Chapter XXXVI: Part I: , in my criticism of the theory of Tarde, imitation is not an

independent factor, but dependent upon others. In our present society, with its pronounced egoistic tendencies, imitation strengthens these, as it would strengthen the altruistic tendencies produced by another form of society. Man does not imitate that which is egoistic simply, but also that which is altruistic. It is only as a consequence of the predominance of egoism in our present society that the error is made of supposing the effect of imitation to be necessarily evil.

k. Conclusions. In recapitulating now the egoistic tendencies of the present economic system and of its consequences, we see clearly that they are very strong. Because of these tendencies the social instinct of man is not greatly developed; they have weakened the moral force in man which combats the inclination towards egoistic acts, and hence towards the crimes which are one form of these acts. To mention only the most important things, in a society in which, as in ours, the economic interests of all are in eternal conflict among themselves, compassion for the misfortunes of others inevitably becomes blunted, and a great part of morality consequently disappears. The slight value that is attached to the opinion of others is also a consequence of the strife of economic interests, for we can be responsive to that opinion only when we do not see adversaries in our fellows.

The fluctuations of the mind of the person in whom the criminal idea is born may be compared with the oscillations of a balance; and it is upon sociology that must devolve the task of examining the forces which throw a weight on one side or the other. When the organization of society influences men in an altruistic way there is then a considerable force which can prevent the balance from inclining towards the egoistic side. In our present society, the organization of which does not exert an altruistic influence, this force is very weak, or does not exist at all. Since, however, in every society, man must abstain from a number of egoistic acts, substitutes have been devised to take the place of the weak or wanting social sentiments. The hope of reward (whether terrestrial or celestial) and the fear of being punished (whether by man or God) are charged with the duty of keeping men in order. As believers themselves know very well, most men are not very responsive to divine rewards and punishments—heaven and hell are too far off. Is it not believers who are the strongest partisans of rewards and punishments here below for human acts? However, this expedient is only a very insufficient one. We know too well that the rewards are very often lacking, and the punishments as well. This is why many persons take the risk of committing the crime they have planned.

The present environment exercises an egoistic influence upon all men. We all participate, for example, in exchange, which, as we have seen, is a great egoistic factor; and other similar factors could be named that act upon all. On the other hand there are other egoistic factors which exercise their influence only upon some of us.

Let us compare two totally different environments in which an individual grows up. Let us place him first in the slums of a great city; his father is alcoholic, his mother a prostitute; he has never attended school, passing his time in vagabondage up to the day when, still young, he has been committed to prison, where his education in crime is completed. Now let us suppose this same individual to have grown up in a healthy environment, where neither poverty nor extreme riches exercised their pernicious influence. He has been brought up by rational and loving parents, his mind has been developed, he has found later a good career, in which the greed of gold has not been aroused in him. We shall then have before us two extremes, between which a great many degrees are to be found. The environment is a very important cause of the great diversity among men. However, it is not the only one; we still must give our attention for a moment to:

D. Individual Differences.

Men differ in height, in strength, in weight, in intellectual capacity, in everything, in short. Apparently no regularity is to be seen in their diversity. If, for example, we look at a crowd with reference to the heights of the individuals composing it, there seems to be no regularity about them. However, this is only in appearance. By placing all the persons in a line according to their height, and drawing a line at the top of their heads we shall always get a curve differing little from the one below (the greater the number of persons, the lower the point A, the higher the point D, and the more nearly horizontal the line BC).

The irregularity is, then, only apparent; there is regularity in this sense, that the persons of average height predominate very greatly in number, and that the very short and very tall persons form minorities. This regularity in the individual differences, discovered by Quetelet, has been recognized as a universal law, applicable to everything living. The scientist named has demonstrated this not only for the height of the human body, but also for its weight, strength, quickness, etc.

Galton has proved the existence of this law for the intellectual capacity of man, and a number of other scientists have done the same for the animal and vegetable kingdoms. [812] Hence, “uniformity in variability” for all living nature must be considered as a universal law.

The same thing must be true for men’s moral qualities. In ranking any number of persons according to the intensity of their innate social sentiments (supposing it were possible to apply a measure to these), we should find that here also the law in question held good; with the great majority the social sentiments would have only a moderate intensity, while there would be one small minority in which they would be weak, and another in which they would be very strong. We have no need to revert to the influence of the environment, for we have seen that it gives to all an egoistic or altruistic impulse, differing naturally according to the individual. [813] Supposing that the environment were the same for all, there would still be great differences between men as to the intensity of their social sentiments.

What is now the importance of this fact for the etiology of crime? In my opinion, the answer to this question will not be different from those which have been given to analogous questions when we were treating of the etiology of prostitution and alcoholism (pp. 407, 408 and 428), namely, that in every society, everywhere and always, an individual, according as his social sentiments are weaker or stronger than another’s, runs more or less risk than he of becoming a criminal, supposing the environment of the two to be the same in effect. The man who, according to the intensity of his social sentiments, would be placed in the line between A and B, would run more danger of becoming a criminal than the man who belonged between C and D. This point is of great importance for anyone who is investigating why the first falls into crime and not the latter. But it has little weight for criminal sociology, which concerns itself, not with definite persons, but only with general social facts.

The evidence that individuals differ quantitatively always and everywhere does not give the explanation of the problems whose solution sociology seeks, although they must be taken into account. The task that is incumbent upon it is to explain why individuals who, as a consequence of their innate qualities, run more danger than others of becoming criminals, actually become so. He who is born with weak social instincts runs more danger of becoming a criminal. But the certainty that he will become such does not exist—that depends upon the environment.

To sum up; I am of the opinion that individual differences are of great importance for one who is studying an individual by himself, but that they do not belong to the domain of the etiology of criminality.

E. The Classification of Crime.

Before proceeding to the treatment of crimes separately, it is necessary to divide them into some main groups. It is a grave error (committed, however, by many criminologists) not to take account of the very different nature of crimes, if one is concerned with their etiology. It is, to be sure, permissible to treat conjointly moral forces which may prevent the execution of criminal ideas and which apply to all crimes. I have done so in the preceding pages. But we cannot treat the origin of the criminal idea itself in this same way. There are criminals and criminals. There are enormous differences between a professional thief, and a man who has been guilty of assault and battery in a state of intoxication, just as there are between a ravisher and a political criminal. And anyone who does not take account of these differences must necessarily limit himself to certain generalities.

I propose to treat of crimes divided into four categories in accordance with the motives which led their authors to commit them. Three of these categories form quite definite units, while the fourth is more heterogeneous.

The first is composed of crimes that have an economic aim (economic crimes). The greater part of the so-called crimes against property, such as theft, embezzlement, etc., belong to this category, but not all, for malicious mischief, for example, is generally dictated by a desire for vengeance. On the other hand some crimes against the person, like procuration, the object of which is economic and not sexual, belong here. As for crimes against the state, we must add counterfeiting to this category. Then there are other crimes that may be committed either for economic or non-economic reasons; for example, murder (for the purpose of robbery or for revenge), perjury (for the profit of winning a civil suit, or to prevent the conviction of a friend), arson (to get the insurance money, or for revenge), etc.

It may be urged here that, notwithstanding the similarity of their motives the crimes of any class still present many differences. This is true in part, and I have accordingly subdivided them. But on the other hand these differences are not very great from the standpoint of criminal sociology. For the jurist the difference between counterfeiting bank-notes, burning a house to get the insurance, and procuration is very important; but for sociology it is much less so. A man who knows how to make counterfeit bank-notes, will commit this crime, whenever he wishes for any reason to enrich himself in a dishonest fashion, but he will become neither an incendiary nor a procurer. A former prostitute, on the contrary, will not think of making bank-notes, but will become a procuress. The kind of economic crime committed by the person who has a mind to commit such a crime, depends principally upon chance (occupation etc.).

The second category includes sexual crimes, and the fourth political crimes—two categories quite distinct therefore.

The other misdemeanors and crimes form the third category, and are more or less heterogeneous. The principal motive of these crimes is vengeance. Among them are insults, malicious mischief, assaults, homicide, etc. Other motives are: the fear of shame (infanticide, which, however, may also be committed for economic reasons); then fear of falling into the hands of justice (perjury, rebellion); and some others beside. [814]

Finally, to give a picture of the quantitative proportions of the principal crimes, I add here some figures upon criminality in some of the countries of Europe. These figures may at the same time serve to show to those who are not acquainted with criminal statistics, how regular a course crime has from one year to another.

It is crimes of vengeance, therefore, which form the largest group, then come economic crimes, and then sexual and political crimes, both with low figures. If we do not count the very minor offense of insult in the third group, the first and third groups will be nearly of the same size. There are, then, almost no political crimes in England. As in Germany, sexual crimes are very rare, and it is the economic crimes and those committed out of revenge, etc., that are the most important. The latter preponderate even more in England than in Germany.

Germany, 1896–1900. [815]

==============================+=================================================================== | Number of Persons Convicted of the Following | Crimes in Crimes. +---------+---------+---------+---------+---------+----------------- | | | | | | 1896-1900 | | | | | | Average. | 1896. | 1897. | 1898. | 1899. | 1900. |---------+------- | | | | | |Absolute | | | | | | | Number. | % ------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+---------+---------+---------+------- Theft and embezzlement | 109,545 | 112,591 | 116,977 | 113,159 | 114,831 | 113,420 | 29.96 Receiving stolen goods and | | | | | | | being accessory after the | | | | | | | fact in general | 8,164 | 7,922 | 8,490 | 8,124 | 8,068 | 8,153 | 2.15 Procuration, etc. | 2,816 | 2,671 | 2,765 | 2,622 | 2,648 | 2,711 | 0.72 Counterfeiting | 234 | 166 | 203 | 212 | 186 | 200 | 0.05 Perjury | 1,523 | 1,450 | 1,478 | 1,316 | 1,198 | 1,393 | 0.37 Criminal breach of trust and | | | | | | | obtaining money under false | | | | | | | pretenses | 28,649 | 25,169 | 26,546 | 26,580 | 26,079 | 25,604 | 6.76 Forgery | 4,761 | 5,068 | 5,185 | 5,479 | 5,231 | 5,144 | 1.36 Robbery and extortion | 1,048 | 995 | 1,114 | 1,114 | 1,009 | 1,056 | 0.28 Fraudulent bankruptcy | 931 | 924 | 871 | 952 | 905 | 916 | 0.24 Total of economic crimes | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 41.89 Bigamy | 76 | 72 | 64 | 70 | 64 | 69 | 0.02 Incest | 462 | 381 | 397 | 411 | 448 | 419 | 0.11 Rape, etc. | 4,483 | 4,182 | 4,507 | 4,597 | 4,762 | 4,506 | 1.19 Total of sexual crimes | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 1.32 Insults | 53,968 | 54,143 | 55,988 | 55,514 | 52,883 | 54,499 | 14.39 Malicious mischief | 17,485 | 17,486 | 18,213 | 18,858 | 18,261 | 18,060 | 4.77 Arson | 479 | 468 | 501 | 519 | 472 | 487 | 0.13 Assaults | 116,613 |117,864 | 122,561 | 126,490 | 124,646 | 121,632 | 32.12 Rebellion | 18,377 | 18,484 | 17,968 | 19,817 | 17,951 | 18,393 | 4.86 Homicide | 1,511 | 1,562 | 1,468 | 1,542 | 1,580 | 1,532 | 0.40 Total of crimes of vengeance, | | | | | | | etc. | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 56.67 Political crimes | 561 | 428 | 466 | 416 | 305 | 435 | 0.12 | | | | | +---------+------ General total | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 378,629 |100.00 ==============================+=========+=========+=========+=========+=========+=========+======

England, 1881–1900.

=============================+======================================================= | Number Arraigned for Each of the Crimes Given: +-------------------------------------+----------------- Crimes. | | 1881-1900 | Annual Averages. | Average. +--------+--------+--------+----------+---------+------- |1881-85.|1886-90.|1891-95.|1896-1900.|Absolute | | | | | | Number. | % ----------------------------+--------+--------+--------+----------+---------+------- Theft (of every kind) | 57,373 | 52,573 | 50,432 | 45,960 | 51,584 | 32.92 Embezzlement | 1,475 | 1,345 | 1,335 | 1,387 | 1,385 | 0.88 Receiving stolen goods | 1,302 | 1,239 | 1,348 | 1,241 | 1,282 | 0.82 Burglary | 1,464 | 1,530 | 1,665 | 1,630 | 1,572 | 1.00 Robbery and extortion | 320 | 322 | 310 | 278 | 307 | 0.20 Fraud | 1,054 | 965 | 997 | 870 | 971 | 0.62 Counterfeiting, etc. | 534 | 410 | 365 | 309 | 402 | 0.26 Perjury | 100 | 85 | 78 | 77 | 85 | 0.05 Fraudulent bankruptcy | 49 | 41 | 43 | 35 | 42 | 0.03 Total of economic crimes | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 36.78 Bigamy | 116 | 99 | 104 | 103 | 105 | 0.07 Indecent assault upon girls | | | | | | under 16 | -- | 305 | 258 | 236 | 249 | 0.16 Rape, etc. upon adults | 647 | 639 | 636 | 595 | 629 | 0.40 Total of sexual crimes | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 0.63 Malicious mischief | 21,779 | 19,646 | 18,484 | 17,470 | 19,594 | 12.51 Arson | 155 | 133 | 117 | 104 | 127 | 0.08 Assaults | 72,707 | 66,020 | 63,601 | 59,611 | 65,484 | 41.80 Assaults upon officers | 322 | 285 | 291 | 278 | 294 | 0.19 Homicide (including attempted| | | | | | homicide) | 13,223 | 11,850 | 12,626 | 12,524 | 12,555 | 8.01 Total of crimes of vengeance | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 62.59 Political crimes | 4 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0.00 | | | | +---------+------- General total | -- | -- | -- | -- |156,668 |100.00 =============================+========+========+========+==========+=========+=======

France, 1881–1900. [817]

=====================+=========================================================== | Number Arraigned for Each Crime. +-------------------------------------------+--------------- Crimes. | | 1881-1900 | Annual Averages. | Averages. +---------------------+----------+----------+--------+------ |1881-1885.|1886-1890.|1891-1895.|1896-1900.|Average | % | | | | |Number. | ---------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+--------+------ Vagrancy | 15,629 | 19,050 | 18,449 | 14,148 | 16,819 | 11.17 Mendicity | 9,421 | 14,625 | 14,707 | 11,274 | 12,506 | 8.30 Aggravated theft | 1,668 | 1,715 | 1,517 | 1,308 | 1,552 | 1.03 Simple theft | 44,596 | 47,941 | 49,145 | 43,750 | 46,358 | 30.78 Counterfeiting | 98 | 141 | 134 | 111 | 121 | 0.08 Procuration | 341 | 361 | 406 | 304 | 353 | 0.23 Forgery | 355 | 304 | 237 | 224 | 280 | 0.19 Obtaining money | | | | | | under false | | | | | | pretenses | 4,210 | 4,422 | 3,898 | 3,496 | 4,006 | 2.66 Breach of trust | 4,106 | 4,495 | 4,488 | 4,834 | 4,480 | 2.98 Commercial frauds | 3,221 | 3,015 | 2,607 | 2,931 | 2,941 | 1.95 Fraudulent | | | | | | bankruptcy | 86 | 63 | 63 | 44 | 64 | 0.04 Simple bankruptcy | 934 | 967 | 802 | 860 | 890 | 0.59 Perjury | 126 | 126 | 151 | 136 | 134 | 0.09 Total of economic | | | | | | crimes | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 60.09 Bigamy | 6 | 6 | 8 | 8 | 7 | 0.00 Adultery | 1,038 | 1,758 | 1,838 | 2,212 | 1,711 | 1.14 Rape and indecent | | | | | | assault upon | | | | | | adults | 103 | 76 | 95 | 70 | 86 | 0.06 Rape and indecent | | | | | | assault upon | | | | | | children | 717 | 592 | 584 | 452 | 586 | 0.39 Total of sexual | | | | | | crimes | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 1.59 Defamation and | | | | | | insults | 3,513 | 2,918 | 2,940 | 2,877 | 3,062 | 2.03 Insults to officials | 13,492 | 13,728 | 15,258 | 13,450 | 13,982 | 9.28 Malicious mischief | 3,291 | 4,876 | 4,530 | 4,382 | 4,269 | 2.84 Arson | 207 | 245 | 263 | 213 | 252 | 0.17 Serious assaults | 187 | 155 | 178 | 183 | 175 | 0.12 Intentional assaults | 27,768 | 28,971 | 33,443 | 36,158 | 31,585 | 20.97 Violence to officials| 3,721 | 3,746 | 3,926 | 3,502 | 3,723 | 2.47 Homicide | 518 | 506 | 515 | 461 | 500 | 0.33 Infanticide | 191 | 191 | 157 | 118 | 164 | 0.11 Total of crimes of | | | | | | vengeance, etc. | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 38.32 Political crimes | 4 | 1 | 2 | 0 | 1 | 0.00 | | | | +--------+----- General total | -- | -- | -- | -- |150,607 |100.00 =====================+==========+==========+==========+==========+========+======

Here, also, the political crimes and the sexual offenses show the smallest figures. The economic crimes exceed considerably those committed out of revenge, etc., a fact to be accounted for in great part by the inclusion of vagrancy and mendicity among the economic crimes. These tables hardly lend themselves to international comparison, since certain acts are regarded as misdemeanors in one country, and as contraventions in another.

Italy, 1891–1895. [818]

===============================+================================================== | Number Convicted of Each Crime. +------+------+------+------+------+--------------- | | | | | | Average Crimes. | | | | | | 1891-1895. | | | | | +--------+------ | 1891.| 1892.| 1893.| 1894.| 1895.|Absolute| | | | | | |Numbers.| % -------------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+--------+------ Simple theft |44,380|38,750|35,343|37,022|41,875| 39,474 | 29.07 Aggravated theft |14,512|15,103|15,230|15,238|17,132| 15,441 | 11.37 Fraud (of every kind) | 6,288| 6,202| 6,446| 6,861| 7,917| 6,742 | 4.97 Counterfeiting, etc. | 85| 59| 59| 68| 90| 72 | 0.05 Forgery | 788| 626| 683| 726| 839| 732 | 0.54 Procuration | 182| 188| 185| 162| 267| 196 | 0.15 Robbery, extortion, etc. | 683| 719| 824| 879| 966| 814 | 0.60 Total of economic crimes | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 46.75 Rape etc. | 724| 797| 879| 902| 1,066| 873 | 0.64 Corruption of minors and other | | | | | | | offenses against morals and | | | | | | | the order of the family | 1,036| 1,246| 1,269| 1,373| 1,411| 1,267 | 0.93 Total of sexual crimes | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 1.57 Defamation and insults | 9,030| 9,957| 9,005|11,247|12,196| 10,287 | 7.58 Malicious mischief | 5,396| 4,938| 4,493| 5,069| 5,617| 5,102 | 3.76 Arson | 213| 156| 197| 210| 197| 194 | 0.14 Minor assaults |24,275|27,617|23,740|27,479|28,924| 26,407 | 19.45 Serious assaults | 6,491| 8,440| 9,124| 8,211| 9,199| 8,293 | 6.11 Threats | 4,788| 5,997| 5,875| 6,702| 8,053| 6,283 | 4.63 Violence, insults, etc., to | | | | | | | officials |10,293|11,829|11,999|11,835|11,800| 11,551 | 8.51 Homicide | 1,686| 1,946| 2,145| 2,035| 2,049| 1,972 | 1.45 Infanticide and abortion | 60| 59| 54| 64| 81| 63 | 0.05 Total of crimes of vengeance, | | | | | | | etc. | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 51.68 Crimes against the safety of | | | | | | | the state | 11| 9| 10| 10| 12| 10 | 0.00 | | | | | |--------|------ General total | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- |135,773 |100.00 ===============================+======+======+======+======+======+========+======

The results of the Italian statistics agree in general with those that have gone before.

Netherlands, 1897–1901. [819]

==========================+============================================= | Number of Convicts for Each Crime. +-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+--------------- | | | | | | Average Crimes. | | | | | | 1897-1901. |1897.|1898.|1899.|1900.|1901.+--------+------ | | | | | |Absolute| % | | | | | |Numbers.| --------------------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+--------+------ Vagrancy and mendicity |2,139|2,173|2,209|1,873|1,857| 2,050 | 16.42 Simple theft |1,685|1,830|1,740|1,544|1,758| 1,711 | 13.71 Aggravated theft | 936| 919| 761| 837|1,029| 896 | 17.18 Receiving stolen goods | 95| 69| 88| 82| 98| 86 | 0.69 Embezzlement | 320| 262| 295| 309| 269| 291 | 2.33 Causing or being accessory| | | | | | | to the debauch of a minor| 14| 6| 10| 14| 16| 12 | 0.10 Obtaining money under | | | | | | | false pretenses | 102| 115| 97| 112| 115| 108 | 0.87 Extortion and blackmail | 8| 12| 6| 9| 5| 8 | 0.07 Forgery | 75| 72| 49| 64| 42| 60 | 0.48 Perjury | 29| 18| 15| 22| 18| 20 | 0.16 Fraudulent bankruptcy | 14| 14| 12| 20| 12| 14 | 0.11 Total of economic crimes | | | | | | | 42.12 Rape and indecent assault | | | | | | | upon adults | 88| 81| 94| 110| 97| 94 | 0.75 Rape and indecent assault | | | | | | | upon children | 13| 5| 13| 6| 18| 11 | 0.09 Total of sexual crimes | | | | | | | 0.84 Simple insults | 356| 319| 330| 288| 291| 316 | 2.53 Insults to officials | 549| 508| 431| 421| 440| 469 | 3.76 Malicious mischief | 916| 900| 861| 857| 874| 881 | 7.06 Arson | 10| 12| 22| 25| 15| 17 | 0.14 Rebellion, etc. |1,188|1,091|1,069|1,166|1,112| 1,125 | 9.01 Assaults |4,241|4,020|4,101|3,814|3,715| 3,978 | 31.87 Assaults upon officials | 340| 286| 331| 330| 296| 316 | 2.53 Homicide | 16| 16| 12| 14| 19| 15 | 0.12 Infanticide and abortion | 4| 3| 4| 4| 0| 3 | 0.02 Total of crimes of | | | | | | | vengeance, etc. | | | | | | | 57.04 Political crimes | 3| 1| 1| 0| 0| 1 | 0.00 | | | | | +--------+------ General total | | | | | | 12,482 |100.00 ==========================+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+========+======

These figures thus confirm in general the results of the preceding tables. The most frequent crimes are those committed out of revenge etc. and the economic crimes. The sexual crimes only reach low figures, and the political crimes are negligible.

We have placed certain crimes, like homicide and arson, in all the tables, among the crimes of vengeance, etc., although they may also be committed from an economic motive. The French and Italian criminal statistics give information upon the frequency of the motives which lead to these crimes.

France, 1881–1900. [820]

================================+=========================================== | Percentage of the Crimes of Homicide and Presumable Motive of the Crimes.| Arson due to Each Cause. +----------+----------+----------+---------- |1881-1885.|1886-1890.|1891-1895.|1896-1900. --------------------------------+----------+----------+----------+---------- Cupidity | 26 | 28 | 31 | 26 Love, jealousy | 2 | 2 | 6 | 3 Adultery | 3 | 3 | 2 | 2 Concubinage, debauch | 6 | 6 | 5 | 8 Hate, revenge | 24 | 27 | 28 | 28 Domestic disputes | 15 | 13 | 9 | 12 Drink-shop quarrels | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 Various motives | 22 | 20 | 18 | 20 ================================+==========+==========+==========+==========

About 28% of the crimes, then, had an economic motive, about 12% had a sexual motive, and 40% were committed out of revenge.

Italy, 1880–1881. [821]

=======================================+============================= |Percentage of Crimes of Blood Presumable Motive of the Crimes. | due to Each Cause. +--------------+-------------- | 1880. | 1881. ---------------------------------------+--------------+-------------- Cupidity | 9.2 | 9.98 Question of interests | 4.2 | 8.76 Love, lawful or unlawful | 7.5 | 8.76 Family relations and questions of honor| 2.6 | 3.11 Defense of life | 4.9 | 3.04 ,, ,, property | 1.7 | 1.89 Domestic disputes | 3.0 | 4.43 Anger | 30.3 | 23.67 Hate and revenge | 26.5 | 28.46 Cruelty | 4.1 | 2.72 Drunkenness | 3.2 | 4.25 Politics | 0.1 | 0.14 Various and unknown motives | 2.6 | 0.79 =======================================+==============+==============

Finally, it must not be forgotten that certain crimes of a different kind (leze-majesty and malicious mischief, for example) are sometimes committed simply that the author of them may get himself imprisoned, and hence should be classed as economic crimes.

We have now reached the question: how close a connection have the different crimes with economic conditions? We shall give only a detailed sketch of the subject; to treat it more fully would require extensive monographs. We shall limit ourselves to indicating the general lines.