Bureau Reports, Dec., 1865, and Nov., 1866; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 142 41st Cong., 2d Sess.; Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 240. Congress appropriated $20,000,000, and there was an immense amount of Confederate property confiscated and sold for the benefit of the Bureau. Of this no account was kept. One detailed estimate of Bureau expenses is as follows:--

Appropriations by Congress $20,000,000
General Bounty Fund 8,000,000
Freedmen and Refugee Fund 7,000,000
Retained Bounty Fund (Butler) 2,000,000
School Fund (Confiscated Property) 2,500,000
-----------
Total $39,500,000

Edwin De Leon, "Ruin and Reconstruction of the Southern States," in _Southern Magazine_, 1874. See also Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 142, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.

[1163] G. O. No. 4, July 28, 1865.

[1164] _N. Y. News_, Sept. 7, 1865 (Montgomery correspondent); Ku Klux Rept., p. 441; oral accounts.

[1165] _Montgomery Mail_, May 12, 1865.

[1166] Howard's Circular, May 30, 1865; War Department Circular No. 11, July 12, 1865.

[1167] _Huntsville Advocate_, July 26, 1865. This was when the army officials were conducting the Bureau. Later the civilian agents charged $2 for making every contract, and the negroes soon wanted the Bureau abolished so far as it related to contracts. _N. Y. Times_, March 12, 1866 (letter from Florence, Ala.). In Madison County some of the negroes tarred and feathered a Bureau agent who had been collecting $1.50 each for drawing contracts. _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 22, 1867.

[1168] Swayne's Report, Jan. 31, 1866.

[1169] These regulations bear the approval of the other two rulers of Alabama--General Woods and Governor Parsons. See G. O. No. 12, Aug. 30, 1865.

[1170] G. O. No. 13, Sept., 1865. This order was in force until 1868. See _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.

[1171] These propositions were approved by A. Humphreys, assistant superintendent at Talladega, and by General Chetlain, commanding the District of Talladega. _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865.

[1172] _Selma Messenger_, Nov. 15, 1865; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.

[1173] Ku Klux Rept., p. 441; _N. Y. News_, Sept. 7, 1865; oral accounts.

[1174] Swayne's Report, Jan., 1866. Rev. C. W. Buckley, in a report to Swayne (dated Jan. 5, 1866), of a tour in Lowndes County, stated that while the Bureau and the army and the "government of the Christian nation," each had done much good, all was as nothing to what God was doing. The hand of God was seen in the stubborn and persistent reluctance of the negro to make contracts and go to work; God had taught the 8,000,000 arrogant and haughty whites that they were dependent upon the freedmen; God had ordained that "the self-interest of the former master should be the protection of the late slaves."

[1175] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1865.

[1176] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Oct. 24, 1868.

[1177] _De Bow's Review_, 1866.

[1178] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec., 1865.

[1179] Howard's Circular Letter, Oct. 4, 1865.

[1180] Report, Oct. 31, 1866.

[1181] Herbert, "Solid South," p. 31; _N. Y. News_, Sept. 3, 1865 (Selma correspondent).

[1182] In one case the agent in Montgomery sent to Troy, fifty-two miles distant, and arrested a landlord who refused to rent a house to a negro. The negro told the Bureau agent that he was being evicted.

[1183] There were several plantations near Montgomery, Selma, Mobile, and Huntsville where negroes were thus collected.

[1184] In Montgomery, the Rev. C. W. Buckley, a "hard-shell" preacher, looked after negro contracts. A negro was not allowed to make his own contract, but it must be drawn up before Buckley. When a negro broke his contract, Buckley always decided in his favor, and avowed that he would sooner believe a negro than a white man. His delight was to keep a white man waiting for a long time while he talked to the negro, turning his back to and paying no attention to the white caller. He preached to the negroes several times a week, not sermons, but political harangues. The audience was composed chiefly of negro women, who, if they had work, would leave it to attend the meetings. They would not disclose what Buckley said to them, and when questioned would reply, "It's a secret, and we can't tell it to white folks." Buckley advocated confiscation, but Swayne, who had more common sense, frowned upon such theological doctrines.

[1185] Barker, a carriage-maker at Livingston, was arrested and confined in prison for some time, and finally was released without trial. He was told that a negro servant had preferred charges against him, and later denied having done so. Such occurrences were common. Ku Klux Rept. Ala. Test., pp. 357, 371, 390, 475, 487, 1132; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 27, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Swayne's Reports, Dec., 1865, and Jan., 1866.

[1186] _Selma Times_, April 11, 1866. Busteed was a much-disliked carpet-bag Federal judge. Mr. Burns survived the _Busting_, and was a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1901.

[1187] The Bureau courts continued to act even after the state was readmitted to the Union. In 1868, two constables arrested a negro charged with house-burning in Tuscumbia. Col. D. C. Rugg, the Bureau agent at Huntsville, raised a force of forty negroes and came to the rescue of the negro criminal. "If you attempt to put that negro on the train," he said, "blood will be spilled. I am acting under the orders of the military department." The officers were trying to take him to Tuscumbia for trial. Rugg thought the Bureau should try him, and said, "These men [the negroes] are not going to let you take the prisoner away, and blood will be shed if you attempt it." _N. Y. World_, Oct. 23, 1868; _Tuscaloosa Times_.

[1188] Probably more. Freedmen's Bureau Report, Nov. 1, 1866.

[1189] Bureau Reports, 1865-1869.

[1190] Freedmen's Bureau Reports, 1865-1870; Hardy, "History of Selma"; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 13, 1865.

[1191] The Southern Famine Relief Commission of New York, which worked in Alabama until 1867, reported that there was much greater suffering from want among the whites than among the blacks. This society sent corn alone to the state,--65,958 bushels. See Final Proceedings and General Report, New York, 1867.

[1192] Freedmen's Bureau Reports, 1865-1868.

[1193] Ho. Rept., No. 121, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.

[1194] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.

[1195] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec., 1865.

[1196] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866; _N. Y. Daily News_, Sept. 7, 1865 (Montgomery correspondent).

[1197] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 446.

[1198] In the convention of 1867 this teaching bore fruit in the ordinance authorizing suits by former slaves to recover wages from Jan. 1, 1863.

[1199] _N. Y. World_, Nov. 13, 1865 (Selma correspondent); oral accounts.

[1200] _De Bow's Review_, March, 1866 (Dr. Nott); _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 3, 1865; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March 21, 1866.

[1201] Du Bois in _Atlantic Monthly_, March, 1901.

[1202] A Tallapoosa County farmer stated that for three years after the war the crops were very bad. Yet the whites who had negroes on their farms felt bound to support them. But if the whites tried to make the negroes work or spoke sharply to them, they would leave and go to the Bureau for rations. P. M. Dox, a Democratic member of Congress in 1870, said that in north Alabama, in 1866-1867, negro women would not milk a cow when it rained. Servants would not black boots. There was a general refusal to do menial service. Ala. Test., pp. 345, 1132. The Alabama cotton crop of 1860 was 842,729 bales; of 1865, 75,305 bales; of 1866, 429,102 bales; of 1867, 239,516 bales; of 1868, 366,193 bales. Of each crop since the war an increasingly large proportion has been raised by the whites.

[1203] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866.

[1204] Within the last five years I have seen several old negroes who said they had been paying assessments regularly to men who claimed to be working to get the "forty acres and the mule" for the negro. They naturally have little to say to white people on the subject. From what I have been told by former slaves, I am inclined to think that the negroes have been swindled out of many hard-earned dollars, even in recent times, by the scoundrels who claim to be paying the fees of lawyers at work on the negroes' cases.

[1205] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866; Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec., 1865; Grant's Report; Truman's Report, April 9, 1866; _DeBow's Review_, March, 1866; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March 1, 1866; _N. Y. News_, Nov. 25, 1865 (Selma correspondent); _N. Y. World_, Nov. 13, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 31, 1865; _N. Y. News_, Sept., and Oct. 2, 7, 1865. B. W. Norris, a Bureau agent from Skowhegan, Maine, told the negroes the tale of "forty acres and a mule," and they sent him to Congress in 1868 to get the land for them. He told them that they had a better right to the land than the masters had. "Your work made this country what it is, and it is yours." Ala. Test., pp. 445, 1131.

[1206] Ala. Test., p. 314.

[1207] Ball, "Clarke County," p. 627.

[1208] Ala. Test., p. 1133.

[1209] Ala. Test., p. 460; see Annual Cyclopædia (1867), article "Confiscation."

[1210] _Montgomery Advertiser_, March, 1866. Buckley was known among the "malignants" as "the high priest of the nigger Bureau." _N. Y. World_, Dec. 22, 1867.

[1211] _N. Y. Herald_, July 23, 1865; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 30.

[1212] _DeBow's Review_, 1866; oral accounts.

[1213] _N. Y. Times_, Feb. 12, 1866 (letter of northern traveller); Steedman and Fullerton's Reports; _N. Y. Herald_, June 24, 1866; _Columbus_ (Ga.) _Sun_, Nov. 22, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 25, 1866.

[1214] Account by Col. J. W. DuBose in manuscript.

[1215] Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 30, 31; _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 25, 1866.

[1216] Ho. Rept., No. 121, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.; Ku Klux Rept., p. 441. See chapter in regard to Union League.

[1217] See also DuBois, in _Atlantic Monthly_, March, 1901; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 241, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.

[1218] Ho. Rept., No. 121, p. 47, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.

[1219] Some of the prominent incorporators were Peter Cooper, William C. Bryant, A. A. Low, Gerritt Smith, John Jay, A. S. Barnes, J. W. Alvord, S. G. Howe, George L. Stearns, Edward Atkinson, and A. A. Lawrence. The act of incorporation was approved by the President on March 3, 1865, at the same time the Freedmen's Bureau Bill was approved. Numbers of the incorporators and bank officials were connected with the Bureau. See Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 16, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.

[1220] A Bureau paymaster.

[1221] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 16, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.

[1222] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.

[1223] See Williams, "History of the Negro Race in America," Vol. II, p. 410. August was a month in which there was little money-making among the negroes. It was vacation time, between the "laying by" and the gathering of the crop.

[1224] Hoffman, "Race Traits and Tendencies," p. 290, says $3,013,699.

[1225] Hoffman, p. 290; also Sen. Rept., No. 440, 46th Cong., 2d Sess. Williams, Vol. II, p. 411, states that the total deposits amounted to $57,000,000, an average of $284 for each depositor.

[1226] Dividends were declared as follows: Nov. 1, 1875, 20%; March 20, 1875-1878, 10%; Sept. 1, 1880, 10%; June 1, 1882, 15%; May 12, 1883, 7%; making 62% in all. To 1886, $1,722,549 had been paid to depositors, and there was a balance in the hands of the government receivers of $30,476.

[1227] Williams, "History of the Negro Race," Vol. II, pp. 403-410; Fred Douglass, "Life and Times," Ch. XIV; Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 16, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.; Du Bois, "The Souls of Black Folk"; the various reports of the Freedmen's Bureau and of the commissioners appointed to settle the affairs of the Freedmen's Savings and Trust Company, to 1902; Hoffman, "Race Traits and Tendencies," pp. 289, 290; Fleming, "Documents relating to Reconstruction," Nos. 6 and 7.

[1228] Regulations of the Treasury Dept., July 29, 1864.

[1229] McPherson, "Rebellion," pp. 594, 595; McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 147-151.

[1230] See Ch. IV, sec. 7.

[1231] DuBois (_Atlantic Monthly_, March, 1901) declares that the opposition to the education of the negro was bitter, for the South believed that the educated negro was a dangerous negro. This statement is perhaps partially correct for fifteen or twenty years after 1870, but it is not correct for 1865-1869.

[1232] _The Gulf States Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1902; Report of General Swayne to Howard, Dec. 26, 1865. The evidence on this point that is worthy of consideration is conclusive. It is all one way. See also Chs. XIX and XX, below.

[1233] Report of Swayne, Oct. 31, 1866.

[1234] "Up from Slavery," pp. 29, 30.

[1235] _Daily News_, Sept. 7, 1865 (Montgomery correspondence). Oral accounts.

[1236] G. O. No. 11, July 12, 1865 (Montgomery); Freedmen's Bureau Reports, 1865-1869.

[1237] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866; Freedmen's Bureau Report, 1866.

[1238] Swayne's Report., Oct. 31, 1866.

[1239] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec., 1865; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.

[1240] _Daily News_, Oct. 21, 1865 (Mobile correspondent); _De Bow's Review_, 1866 (Dr. Nott).

[1241] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866.

[1242] The account of this particular school was given me by Dr. O. D. Smith of Auburn, Ala., who was one of the men who chose the white teacher.

[1243] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866.

[1244] Report, Oct. 31, 1866.

[1245] Rent was usually paid at the rate of $20 a month for thirty pupils. Ho. Rept., No. 121, pp. 47, 369, 374, 377, 41st Cong., 2d Sess. The books of the American Missionary Association showed that it had received, in 1868 and 1869, from the Freedmen's Bureau for Alabama, the following amounts in cash, though how much it received before these dates is not known.

December, 1867 $4000.00
October, 1868 583.86
February, 1868 25.41 (?)
January, 1869 218.25
April, 1869 683.53
May, 1869 1397.49
June, 1869 95.87
July, 1869 527.00
September, 1869 3049.59
November, 1869 3469.50
December, 1869 2083.78
For building (?) 20,000.00

An item in the account of the Association was "Chicago to Mobile, $20,000." No one was able to explain what it meant unless it was the $20,000 building in Mobile used as a training school for negro teachers and on which the Bureau paid rent. In the southern states the Bureau paid to the American Missionary Association, as shown by the books of the latter, $213,753.22. Judging from the variable items not noted above, rent was evidently not included nor even all the cash. Ho. Rept., No. 121, p. 369 _et seq._, 41st Cong., 2d Sess. (Howard Investigation).

[1246] Buckley's Report for March 15, 1867; Semiannual Report on Schools for Freedmen, July 4, 1867; General Clanton in Ku Klux Rept. Ala. Test.

[1247] Francis Wayland.

[1248] S. G. Greene, president of the association.

[1249] President Hill of Harvard College.

[1250] Reports, Proceedings, and Lectures of the National Teachers' Association, 1865 to 1880; Reports of the Freedmen's Aid Societies of the Methodist Episcopal Church. For results of the mistaken teachings of the radical instructors, see Page's article on "Lynching" in the _North American Review_, Jan., 1904.

[1251] Miss Alice M. Bacon, in the Slater Fund Trustees, Occasional Papers, No. 7, p. 6. Armstrong, at Hampton, Va., was a shining exception to the kind of teachers described above.

[1252] The Reconstruction government was now in power. There were, at this time, thirty-one Bureau schools at thirty-one points in the state.

[1253] Freedmen's Bureau Reports, 1867-1870.

[1254] _Atlantic Monthly_, March, 1901.

[1255] Sir George Campbell, "White and Black," pp. 131, 383; Thomas, "The American Negro," p. 240; Washington, "The Future of the American Negro," pp. 25-27, 55; _DeBow's Review_, 1866; Slater Fund Trustees, Occasional Papers, No. 7. Washington tells of the craze for the education in Greek, Latin, and theology. This education would make them the equal of the whites, they thought, and would free them from manual labor, and above all fit them for office-holding. Nearly all became teachers, preachers, and politicians. "Up from Slavery," pp. 30, 80, 81; "Future of the American Negro," p. 49.

[1256] From the surrender of the Confederate armies, to his death in 1903, Dr. Curry was a stanch believer in the work for negro education. No other man knew the whole question so thoroughly as he. And he had the advantage of a close acquaintance with the negro from his early childhood. His observations as to the effects of alien efforts to educate the black will be found in the Slater Fund Occasional Papers, and in an address delivered before the Montgomery Conference in 1900. See also Ch. XIV.

[1257] I have talked with many who uniformly assert that they were unable to conform to the Bureau regulations. It was better to let land remain uncultivated. Wherever possible no attention was paid to the rules. The negro laborers themselves have no recollections of any real assistance in labor matters received from the Bureau. They remember it rather as an obstruction to laboring freely.

[1258] The President and the Supreme Court now being powerless.

[1259] That is, blacks and such whites as were not "disfranchised for participation in the rebellion or for felony."

[1260] July 11, 1868, the oath was modified for those whose disabilities had been removed by Congress; Feb. 15, 1871, those not disfranchised by the Fourteenth Amendment were allowed to take the modified oath of July 11, 1868, instead of the iron-clad oath. See MacDonald, "Select Statutes." The Alabama representatives all took the "iron-clad" oath.

[1261] Text of the Act, McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 191, 192; G. O. No. 2, 3d M. D., April 3, 1867. For criticism, Burgess, "Reconstruction," pp. 112-122; Dunning, "Civil War and Reconstruction," pp. 123, 126-135, 143.

[1262] G. O. Nos. 10 and 18, H. Q. A., March 11 and 15, 1867; McPherson, p. 200.

[1263] Report of Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 321.

[1264] The oath was: "I, ---- ----, do solemnly swear (or affirm), in the presence of Almighty God, that I am a citizen of the State of Alabama; that I have resided in said State for ---- months, next preceding this day, and now reside in the county of ---- in said State; that I am twenty-one years old; that I have not been disfranchised for participation in any rebellion or civil war against the United States, nor for felony committed against the laws of any State or of the United States; that I have never been a member of any State legislature, nor held any executive or judicial office in any State and afterward engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the United States or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof; that I have never taken an oath as a member of Congress of the United States, as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States and afterwards engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the United States or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof; that I will faithfully support the Constitution and obey the laws of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, encourage others to do so, so help me God!" McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 192, 205; G. O. No. 5, 3d M. D., April 8, 1867.

[1265] McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 192-194; Burgess, "Reconstruction," pp. 129-135; Dunning, "Civil War and Reconstruction," pp. 124, 125.

[1266] G. O. Nos. 1 and 2, 3d M. D., April 1 and 3, 1866; _N. Y. Herald_, April 6, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 19; McPherson, pp. 201, 205; Report of Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 322; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 38.

[1267] G. O. No. 1, Dist. Ala., April 2, 1867; McPherson, p. 206.

[1268] Report of Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 466; _N. Y. Herald_, April 6, 1867.

[1269] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 20, 40th Cong., 1st Sess.

[1270] G. O. No. 52, H. Q. A., April 11, 1867.

[1271] Report of Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 353.

[1272] G. O. No. 4, 3d M. D., April 4, 1867.

[1273] G. O. No. 10, 3d M. D., April 23, 1867.

[1274] G. O. No. 48, 3d M. D., Aug. 6, 1867.

[1275] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 17.

[1276] G. O. No. 25, 3d M. D., May 29, 1867. (This was to favor Radical meetings. There were many stump speakers sent down from the North to tell the negro how to vote, and it was feared they might excite the whites to acts of violence.) _N. Y. Herald_, June 4, 1867 (explanatory order).

[1277] McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 335, 336; Dunning, pp. 153, 154.

[1278] As long as Pope was in command at Montgomery and Atlanta, he and Grant kept up a rapid and voluminous (on the part of Pope) correspondence. They were usually agreed on all that pertained to Reconstruction, both now being extreme in their views.

[1279] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 30, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.; No. 20, 40th Cong., 1st Sess.; McPherson, p. 312.

[1280] G. O. No. 45, 3d M. D., Aug. 2, 1867; McPherson, p. 319.

[1281] G. O. Nos. 53 and 55, 3d M. D., Aug. 19 and 23, 1867; Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 331; McPherson, p. 319.

[1282] See _Selma Messenger_, Jan. 17, 1868.

[1283] See McPherson, p. 312.

[1284] _Eutaw Whig and Observer_, Dec. 12 and 24, 1867.

[1285] S. O. No. 2, 3d M. D., April 15, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 20; _Montgomery Mail_, April 30, 1867.

[1286] See p. 509.

[1287] G. O. Nos. 35, 38, 40, Post of Mobile, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 20-23; _N. Y. Times_, May 21, 1867.

[1288] _N. Y. World_, May 28, 1867; S. O. No. 34, 3d M. D., May 31, 1867; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 40; _N. Y. Times_, May 21, 1867.

[1289] S. O. No. 38, 3d M. D., June 6, 1867; S. O. No. 27, 3d M. D., May 22, 1867; _N. Y. Tribune_, June 12, 1867; _Selma Messenger_, June 18, 1867; _Evening Post_, May, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 20-25; _Mobile Register_, Oct. --, 1867.

[1290] _Mobile Register_, Oct. --, 1867.

[1291] Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 40, 41; _N. Y. Times_, Dec. 27, 1867. See above, p. 393.

[1292] S. O. Nos. 9, 10, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 3d M. D., 1867; Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 327. (Some of the persons appointed were B. T. Pope and David P. Lewis, judges; George P. Goldthwaite, solicitor; and B. F. Saffold, mayor of Selma.)

[1293] Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 364.

[1294] G. O. No. 77, 3d M. D., Oct. 19, 1897; McPherson, p. 319.

[1295] G. O. No. 103, 3d M. D., Dec. 21, 1867.

[1296] Report of the Secretary of War, 1877, Vol. I, p. 333; McPherson, p. 316.

[1297] S. O. 254, 3d M. D., Nov. 26, 1867; Pope to Swayne, Nov. 20, 1867; _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867.

[1298] G. O. No. 3, Sub-dist. Alabama, April 12, 1867; McPherson, p. 319.

[1299] McPherson, p. 319.

[1300] _N. Y. Herald_, April 6, 1867.

[1301] _N. Y. Tribune_, June 1, 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, June 4, 1867; G. O. No. 28, 3d M. D., June 3, 1867; Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 326.

[1302] Aug. 12, 1867.

[1303] G. O. Nos. 1 and 10.

[1304] G. O. No. 49, 3d M. D., Aug. 12, 1867.

[1305] Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 235.

[1306] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 25, 1867.

[1307] G. O. No. 25, 3d M. D., 1867.

[1308] S. O. No. 53, 3d M. D., June 27, 1867; G. O. No. 44, 3d M. D., Aug. 1, 1867; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 30, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.

[1309] G. O. No. 94, 3d M. D., 1867.

[1310] S. O. No. 96, 3d M. D., Aug 5. 1867; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 30, 40th Cong., 2d Sess. There were other cases not referred to in general and special orders, but this was the only case in which Pope himself directly interfered.

[1311] G. O. No. 5, 3d M. D., April 8, 1867.

[1312] In this way, white majorities in ten counties were overcome by black majorities in the adjoining counties of the district.

[1313] Of the registrars who later became somewhat prominent in politics, the whites were Horton, Dimon, Dereen, Sillsby, William M. Buckley, Stanwood, Ely, Pennington, Haughey--all being northern men. Of the negro members of the boards, Royal, Finley, Williams, Alston, Turner, Rapier, and King (or Godwin) rose to some prominence, and their records were much better that those of their white colleagues.

[1314] G. O. No. 20, 3d M. D., May 21, 1867.

[1315] G. O. No. 12, 3d M. D., 1867.

[1316] Smith was later the first Reconstruction governor of Alabama.

[1317] G. O. No. 41, 3d M. D., 1867.

[1318] G. O. No. 50, 3d M. D., Aug. 15, 1867.

[1319] Governor, secretary of state, treasurer, comptroller, sheriff, judicial officers of every kind, and all court clerks and other officials, commissioners, tax assessors and collectors, county surveyors, treasurers, mayor, councilmen, justices of the peace, solicitors.

[1320] Special Instructions to Registrars in Alabama, Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 339.

[1321] Registration Orders, June 17, 1867.

[1322] Record of Cabinet Meeting, June 18, 1867, in Ho. Ex. Doc., No, 34, 40th Cong., 1st Sess.; Burgess, p. 136; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 20, 40th Cong., 1st Sess.

[1323] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 20, 40th Cong., 1st Sess.; McPherson, p. 311. See above, p. 479.

[1324] McPherson, pp. 335, 336; Burgess, pp. 138-142.

[1325] McPherson, pp. 335, 336.

[1326] G. O. No. 59, 3d M. D., Aug. 31, 1867; Journal of Convention of 1867, pp. 3-5; Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, pp. 356, 357; _Tribune_ Almanac, 1868.

[1327] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 53, 40th Cong., 2d Sess. _Tribune_ Almanac, 1867, 1868; Report of Col. J. F. Meline, Inspector of Registration, Jan. 27, 1868. These figures are based on the latest reports of 1867. According to the census of 1866, there would be in 1867, 108,622 whites over twenty-one years of age, and 89,663 blacks.

[1328] Meline's Report, Jan. 27, 1868. See also Ch. XIII below.

[1329] G. O. No. 76, Oct. 18, 1867; Journal of Convention of 1867, pp. 1-3.

[1330] McPherson, p. 319; Journal of Convention, 1867, pp. 110, 111, 276; _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867. When the convention passed a resolution indorsing the "firm and impartial, yet just and gentle," administration of Pope, three delegates voted against it because they said Pope had not done his full duty in removing disloyal persons from office but, after being informed of their politics, had left them in office. Journal of Convention, 1867, pp. 110, 111. For account of the convention, see below, Ch. XIV.

[1331] G. O. No. 101, Dec. 20, 1867; McPherson, p. 319; Journal of Convention, p. 267.

[1332] The 45th United States Infantry, a negro regiment.

[1333] McPherson, p. 346; G. O. No. 104, H. Q. A. (A. G. O.), Dec. 28, 1867; G. O. No. 1, 3d M. D., Jan. 1, 1868.

[1334] Herbert, "Solid South"; _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 24, 1868.

[1335] G. O. No. 3, 3d M. D., Jan. 6, 1868.

[1336] G. O. No. 16, 3d M. D., Jan. 27, 1868; Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 15; Report of Major-General Meade's Military Operations and Administration of the 3d M. D., etc. (pamphlet); _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 24, 1868.

[1337] See Ch. XV for "convention" candidates.

[1338] Report of Meade, etc., 1868; Telegrams of Meade to Grant, Jan. 11, 12, and 18, and of Grant to Meade, Jan. 13 and 18.

[1339] Report of Meade, etc., 1868; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 48, 49. In his first report Meade estimated that the constitution failed of ratification by 8114 votes (Herbert, "Solid South," p. 49). In his report at the end of the year, based on the official report of General Hayden, which was made a month after the election, he changed the number to 13,550. See also Ch. XVI, on the rejection of the constitution.

[1340] G. O. No. 42, 3d M. D., March 12, 1868; McPherson, p. 320; Meade's Report, 1868.

[1341] In one case he reinstated Charles R. Hubbard, Clerk of the District Court, who had been removed by Swayne. This was contrary to instructions from the War Department, which forbade the reappointment of an officer who had been removed. Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 15.

[1342] Report of Meade, etc., 1868; G. O. No. 10, 3d M. D., Jan. 15, 1868.

[1343] G. O. No. 7, Jan. 11, 1868, republishing G. O. No. 3, War Department, 1866.

[1344] G. O. No. 47, 3d M. D., March 21, 1868.

[1345] Pope was in feeble health, and this treatment hastened his death, which occurred shortly after being released from jail. Brewer, "Alabama," p. 524.

[1346] G. O. No. 53, 3d M. D., April 7, 1868; _N. Y. Herald_, April 1, 1868. Judge Pope was arrested for violating Pope's G. O. Nos. 53, 55, which certainly provided for mixed juries. Meade was simply putting his own interpretation on these orders.

[1347] G. O. No. 22, 3d M. D., Feb. 2, 1868; Report of Meade, etc., 1868.

[1348] Report of Meade, etc,. 1868; _Independent Monitor_, April and May, 1868. The _Independent Monitor_ was a long-established and well-known weekly paper. F. A. P. Barnard, who was afterwards president of Columbia College, New York, was, when a professor at the University of Alabama, the editor of the _Monitor_, and under him it won a reputation for spiciness which it did not lose under Randolph. See also Ch. XXI, for Randolph and the Ku Klux Klan.

[1349] G. O. No. 31, Feb. 28, 1868; G. O. No. 44, March 18, 1868; G. O. No. 69, April 24, 1868; McPherson, p. 320; Report of Meade, etc., 1868.

[1350] G. O. No. 6, Jan. 10, 1868; G. O. No. 79, May 20, 1868; McPherson, p. 320; Report of Meade, 1868.

[1351] Report of Meade, 1868.

[1352] G. O. No. 64, 3d M. D., April 19, 1868; _Selma Times and Messenger_, April 29, 1868.

[1353] This was the offence according to conservative testimony. The Radical testimony did not differ greatly, but the "hog thief" happened to be a carpet-bag politician also.

[1354] These were the "Eutaw cases," and were tried at Selma. Meade commuted some of the sentences at once. The prisoners were sent to Dry Tortugas, and were later pardoned by Meade. The officials spoiled the effect of his leniency by putting the pardoned prisoners ashore at Galveston, Texas, without money and almost without clothes, while some of the party were ill. Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 17; _Selma Times and Messenger_, May 5, 1868; _N. Y. World_, May 28, 1868; G. O. No. 80, 3d M. D., May 20, 1868.

[1355] _Independent Monitor_, April and May, 1868; Report of Meade, 1868; G. O. No. 78, 3d M. D., May 13, 1868.

[1356] G. O. Nos. 64 and 65, 3d M. D., April 19 and 20, 1868.

During the eight months of Meade's administration in the Third District, there were thirty-two trials by military commission in Georgia, Florida, and Alabama. Only fifteen persons were convicted. The sentences in four cases were disapproved, in eight cases remitted, and two cases were referred to the President, leaving only one person confined in prison. Report of Meade, 1868.

[1357] _Selma Messenger_, Oct. 25, 1867.

[1358] _Montgomery Mail_, June 17, 1868; _Independent Monitor_, June 16, 1868.

[1359] Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 17; _Montgomery Advertiser_, June 5, 1868.

[1360] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 1285-1286.

[1361] McPherson, p. 337; see below, Ch. XV.

[1362] Only the Radical candidates had been voted for.

[1363] Report of Meade, 1868.

[1364] G. O. No. 91, 3d M. D., June 28, 1868.

[1365] G. O. No. 100, July 9, 1868.

[1366] G. O. No. 101, July 14, 1868.

[1367] The volume of orders numbered 598 in the Adjutant-General's office at Washington contains the General Orders of the Third Military District. Volume 599 relates to civil affairs in the same district.

[1368] _N. Y. Herald_, June 27, 1867.

[1369] Washington (in "The Future of the American Negro," pp. 11, 112, 136) thinks it unfortunate that the native whites did not make stronger efforts to control the politics of the negro, and prevent him from falling under the control of unscrupulous aliens. But any attempt to influence the negro voters was looked upon as "obstructing reconstruction," and, in fact, was contrary to the spirit of the reconstruction laws and rendered a person liable to arrest. This was recognized by Patton and others, who, however, never dreamed that the negroes would be so successfully exploited by political adventurers, or perhaps they would have pursued a different policy. General Clanton, the leader of the Conservatives, said that early in 1867 the whites had endeavored to keep the blacks away from Radical leaders by giving them barbecues, etc. On one occasion a Radical, who had once been kept from mistreating negroes by the military authorities at Clanton's request, told the negroes that the whites intended to poison them at the barbecue. Two long tables had been set, one for each race, and the preachers, speakers, and the whites were present, but the blacks did not come. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 237, 246.

[1370] _N. Y. Herald_, March 26, 1867.

[1371] Herbert, "Solid South," p. 39; Herbert, "Political History" in "Memorial Record of Alabama," Vol. I, p. 88; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 16.

[1372] Northern observers who were friendly to the South saw the danger much more clearly than the southerners themselves, who seemed unable to take negro suffrage seriously or to consider it as great a danger as it is generally believed they did. Two years of the Freedmen's Bureau had not wholly succeeded in alienating the best of the whites and the negroes. The whites thought that the removal of outside interference would quiet the blacks. To give the negro the ballot was absurd, they thought, but they did not consider it necessarily as dangerous as it turned out to be. A remarkable prophecy of Reconstruction is found in Calhoun's Works, Vol. VI, pp. 309-310. The behavior of the negro during and after the war, in spite of malign influences, had been such as to reassure many whites, who began to believe that to accept negro suffrage and get rid of the Freedmen's Bureau and the army would be a good exchange. The northern friendly observers saw more clearly because, perhaps, they better understood the motives of the Radicals. The _N. Y. Herald_ said: "Briefly, we may regard the entire ten unreconstructed southern states, with possibly one or two exceptions, as forced by a secret and overwhelming revolutionary influence to a common and inevitable fate. They are all bound to be governed by blacks, spurred on by worse than blacks--white wretches who dare not show their faces in respectable society anywhere. This is the most abominable phase barbarism has assumed since the dawn of civilization. It was all right and proper to put down the rebellion. It was all right, perhaps, to emancipate the slaves, although the right to hold them had been acknowledged before. But it is not right to make slaves of white men, even though they may have been former masters of blacks. This is but a change in a system of bondage that is rendered the more odious and intolerable because it has been inaugurated in an enlightened instead of a dark and uncivilized age." See Annual Register, 1867.

[1373] See McPherson's scrapbook, "The Campaign of 1876," Vol. I, p. 105, for an account of a typical meeting.

[1374] _Selma Times_, March 19, 1867.

[1375] _N. Y. Herald_, March 27, 1869.

[1376] _N. Y. Herald_, April 25, 1869; Annual Cyclopædia (1869), p. 19.

[1377] Annual Cyclopædia (1869), p. 19; _N. Y. Herald_, April 25, 1869.

[1378] _N. Y. Herald_, May 17, 1869; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 18, 21. It is noticeable all through Reconstruction that most of the demands for social rights or privileges came from Mobile mulattoes.

[1379] For an estimate of the importance of the Union League, see Ch. XVI.

[1380] McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 249, 250. The last assertion refers to such statements as those of Secretary McCulloch and the Postmaster-General in regard to the character of the "loyalists." See McCulloch, "Men and Measures," p. 228.

[1381] See Herbert, "Solid South," p. 41.

[1382] On March 15, 1867, Senator Wilson, in a speech in favor of negro suffrage, said that when the purpose of the act of March 2 was carried out, the "majority of these states will, within a twelvemonth, send here senators and representatives that think as we think, and speak as we speak, and vote as we vote, and will give their electoral vote for whoever we nominate as candidate for President in 1868. The power is all in our hands." _Cong. Globe_, March 15, 1867.

[1383] Clanton had been a Whig, had opposed secession, made a brilliant war record, became the leader of the Democratic and Conservative party in 1866, and led the fight against the carpet-bag government until his death in 1871. He was killed in Knoxville by a hireling of one of the railroad companies which had looted the state treasury and against which he was fighting. Brewer, p. 466; Garrett, pp. 632-645.

[1384] See Herbert, "Solid South," p. 40; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 249.

[1385] _N. Y. Tribune_, May 16, 1867, editorial. When the shots were fired Kelly showed the white feather, and reclined upon the platform behind and under the speaker's chair; afterwards he ran hatless to the hotel, and told the clerk to "swear he was out." A special boat at once took him from the city to Montgomery.

[1386] _N. Y. Tribune_, May 16, 1767; _N. Y. Times_, May 21, 1867; _N. Y. World_, May 28, 1867; _Mobile Times_, ----, 1867; _Mobile Register_, ----, 1867; _Evening Post_, ----, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 22, 23.

[1387] _N. Y. Herald_, May 26, 1867.

[1388] See Herbert, "Solid South," p. 43; oral accounts, etc.

[1389] Sykes soon deserted the Radicals, and was a Seymour elector the next year. Later he was a candidate for the U. S. Senate against Spencer. Brewer, p. 309.

[1390] He was the north Alabama candidate for appointment as provisional governor in 1865, but was defeated by Parsons, the middle Alabama candidate. Parsons made him a judge, but he resigned because the lawyers who argued before him spoke in insulting phrases concerning his war record. In 1867 Pope appointed him superintendent of registration for the state. He was a prominent member of the Union League. Brewer, p. 508; _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867; Report of Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III.

[1391] _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867, a northern Republican account.

[1392] Nicholas Davis of Madison County and Judge Busteed were both candidates for the chairmanship. But the negroes and Union Leaguers were hostile to Davis, because he did not like negro politicians and carpet-baggers and was opposed to the Union League. Busteed was not a favorite for practically the same reasons, and because the negroes thought he was trying to "ride two horses at once." He had spoken at a meeting of moderate reconstructionists in Mobile, had presided over the Kelly meeting where the riot occurred, and was believed to be in favor of moderate measures. He wrote a letter to the president of the convention, advising moderation and criticising certain methods of the Radicals. This letter was styled the "God save the Republic" letter, and was characterized, his enemies said, by its bad taste and malignant spirit, and was a stab at his best friends. He was chosen a member of the Lowndes County delegation, but his name was erased from the list of delegates. He then asked to have the privileges of the floor as a courtesy, but his request was denied. One cause of dislike of him was that he was believed to have senatorial aspirations, and expected the support of the moderates, or "rebel" reconstructionists. But he was very unfortunate, for the "rebels" also thought he was trying to play a double game and were dropping him. Suits were pending against him charging him with malfeasance in office, fraudulent conversion of money, and corrupt abuse of the judicial office. Ex-Governor Watts, Judges S. F. Rice and Wade Keys, John A. Elmore, H. C. Semple, D. S. Troy, and R. H. Goldthwaite were the parties prosecuting him. _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867; Brewer, p. 365; _Montgomery Mail_, June 5, 1867.

[1393] Swayne, as well as Busteed, was an aspirant for senatorial honors. Busteed had succeeded in causing the rejection of Albert Griffin, the editor of the _Mobile Nationalist_, as register in chancery. Griffin was Swayne's friend, and now each gave the other the benefit of his influence. _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867; _Montgomery Mail_, June 5, 1867.

[1394] _N. Y. Herald_, June 17, 1867.

[1395] The only taxes that affected these people.

[1396] Annual Cyclopædia (1869), pp. 25, 26; _Montgomery Mail_, June 5, 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, June 19, 20, 1867.

[1397] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 19, 1867.

[1398] Herbert, pp. 43, 44; _N. Y. Herald_, June 20 and 27, 1867. Most of the violent and radical schemes originated and were advocated by the white Radical leaders. Generally the negro leaders made moderate demands. Holland Thompson, a negro leader, in a speech at Tuskegee, advised his race not to organize a negro military company, as it would be sure to cause trouble. He said that the negro did not ask for social equality. He told the negroes to stop buying guns and whiskey and go to work. McPherson's scrapbook, "The Campaign of 1867," Vol. I, p. 107. In striking contrast were the speeches of such white men as B. W. Norris and A. C. Felder, who undertook to persuade the negroes that Reconstruction was the remedy for all the ills that affected humanity. McPherson's scrapbook, "The Fourth of July" (1867), pp. 124, 125.

[1399] Herbert, p. 44.

[1400] Lawyer, colonel of 7th Alabama Cavalry, superintendent of education, 1870-1872, author of "The Cradle of the Confederacy," "Alabama Manual and Statistical Register," editor _Montgomery Mail_, _Mobile Register_, etc.

[1401] A reign of terror had followed the reconstruction of Tennessee under "Parson" Brownlow.

[1402] _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 19, 1867.

[1403] _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 6, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 28; Herbert, p. 44.

[1404] Herbert, pp. 44, 45; _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 6, 1867.

[1405] _Montgomery Sentinel_, July 3, 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 5, 1867.

[1406] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 357. A frequent threat.

[1407] _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867; Harris, "Political Conflict in America," p. 479.

[1408] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 13, 1867.

[1409] Accounts of negroes and whites who were at the polls.

[1410] _Selma Messenger_, Oct. 10 and 12, Dec. 20 and 22, 1867, and Jan. 2, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, Jan. 30, 1868; Ball, "Clarke County"; oral accounts.

[1411] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Nov. 1, 1867.

[1412] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 53, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 238, 40th Cong., 2d Sess. The _N. Y. Tribune_, Oct. 21, 1867, gives slightly different figures. Statements of the vote do not agree. There was much confusion in the records. For statistics, see above, pp. 491, 494.

[1413] Samuel A. Hale, a dissatisfied Radical from New Hampshire, a brother of John P. Hale, wrote to Senator Henry Wilson, on Jan. 1, 1868, concerning the character of the members of the convention. He said that many were negroes, grossly ignorant; a large proportion were northern adventurers who had manipulated the negro vote; and all were "worthless vagabonds, homeless, houseless, drunken knaves." Hale had lived for several years in Alabama. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 1815-1830.

[1414] There is doubt about four or five men, whether they were black or white. The lists made at the time do not agree.

[1415] _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867, and Feb. 22, 1868; _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 20 and 22, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 30; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 45. A partial list of aliens as described by a northern correspondent: A. J. Applegate of Wisconsin; Arthur Bingham of Ohio and New York; D. H. Bingham of New York, who had lived in the state before the war, an old man, and intensely bitter in his hatred of southerners; W. H. Block of Ohio; W. T. Blackford of New York, a Bureau official, "the wearer of one of the two clean shirts visible in the whole convention"; M. D. Brainard of New York, a Bureau clerk who did not know, when elected to represent Monroe, where his county was located; Alfred E. Buck of Maine, a court clerk of Mobile appointed by Pope; Charles W. Buckley of Massachusetts, New York, and Illinois, chaplain of a negro regiment, later a Bureau official; William M. Buckley of New York, his brother; J. H. Burdick of Iowa, extremely radical; Pierce Burton of Massachusetts, who had been removed from the Bureau for writing letters to northern papers, advocating the repeal of the cotton tax, but now that the negroes desired the repeal of the tax, the breach was healed; C. M. Cabot of (unknown), member of Convention of 1865; Datus E. Coon of Iowa; Joseph H. Davis of (unknown), surgeon U.S.A., member of convention of 1865; Charles H. Dustan of Illinois; George Ely of Massachusetts and New York; S. S. Gardner of Massachusetts, of the Freedmen's Bureau; Albert Griffin of Ohio and Illinois, Radical editor; Thomas Haughey of Scotland, surgeon U.S.A.; R. M. Johnson of Illinois, lived in Montgomery and represented Henry County; John C. Keffer of Pennsylvania, chairman of Radical Executive Committee, "known to malignants as the 'head devil' of the Loyal League"; David Lore of (unknown); Charles A. Miller of Maine, Bureau official, "wore the second clean shirt in the convention"; A. C. Morgan of (unknown); B. W. Norris of Maine, Commissioner of National Cemetery, 1863-1865, Commissary and Paymaster, 1864-1866, Bureau official; E. Woolsey Peck of New York; R. M. Reynolds of Iowa, six months in Alabama and "knew all about it"; J. Silsby of Massachusetts, another Bureau reverend; N. D. Stanwood of Massachusetts, a Bureau official who had caused several serious negro disturbances in Lowndes County; J. P. Stow of (unknown); Whelan of Ireland; J. W. Wilhite of (unknown), U.S. sutler; Benjamin Yordy of (unknown), a Bureau official and revenue official who never saw the county he represented; Benjamin Rolfe, a carriage painter from New York, was too drunk to sign the constitution, and was known as "the hero of two shirts," because when he failed to pay a hotel bill in Selma his carpet-bag was seized, and was found to contain nothing but two of those useful garments. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., _passim_; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867; Herbert, p. 45.

[1416] Some of the better known were: R. Deal of Dale County, a Baptist preacher, one of those who, in 1865, negligently reconstructed the state, and the hope was now expressed that "he has better success in reconstructing souls than sovereignties"; W. C. Ewing of Baine County, "one of the original Moulton Leaguers who, in 1865, first organized the Radical party in Alabama," a bitter Radical; W. R. Jones of Covington, had been barbarously murdered in "a rebel outrage," but came to the convention notwithstanding; B. F. Saffold, an officer of the Confederate army and military mayor of Selma; Henry C. Semple, ex-Confederate, nephew of President Tyler; Joseph H. Speed, cousin of Attorney-General Speed.

[1417] The negro members were: Ben Alexander of Greene, field hand; John Caraway of Mobile, assistant editor of the _Mobile Nationalist_; Thomas Diggs of Barbour, field hand; Peyton Finley, formerly doorkeeper of the House; James K. Green of Hale, a carriage driver; Ovid Gregory of Mobile, a barber; Jordan Hatcher of Dallas and Washington Johnson of Russell, field hands, were the blackest negroes in the convention; L. S. Latham of Bullock; Tom Lee of Perry, field hand, who had a reputation for moderation; Alfred Strother of Dallas; J. T. Rapier of Lauderdale, educated in Canada; J. W. McLeod of Marengo; B. F. Royal of Bullock; J. H. Burdick of Wilcox; H. Stokes and Jack Hatcher of Dallas; Simon Brunson and Benjamin Inge of Sumter; Samuel Blandon of Lee; Lafeyette Robinson and Columbus Jones of Madison. Beverly, "History of Alabama," p. 203; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867; Owen, "Official and Statistical Register," p. 125.

[1418] Journal Convention of 1867, pp. 3-5.

[1419] Journal Convention of 1867, p. 5; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 30.

[1420] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 22, 1867; Journal Convention of 1867, p. 6; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867.

[1421] Journal, pp. 69-71, 249, 251, 264; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 32; _N. Y. Herald_, March 16, 1867.

[1422] Journal, pp. 10, 12, 13; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1869; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 30.

[1423] Journal, pp. 13, 110, 111, 276; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.

[1424] Twice the pay in the convention of 1865.

[1425] Journal, pp. 79, 178, 249-251; Pope to Swayne, Nov. 20, 1867; _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867; G. O. No. 254, 3d M. D., Nov. 26, 1867.

[1426] Journal, p. 57.

[1427] Journal, p. 61; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 15, 1867.

[1428] Journal, p. 189; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 46; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 33.

[1429] Journal, pp. 262, 263.

[1430] Journal, pp. 15, 212, 263; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.

[1431] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 33; _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 22, 1867.

[1432] Journal, p. 149; _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867.

[1433] Dubbed "the incarnate fiend" by the whites because of his violent prejudice.

[1434] _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867; _Montgomery Mail_, Nov., 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13 and 23 and Dec. 8, 1867.

[1435] Journal, pp. 8, 12, 17; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.

[1436] By Griffin of Ohio, Keffer of Pennsylvania, Norris of Maine, and Davis of (?). It was said that Norris and Davis had to be influenced by Swayne to sign the majority report. _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.

[1437] Journal, pp. 30-34; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.

[1438] By Speed of Virginia, Whelan of Ireland, and Lee (negro).

[1439] Journal, pp. 36, 37; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 31.

[1440] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 32; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.

[1441] _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 31.