Chapter VII: Conclusions (2)

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NOTES

[1] Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Nevada; Vice-President of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology.

[2] [Note to the American Edition: In my opinion, More is the first author who has noted in a scientific way the relation between criminality and economic conditions. Before him there were other authors, to whom this relationship did not remain totally unperceived; but they treated the subject by chance, as it were, and in a very superficial way. Cf. J. van Kan, “Les Causes économiques de la Criminalité”, pp. 15 ff.]

[3] Pp. 28–36.

[4] “Le testament de J. Meslier.”

[5] Pp. 210–212.

[6] Pp. 214, 215.

[7] P. 67.

[8] Pp. 79, 80.

[9] Pp. 144, 145. See also pp. 38 ff., and pp. 150 ff.

[10] P. 9.

[11] P. 10.

[12] P. 167.

[13] Pp. 284–288.

[14] Pp. 186–189. See also pp. 199, 200, and 207–209.

[15] Pp. 33, 34.

[16] Pp. 36, 37.

[17] Pp. 47, 48. See also pp. 72 ff.

[18] Pp. 37–39.

[19] Pp. 43–45.

[20] Pp. 74, 75.

[21] Pp. 331–333.

[22] Pp. 333, 334.

[23] Pp. 15, 16.

[24] Pp. 455–458.

[25] See also the work entitled: “An Inquiry into the Principles of the Distribution of Wealth” (Chapters II and III), by W. Thompson, a disciple of Owen. On page 17 he says: “The unrestrained tendency of the distribution of wealth, being so much toward equality, excessive wealth and excessive poverty being removed, almost all the temptations, all the motives, which now urge to the commission of crime, would be also removed.” In general, the English socialists from the commencement of the nineteenth century (e.g. Charles Hall, Thomas Hodgskin, Charles Bray, and others) have had a notion, more or less clear, of the relation between the nascent industrial capitalism and criminality. Upon these authors cf. Quack, “De Socialisten” (Tome Supplémentaire), and Beer, “Geschichte des Sozialismus in England”, I.

[26] See his “Essays on the Formation of Character”; and “Reports of the Proceedings at the Several Public Meetings held in Dublin.”

[27] One of the laws which, according to Owen, should produce the change from modern society to the society of the future.

[28] Pp. 40–45. It is well known that Owen put his theories into practice when he founded the village of New Lanark. The disastrous consequences of industrial capitalism, such as excessive hours of labor, insufficient nourishment, unsanitary housing, the lack of education for children, etc., were diminished there or altogether avoided. Among the population of the colony, though originally alcoholized and demoralized by capitalism, little by little the favorable environment made itself felt, so that for nineteen years there was no judicial prosecution, and drunkenness and illegitimate births disappeared. (See Denis, “Le socialisme et les causes économiques et sociales du crime”, p. 283, and Quack, “De Socialisten”, II, pp. 279 ff.)

[29] Pp. 315–317.

[30] Pp. 128–131. See also: F. Engels, “Umrisse zu einer Kritik der Nationalökonomie”, pp. 449 and 459; F. Engels and K. Marx, “Die heilige Familie oder Kritik der kritischen Kritik”, pp. 239–241. See also, the following: Plato, “The Republic”, I. 5.; C. A. Helvetius, “De l’homme”, X. p. 49; J. P. Marat, “Plan de la législation criminelle”, pp. 18 ff.; J. Bentham, “Traités de la législation civile et pénale”, III ch. V, pp. 45 ff.; Ch. Fourier, “Théorie des quatre Mouvements”, III; “Théorie de l’unité universelle” (“Traité de l’association domestique-agricole”), Introduction. 2. p. 51; “Le nouveau monde industriel et sociétaire”, Sect. VI; B. P. Enfantin, “Les enseignements”, pp. 92, 93; W. Weitling, “Die Menschheit wie sie ist, und wie sie sein sollte”, p. 47; “Garantien der Harmonie und Freiheit”, pp. 53, 54, and 104, 105; “Das Evangelium eines armen Sünders”, p. 102; V. Considérant, “Théorie du droit de propriété et du droit au travail”, p. 33; L. Blanc, “Organisation du travail”, pp. 57 ff.; C. Pequeur, “Des améliorations matérielles”, pp. 86–88, 232–234, 239–241; J. A. van Royen, “Wetgeving en armoede beschouwd in betrekking tot het misdrijf”, pp. 9 ff.; C. J. A. den Tex, “De causis criminum”, pp. 84 ff.; Chaillou des Barres, “L’influence du bien-être matériel sur la moralité d’un peuple” (“Journal des Economistes”, 1846); E. Mercier, “Influence du bien-être matériel sur la criminalité”; P. J. Proudhon, “De la justice dans la révolution et dans l’église”, pp. 533–534.

[Note to the American Edition: For the opinions of the scientific world of Holland at the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth: J. A. v. Hamel, “Strafrechtspolitiek van voor honderd jaar” (Gids, 1909, II).

See for the same period in England: L. von Thót, “Die positive Strafrechtsschule in einigen europäischen Ländern”, pp. 407 ff. (“Monatschr. f. Kriminal-Psychologie u. Strafrechts-reform”, VIII).]

[31] Pp. 42, 43.

[32] P. 94, I.

[33] Pp. 95–97, I.

[34] Pp. 278, 279.

[35] P. 281.

[36] Pp. 39–46.

[37] P. 47.

[38] “Du Problème de la Misère et de sa solution chez les peuples anciens et modernes”, III (“Peuples modernes”). See also by the same: “Le monde des coquins.”

[39] Pp. 222–224.

[40] P. 2.

[41] [The charts being unnecessarily detailed for the purposes of this work, and the results being sufficiently summed up in the paragraphs which follow, they are omitted in this translation, though given by Dr. Bonger.—Transl.]

[42] Pp. 136, 137.

[43] Pp. 160, 161.

[44] [To avoid awkwardness of expression the term assault will be used for assaults other than those peculiarly against women, the original being about equivalent to our “assault and battery.”—Transl.]

[45] “Essai sur la criminalité” (“Journal des Economistes”, 1868).

[46] P. 64.

[47] P. 82.

[48] See Part II of this work, where I have shown that in my opinion the influence of property upon morality is much more complex than Corne has suggested, and quite different.

[49] Pp. 89, 90.

[50] See Guerry, “Essai sur la statistique morale de la France,” p. 51, and L. del Baere, “De invloed van opvoeding en onderwijs.”

[51] P. 93.

[52] P. 10.

[53] P. 24.

[54] P. 58.

[55] [“Arpents de Magdebourg.”—Transl.]

[56] P. 57.

[57] “Die Moralstatistik in ihrer Bedeutung für eine Socialethik.”

[58] P. 239.

[59] On p. 442 of his “Moralstatistik,” von Oettingen criticises Stursberg for basing his comparison upon the year 1871 in which the figures were very low as a consequence of the war, and for not having taken into account that in the year 1876 the new penal code was put into effect.

[60] P. 58.

[61] “Ueber einige wirthschaftliche und moralische Wirkungen hoher Getreidepreise.”

[62] “Verbrechen und Verbrecher in Preussen 1854–1878.” This book (especially the statistical material) has been severely criticized by Mittelstadt (“Zeitschrift für die ges. Strafrechtswissenschaft”, 1884), Aschrott (“Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, etc.” von Schmoller, 1884), and Illing (“Zeitschrift des Königlich Preussischen statistischen Bureaus”, 1885). Körner has refuted their views (“Jahrbücher für d. Nat. Oek. u. Stat. Neue Folge”, Vol. XIII).

[63] It is not possible for me to treat this question at length here. The reader is referred to my studies: “Misdaad en socialisme. Tegelijk eene bijdrage tot de studie der criminaliteit in Nederland” (“Nieuwe Tijd”, XVI), and “Verbrechen und Sozialismus. Zugleich ein Beitrag zum Studium der Kriminalität in Deutschland” (“Neue Zeit”, XXX, 2), where I have proved in a decisive manner, as it seems to me, that the socialistic movement is not productive of crime, but the contrary.

[64] P. 88.

[65] P. 94.

[66] “Die Würtembergische Kriminalität.”

[67] P. 360.

[68] See upon this book the criticism of Professor F. Tönnies in “Archiv für soziale Gesetzgebung und Statistik”, 1896.

[69] P. 41.

[70] P. 57.

[71] P. 61.

[72] P. 66.

[73] P. 67.

[74] Cf. by the same: “Studien zur Theorie und Geschichte der Handelskrisen in England”, II, Chap. I, where still more explicit data are given.

[75] “La delinquenza e la vita sociale in Russia.” Another publication by the same author is entitled: “Upon the relations between criminality and the price of cereals” (published in Russian). Cf. also: “Le mouvement de la criminalité en Russie, 1874–1894” (“Archives d’anthr. crim.”, XIII.), and “Répartition géographique de la criminalité en Russie” (“Arch. d’anthr. crim.”, XVI.).

[76] P. 4.

[77] Pp. 24, 25.

[78] See Lafargue, “Die Kriminalität in Frankreich, 1840–86.” In France the development of manufacturing did not receive an impetus till 1874, from which year the decrease in crime dates.

[79] P. 56.

[80] Pp. 60, 61.

[81] Pp. 65, 66.

[82] Cf. H. Berg, “Getreidepreise und Kriminalität in Deutschland seit 1882”, and my study already cited, “Verbrechen und Socialismus”, pp. 805, 806.

See also: Whitworth Russell, “Abstract of the Statistics of Crime in England and Wales, from 1839 to 1843”; J. Fletcher, “Moral and Educational Statistics of England and Wales”; G. R. Porter, “The Influence of Education Shown by Facts Recorded in the Criminal Tables for 1845 and 1846”; L. Faucher, “Mémoire sur le caractère et sur le mouvement de la criminalité en Angleterre”; J. Clay, “On the Effect of Good or Bad Times on Committals to Prison”; R. Everest, “On the Influence of Social Degradation in Producing Pauperism and Crime, as Exemplified in the Free Coloured Citizens and Foreigners in the United States”; “Criminality Promoted by Distress” (“The Economist”, 1856); R. H. Walsh, “A Deduction from the Statistics of Crime for the Last Ten Years”; W. Westgarth, “Statistics of Crime in Australia”; Bernard, “De la criminalité en France depuis 1826 et de la répression pénale au point de vue de l’amendement des prisonniers”; J. H. Elliot, “The Increase of Material Prosperity and of Moral Agents Compared with the State of Crime and Pauperism”; E. Levasseur, “La population française”, II pp. 442–444; Prof. Dr. B. Földes, “Einige Ergebnisse der neueren Kriminalstatistik”, pp. 544 ff.; G. F. Kolb, “Handbuch der vergleichenden Statistik”, pp. 516, 517; M. A. de Malarce, “Moralité comparée des diverses parties de la France d’après la criminalité”; J. E. Wappäus, “Allgemeine Bevölkerungsstatistik”, II, pp. 429, 430; Mayhew and Binny, “The Criminal Prisons of London”, pp. 450, 451; E. Bertrand, “Essai sur la moralité comparative des diverses classes de la population et principalement des classes ouvrières”; G. Lindenberg, “Ergebnisse der deutschen Kriminalstatistik”, 1882–1892, pp. 718 ff.

[Note to the American Edition: See the following recent statistical studies: For Germany: H. Berg, “Getreidepreise und Kriminalität in Deutschland seit 1882”; R. Wassermann, “Beruf, Konfession, und Verbrechen”; G. Schnapper-Arndt, “Sozialstatistik”, pp. 624 ff.; P. Alterthum, “Das Problem der Arbeitslosigkeit und die Kapitalistische Wirtschaftsentwicklung”, pp. 47 ff.; W. A. Bonger, “Verbrechen und Sozialismus.” For Austria: H. Herr, “Verbrechen und Verbrechertum in Oesterreich.” For the Balkan States: A. Wadler, “Die Verbrechensbewegung im östlichen Europa”, I. For Belgium: C. Jacquart, “La criminalité Belge, 1868–1909.” For the Netherlands: J. R. B. de Roos, “Inleiding tot de beoefening der crimineele aetiologie”; W. A. Bonger, “Misdaad en Socialisme, etc.”; C. A. Verrijn Stuart, “Inleiding tot de beoefening der statistiek”, II, pp. 223 ff.]

[83] See Wulffen, “Psychologie des Verbrechers”, I, p. 369.

[84] See (with regard to the social factors of crime and their importance in comparison with individual causes) my study: “Over de maatschappelijke factoren van de misdaad en hunne beteekenis in vergelijking met de individueele oorzaken” (“Tijdschrift v. Strafrecht”, XXIII, pp. 413 ff.).

[85] See further H. v. Schul, “Kriminalstatistik” (“Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschafte”, VI, p. 246).

[86] See v. Liszt, “Kriminalpolitische Aufgaben” (“Zeitschr. f. d. ges. Strafrw.”, IX).

[87] See Levasseur, “La population française”, p. 445; also v. Oettingen, “Moralstatistik”, p. 445; Dr. E. Würzburger, “Ueber die Vergleichbarkeit kriminalstatistischer Daten” (“Jahrb. f. Nationalökonomie u. Statistik”, 1887); Tarde, “Penal Philosophy”, pp. 72, 73 (The Modern Criminal Science Series, Little, Brown, & Co., 1912); Földes, “Einige Ergebnisse der neueren Kriminalstatistik” (“Zeitschr. f. d. ges. Strafrw.”, XI, pp. 517–518); de Roos, op. cit., pp. 192 ff.

[88] The opinions of partisans of the Italian school with regard to the correlation between criminality and economic conditions are very different. Garofalo and Ferri especially are not in agreement upon this point. Nevertheless, I have thought that I ought to class them together, because of the uniformity of their point of view with regard to criminality in general.

[89] The Modern Criminal Science Series. Translated by Horton. Boston, Little, Brown, & Co., 1911.

[90] P. 81.

[91] See Battaglia, “La dinamica del delitto”, pp. 227, 228.

[92] Bodio includes rural thefts.

[93] P. 121.

[94] P. 122.

[95] As the author himself observes, the conclusions drawn from this table must be taken with reserve, because of the great difference in the penal laws of these countries.

[96] My exposition would be too long if I should examine this explanation (which seems insufficient to me) at length. For the chief explanation of the great number of murders in countries that are intellectually backward, see “L’homicide en Italie”, by Colajanni (“Revue socialiste”, 1901).

[97] P. 131.

[98] Pp. 133, 134.

[99] P. 137.

[100] American edition, “Criminology” (The Modern Criminal Science Series; Little, Brown, & Co., 1913), from which quotations are made. See by the same author, “La superstition socialiste”, and “Le Crime comme phénomène social” (“Annales de l’Inst. intern. de Sociologie”, II).

[Note to the American Edition: See also his report to the Congress of Cologne, “L’influence des prédispositions et du milieu dans la criminalité.”]

[101] Pp. 144, 145.

[102] P. 164.

[103] See also “Studi sulla Criminalità in Francia (1826–1876).”

[104] Although I do not wish to attack the proposition that socialism in Italy at that period (preceding 1880) was unscientific, I cannot conceal my astonishment that Professor Ferri should fulminate against socialism in general “because of its lack of the scientific spirit”, apparently quite ignorant of the scientific socialism of Marx and Engels, which had existed since the middle of the century!

[105] “Sociologie criminelle”, p. 161.

[106] P. 43.

[107] Pp. 150, 151.

[108] “Soc. crim.”, p. 157.

[109] “Les aptitudes et les actes”, pp. 328, 329.

[110] Upon crime and sex see Pt. II, Ch. II, § I, C., d.

[111] “Genèse normale du crime”, p. 451.

[112] Among the anthropological factors Professor Ferri includes also education, profession, civil status, etc., called all together the bio-social conditions. I am of the opinion that these factors ought not to be classed as anthropological, but as social.

[113] [Note to the American Edition: Among the recent works against the Italian school must be named that of Dr. S. Ettinger, “Das Verbrecherproblem”.]

[114] It is not correct, in my opinion, to class agricultural production among the physical factors as Professor Ferri does. It is rather one of the social factors.

[115] Pp. 199–201.

[116] See Niceforo; “Criminalità e condizioni economiche in Sicilia” (“Rivista scientifica del diretto”, 1897), and Colajanni, “L’homicide en Italie” (“Revue Socialiste”, July, 1901).

[117] “Criminalité comparée”, p. 153.

[118] It is Colajanni in particular who, in his “Sociologia criminale”, II, has cited a great number of examples of this kind. See Chs. VII, VIII, IX. See also his “Oscillations thermométriques et délits contre les personnes” (“Archives d’anthr. crim.”, 1886). See also Földes, “Einige Ergebnisse der neueren Kriminalstatistik” (“Zeitschr. f. d. ges. Strafrw.”, XI, p. 544).

[119] “Das Verbrechen in seiner Abhängigkeit von dem jährlichen Temperaturwechsel” (“Zeitschr. f. d. ges. Strafrw.”, II, p. 13).

[120] See Colajanni, “Soc. crim.”, II, pp. 427 ff.

[121] See: Tarde, “Penal Philosophy”, p. 303; Quetelet, “Physique sociale”, II, p. 288; Colajanni, “Soc. Crim.”, II, pp. 431 ff.

[122] See “Introduction to the Criminal Statistics of England and Wales, 1905”, p. 53.

[123] Besides the authors cited, see also, as regards the influence of physical factors, Mischler, “Hauptergebnisse in moralischer Hinsicht” (“Handbuch des Gefängniswesens”, II, p. 485); Fr. von Liszt, “Die sozialpolitische Auffassung des Verbrechens” (“Sozialpolitisches Centralblatt”, 1892).

[124] [Note to the American Edition: Upon the relation between criminality and the physical environment see also the recent works: Aschaffenburg, “Das Verbrechen und seine Bekämpfung”, pp. 13 ff.; de Roos, “Quelques recherches sur les causes de l’augmentation des vols pendant l’hiver et des coups et blessures pendant l’été” (“Compte rendu du VIe Congrès internat. d’anthrop. crim.”); Wulffen, “Psychologie des Verbrechers”, I, pp. 381 ff.; P. Gaedeken, “Contribution statistique à la réaction de l’organisme sous l’influence physico-chimique des agents météorologiques” (“Archives d’anthr. crim.”, XXIV); Verrijn-Stuart, op. cit., pp. 176 ff.; v. Mayr, “Statistik u. Gesellschaftslehre”, pp. 605 ff.

[125] “Zur Kritik der politischen Oekonomie”, Preface, p. xi.

[126] “La conception matérialiste de l’histoire”, pp. 229, 230 (“Devenir Social”, 1897).

[127] See the examples given by Professor Ferri, pp. 197–201.

[128] I will not speak of Ch. VI, which is only a repetition of a theme treated of several times, “how much more scientific the sociologists are than the socialists.”

[129] [See the author’s explanation of his use of this word, in the preface.—Transl.]

[130] See “Le crime comme phénomène social” (“Annales de l’institut international de Sociologie”, 1896, p. 414), and “Kriminelle Anthropologie und Sozialismus” (“Neue Zeit”, 1895–96, II).

[Note to the American Edition: Cf. the recent work of C. Manes (a disciple of Ferri), “Capitalismo e criminalità.”]

[131] P. 217. The author insinuates, without bringing the slightest proof, that persons with criminal dispositions have often contributed to the formation of the socialistic theories.

[132] See my criticisms upon these authors. It is not clear why Ferri is cited as an adherent of the opinion expressed by Dr. Kurella; for he gives an important place in the etiology of crime to economic factors.

[133] P. 179.

[134] “La criminalità e le vicende economiche d’Italia dal 1873 al 1890 e osservazioni sommarie per il Regno Unito della Gran Bretagna e Irlanda (1840–1890) e per la Nova Galles del Sud (1882–1891).”

[135] Excepting rural thefts, included under a.

[136] Excepting fraudulent bankruptcy.

[137] Excepting rebellion and violence to public authorities.

[138] Pp. 166, 167.

[139] “Actes”, p. 240.

[140] “Compte rendu”, p. 232.

[Note to the American Edition: See also Professor Lacassagne’s preface to Laurent’s “Le criminel.”]

[141] “Penal Philosophy”, p. 322.

[142] Op. cit., p. 332.

[143] Op. cit., p. 334.

[144] Op. cit., p. 359.

[145] Op. cit., pp. 362, 363.

[146] Op. cit., pp. 383, 384.

[147] Op. cit., pp. 389–391.

[148] Pp. 392, 393.

[149] On this subject see Kautsky, “Die materialistische Geschichtsauffassung und der psychologische Antrieb”, p. 655 (“Neue Zeit”, 1895–1896, II). See the criticism of the imitation theory by Professor Ferri, in the “Devenir Social”, 1895, entitled “La théorie sociologique de M. Tarde.”

[150] “Crime”, p. 212.

[151] “Compte Rendu”, p. 199.

[152] Ibid., p. 200.

[153] P. 204.

[154] Pp. 203, 204.

[155] P. 142.

[156] P. 430.

[157] P. 431.

[158] Pp. 434, 435.

[159] P. 436.

[160] P. 561.

[161] P. 568.

[162] See also by the same author: “Les crânes des suppliciés”, “Les aptitudes et les actes”, “L’atavisme et le crime”, and his reports to the Congress of Criminal Anthropology at Paris and at Brussels.

[163] Pp. 408, 409.

[164] Pp. 409, 410.

[165] Pp. 414, 415.

[166] Pp. 416, 417.

[167] Pp. 418, 419.

[168] P. 419.

[169] P. 429.

[170] Pp. 431, 432.

[171] Pp. 434–436.

[172] Pp. 445, 446.

[173] Pp. 449, 450.

[174] Pp. 452, 453.

[175] P. 455.

[176] P. 456.

[177] [“Somatisch.” Though capable of being translated thus, this word is plainly not “physical” in the sense in which that is used for one of Ferri’s three causes.—Transl.]

[178] Pp. 410, 411.

See also: Dr. A. Bournet, “De la criminalité en France et en Italie”; G. Richard, “Les crises sociales et la criminalité” (“L’année sociologique”, 1898–99); L. Gumplowicz, “Das Verbrechen als soziale Erscheinung” (“Soziologische Essays”).

[Note to the American Edition: Compare further the recent works of the French school: E. Laurent, “Le criminel”; J. L. de Lanessan, “La lutte contre le crime”; J. Maxwell, “Le crime et la société.”]

[179] P. 13.

[180] Pp. 13–18.

[181] Pp. 19–22.

[182] P. 6.

[183] P. 37.

[184] Cf. Colajanni, “Sociologia criminale”, II, p. 558.

[185] Pp. 82, 83.

[186] Pp. 106, 107.

[187] [14% of 7% is about 1%, of course. The mistake is Morrison’s.—Transl.]

[188] In his article, “The Interpretation of Criminal Statistics” (“Journal of the Royal Statistical Society”), 1897, Morrison says: “I am inclined to agree ... that the attempt to institute ... comparisons (of international character) is at present impracticable” (p. 15). It would have been well if he had not forgotten this opinion when he wrote “Crime and its Causes.”

[189] See, by the same author: “Juvenile Offenders” (chaps. VII and VIII).

[190] See, by the same author, “Das Verbrechen als sozial-pathologische Erscheinung.”

[191] P. 59.

[192] Pp. 59, 60.

[193] [Note to the American Edition: I am glad to be able to call the reader’s attention to the fact that Professor von Liszt has changed his opinion with regard to the bio-sociological hypothesis of crime, and must now be ranked with the partisans of the environmental school. (See “Die gesellschaftlichen Faktoren der Kriminalität”, pp. 438–439, “Strafrechtliche Aufsätze und Vorträge”, II.)

Chiefly on account of Professor von Liszt’s initiative, there has appeared in Germany a series of monographs upon the criminality of a province, of a district, etc. (criminal topography). Here are the titles in chronological order: K. Böhmert, “Die sächsische Kriminalstatistik mit besonderer Rücksicht auf die Jahre 1882–1887” (“Zeitschr. d. K. Sächsische Statistischen Bureaus”, XXXV; Damme, “Die Kriminalität in ihre Zusammenhänge in der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein vom Januar 1882 bis dahin 1890” (“Zeitschr. f. d. ges. Strafrechtsw.”, XII.); W. Weidemann, “Die Ursachen der Kriminalität im Herzogtum Sachsen-Meiningen”; B. Blau, “Kriminalstatistische Untersuchung der Kreise Marienwerder und Thorn”; P. Frauenstädt, “Kriminalistische Heimatkunde” (“Zeitschr. f. Socialwissenschaft”, VI.); E. Peterselie, “Untersuchungen über die Kriminalität in der Provinz Sachsen”; F. Dochow, “Die Kriminalität im Amtsbezirk Heidelberg”; F. Galle, “Untersuchung über die Kriminalität in der Provinz Schlesien” (“Gerichtssaal” LXXI, LXXII); W. Stöwesand, “Die Kriminalität in der Provinz Posen und ihre Ursachen”; A. Sauer, “Frauenkriminalität in Amtsbezirk Mannheim”.]

[194] To my great satisfaction Dr. Näcke says, in a criticism of my book, that through reading it, from a bio-sociologist he has almost become an out-and-out follower of the environmental theory (of the French school) (“Archiv f. Krim.-anthr. u. Kriminalstatistik,” XXI, p. 188).

[195] Pp. 96, 97.

[196] P. 98.

[197] Pp. 98, 99.

[198] P. 177.

[199] P. 208.

See also, by the same author: “Die neueren Erscheinungen auf kriminal-anthropologischen Gebiete und ihre Bedeutung” (“Zeitschrift f. d. ges. Strafrw.”, XIV.).

[Note to the American Edition: See also Näcke’s “Die Ueberbleibsel der Lombrosischen kriminalanthropologischen Theorien” (“Archiv f. Krim.-anthr. u. Kriminalität”, L. (1912), pp. 326 ff.)]

[200] In his introduction this author distinguishes three groups of factors: the cosmic, the biological, and the social. Consequently he can be ranked in the same category with Professor Ferri. However, I have thought that he ought rather to be classed among the bio-sociologists, because he gives a preponderating importance to the social factors. As he himself says (p. vii of the introduction), his work is one of the proofs that the divergences of opinions of the schools of criminologists is not great.

[201] Pp. 371, 372.

[202] P. 97.

[203] P. 90.

[204] Pp. 100, 101.

[205] Pp. 103, 104.

[206] P. 113.

[207] Pp. 115, 116.

[208] [See the author’s explanation of his use of this term in the preface.—Transl.]

[209] See also Chaps. II and IV.

[210] P. 346.

[211] Pp. 348, 349.

[212] P. 355.

[213] Pp. 358, 359.

[214] P. 365.

[215] [“Misère.” The word may mean misery, of course, as the author has interpreted it in proving a contradiction of terms, but Joly seems to use it, as it is generally used, to describe an external condition rather than a mental state. In any case, all that Joly seems to mean is that there are those who deliberately prefer effortless indigence to a competence acquired by toil, being willing to put up with the indigence for the sake of the wished for escape from effort.—Transl.]

[216] [Note to the American Edition: Cf. “La Belgique criminelle”, by the same author.]

[217] “Le crime et la peine.”

[218] Pp. 204, 205.

[219] P. 207.

[220] “Les influences de la misère sur la criminalité.” See also “L’école d’anthropologie criminelle”, by the same author.

[221] See the following chapter.

[222] Pp. 18–20.

[223] Pp. 22, 23.

[224] Pp. 31, 32.

[225] P. 43.

[226] [Note to the American Edition: Cf. also the following authors: Dr. G. von Rohden, “Von den sozialen Motiven des Verbrechens” and “Verbrechensbekämpfung und Verbrechensvorbeugung” (“Zeitschr. f. Socialwissenschaft”, VII and IX), and F. A. K. Krauss, “Der Kampf gegen die Verbrechensursachen.”]

[227] [Throughout this section the author uses “religion” as meaning a professed connection with a cult and “irreligion” as the repudiation of any such connection. This is not the use we commonly make of these terms in English, but I know of no others that more accurately express Dr. Bonger’s meaning.—Transl.]

[228] See Bonger, “Geloof en misdaad” (Religion and crime), p. 6.

[229] See also, as members of the “Terza Scuola”: Vaccaro, “Genesi e funzione delle leggi penali”; Carnevale, “Una terza scuola di diritto penale”; Alimena, “Naturalismo critico e diritto penale.” In the “Mitteilungen der internationalen kriminalistischen Vereinigung”, Vol. IV, is found an article by Dr. E. Rosenfeld, entitled “Die dritte Schule”, in which the doctrine of this school is fully treated.

In a discourse more distinguished by hatred of Marxism than by a knowledge of that doctrine, Professor Benedikt said at the Congress of Criminal Anthropology held in Brussels: “The partisans of the ‘Terza Scuola’ are in reality only Marxists.” Among those considered as belonging to the Third School, there is only one Marxist as far as I know. Professor Benedikt may have been led into his error by the fact that Dr. Colajanni, one of the principal partisans of the Third School, and also one of the few criminologists of this school who has written upon the affinity between criminality and economic conditions, is in agreement with the Marxists in this, that he finds the causes of crime, in the last analysis, in economic conditions. This is why I speak of Dr. Colajanni, as representing the Third School, and of the socialists in the same chapter. Although Colajanni calls himself a republican in political matters, he is nevertheless a partisan of an eclectic socialism. (See “Il Socialismo.”) It is for this reason also that it is well to name him in this chapter. Other partisans of the Third School are also, as it appears, more or less of this opinion (see p. 18 of “Die dritte Schule”, where Dr. Rosenfeld treats of Professor Carnevale). However, it is evident from the manner in which Dr. Colajanni treats the question, that he is not a Marxist.

[230] P. 42.

[231] P. 201.

[232] P. 202.

[233] Pp. 235–238.

[234] P. 404.

[235] See also his, “La delinquenza della Sicilia e le sue cause”, and “Socialismo e criminalità.”

[236] Dr. Colajanni is in error here. Marx never formulated so strange a theory.

[237] Pp. 456, 457.

[238] For further details see Dr. Colajanni’s report to the Fifth Congress of Criminal Anthropology.

[239] See pp. 494–500, where the author proves this with the aid of numerous quotations.

[240] See pp. 504–510.

[241] P. 513.

[242] With regard to Starke, from whom Dr. Colajanni takes these figures, see Chap. II of this work.

[243] Pp. 562, 563. See also Chap. XIII, in which Dr. Colajanni treats of the influence of militarism upon criminality.

[244] [To this point Dr. H. B. Adams, Walther’s translation, “Woman in the Past, Present, and Future”, (Lovell, 1886) has been followed. The remainder of the quotation is matter added by Bebel since the publication of the edition from which the above translation was made.—Transl.]

[245] [A decimal point is plainly lacking after the first figure in each of these two numbers.—Transl.]

[246] Pp. 295–297.

[247] P. 107.

[248] Pp. 108, 109.

[249] In examining the statistical tables it must be remembered that they give no real picture of criminality during the years 1870–71, on account of the effect of the war.

[250] Lafargue’s idea of combining the curves of failure and of the price of flour is ingenious, but in my opinion does not give a correct notion of the truth, since it is upon the mistaken notion that the effect of these two factors is equal.

[251] P. 116.

[252] Pp. 370, 371. “Actes du troisième Congrès international d’anthropologie criminelle.” See, by the same author, “L’influence de la crise économique sur la criminalité et le penchant au crime de Quetelet”, “Le socialisme et les causes économiques et sociales du crime”, and “Les index numbers (nombres indices) des phénomènes moraux.”

[253] “Sozialpolitisches Handbuch.”

[254] Pp. 143, 144.

[255] In the last two columns “crimes” was later corrected by the author himself to “criminals”. See “Neue Zeit”, 1892–1893, II, p. 179, and 1893–1894, I, pp. 184 and 535.

[256] P. 150.

[257] Pp. 156, 157.

[258] P. 152.

[259] P. 159.

[260] In 1907 a second edition appeared, revised and corrected.

[261] P. 40.

[262] P. 54.

[263] P. 54.

[264] See also: P. Kropotkin, “Paroles d’un révolté”, pp. 241 ff., and “The Coming Anarchy”, p. 161 (“Nineteenth Century”, 1887); J. Stern, “Einfluss der sozialen Zustände auf alle Zweige des Kulturlebens”, pp. 24 ff.; E. Belfort Bax, “Ethics of Socialism”; T. W. Teifen, “Das soziale Elend und die besitzenden Klassen in Oesterreich”, pp. 132–137, 170–171; J. S(chmidt), “Einfluss der Krisen und der Steigerung der Lebensmittelpreise auf das Gesellschaftsleben”, pp. 16–19, 23; H. Wetzker, “Die Zunahme der Verbrechen” (“Sozialistische Monatshefte”, 1902, II); E. Reich, “Criminalität und Altruismus”; E. Gystrow, “Social-pathologische Probleme der Gegenwart” (“Soz. Monatshefte”, V, 1901).

See also Chapter I, in which I have treated of several socialists, who had to be placed there because they wrote before the rise of modern criminology.

[Note to the American Edition: See also E. Fischer, “Laienbemerkungen zur Reform des Strafrechts” (“Soz. Monatshefte”, X,1 (1906); Dr. S. Ettinger, “Das Verbrecherproblem in anthropologischer und soziologischer Beleuchtung”, which, resting upon the socialist theory, criticises especially the anthropological school; and Robert Blatchford, “Not Guilty”, an original and popular exposition of the theory of the environment.]

[265] P. xi.

[266] I do not mean to deny the importance of historical researches into crime, such as the famous book of Pike, “History of Crime in England”, or the “Documents de criminologie rétrospective” of Corre and Aubry. They can give us valuable information with regard to the etiology of crime, but in my opinion it is indubitable that the historic method never permits us to give the complete etiology of a social phenomenon, like criminality, for example.

[267] This sketch is based upon Karl Marx’s “Kapital” and K. Kautsky’s works primarily, with some indebtedness to Marx’s “Oekonomischen Lehren”, and “Das Erfurter Programm.”

[268] Marx, “Kapital”, I, p. 4.

[269] “Kapital”, I, p. 6. It is plain that in this exposition it is needless to add why this law is discarded under a developed system of capitalism. The exception in no way diminishes the fundamental truth of the proposition.

[270] In his work “The Condition of the Working-class in England”, F. Engels, after speaking of the condition of the English proletariat, says, “The working-class has gradually become a race wholly apart from the English bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie has more in common with every other nation of the earth than with the workers in whose midst it lives. The workers speak other dialects, have other thoughts and ideals, other customs and moral principles, a different religion, and other politics than the bourgeoisie. They are two radically dissimilar nations.” (P. 124. [In original, p. 127].)

[271] Upon the petty bourgeoisie see the excellent article of Dr. B. Schönlank, “Zur Psychologie des Kleinbürgerthums” (“Neue Zeit”, 1890).

[272] Alcoholism being of great importance for criminality I shall treat the etiology of this social phenomenon separately (see Chap. IV).

[273] It is plain that I cannot cite proofs in support of this exposition; I should go beyond the proper limits of this discussion of the present economic system and its consequences. Furthermore it would be useless; for those of my readers who do not know from having seen it that the situation is as I have stated, can be convinced by reading the rich literature upon the subject. I will refer here only to the more noteworthy books; For England: F. Engels, “The Condition of the Working-Class in England” (1845); K. Marx, “Das Kapital” (1867); M. Schippel, “Das moderne Elend und die moderne Ueberbevölkerung” (1888); Chas. Booth, “Life and Labor of the People in London” (1892–1897); R. Blatchford, “Merrie England” (1894), and “Dismal England” (1901); B. S. Rowntree, “Poverty, A Study of Town Life” (1901). For Germany: Dr. H. Lux, “Sozialpolitisches Handbuch” (1889); P. Göhre, “Drei Monate Fabrikarbeiter” (1891); Dr. R. Hirschberg, “Soziale Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in Berlin” (1897); H. Herkner, “Die Arbeitsfrage” (1894), treating also of Austria and Switzerland. For Austria: T. W. Teifen, “Das soziale Elend und die besitzenden Klassen” (1894). For Holland: “Rapport der Commissie belast met het onderzoek naar den toestand der kinderen in fabrieken arbeidende” (1872); “Enquête betreffende werking en uitbreiding der wet van 19 September 1874 en naar den toestand van fabrieken en werkplaatsen” (1887); “Enquête gehouden door de staatscommissie benoemd volgens de wet van 19 Jan. 1890” (1800–1894); “Een vergeten hoofdstuk” (1898); H. Roland-Holst, “Kapitaal en arbeid in Nederland” (1902).

Upon the conditions of women’s work see: L. Braun, “Die Frauenfrage.” Upon the housing of working-men in the great cities see: A. Braun, “Berliner Wohnungsverhältnisse”; E. von Philippovich, “Wiener Wohnungsverhältnisse” (“Archiv f. soz. Gesetzgeb.” u. Stat. VII).

[Note to the American Edition: The literature upon the social condition of the proletariat has increased considerably in recent years. It would be impossible and also superfluous to cite the whole of this literature; I note only certain works that seem remarkable for one reason or another.

For England: L. G. Chiozza-Money, “Riches and Poverty” (1905). For Germany: K. Fischer, “Denkwürdigkeiten und Erinnerungen eines Arbeiters” (1903–04); M. W. Th. Bromme, “Lebensgeschichte eines modernen Fabrikarbeiters” (1905); and Fr. Rehbein, “Das Leben eines Landarbeiters.” For the United States: R. Hunter, “Das Elend der neuen Welt” (1908). For Russia: K. A. Pashitnow, “Die Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in Russland” (1907). For the Netherlands: J. J. Moquette, “Onderzoekingen over volksvoeding in de gemeente Utrecht”, 1907; “Arbeidersleven in Nederland” (1908); “Onderzoekingen naar de toestanden in de Nederlandsche huisindustrie”, 1911–1912. Upon the condition of working-people in general see especially the very interesting and original work of Niceforo, “Anthropologie der nichtbesitzenden Klassen” (1910). Upon the condition of working-women, see “Die Jugendgeschichte einer Arbeiterin” (1909); R. Kempf, “Das Leben der jungen Fabrikmädchen in München” (1911); the official investigation into the work of married women in the factories in the Netherlands (1911). Upon child-labor: “Das proletarische Kind.”]

[274] See the proof cited by K. Kautsky in his “Sozialreform und soziale Revolution” (pp. 22–25), in support of the assertion that the distance between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat has increased.

[275] What the Germans call “Lumpenproletariat.” [The French is “le bas Prolétariat.” “Submerged class” is perhaps our most common English equivalent.—Transl.] With the lower proletariat we must include prostitutes and a part of the criminals. These two groups we shall naturally treat in detail later.

[276] Pp. 213–215. (“Neue Zeit”, 1884).

[277] Op. cit. p. 215. See also, as regards the condition of the lower proletariat in Germany, Dr. H. Lux, “Sozialpolitisches Handbuch”, pp. 32 ff.; for Austria: T. W. Teifen, “Das soziale Elend, etc.” IV, pp. 122 ff.; for Russia: O. Zetkin, “Die barfüssige Bande” (“Neue Zeit”, 1885); for England: Ch. Booth, “Pauperism” and “Life and Labour of the People in London”, VIII; for all Europe: L. M. Moreau-Christophe, “Du problème de la misère,” III; for North America see R. Hunter, “Das Elend der neuen Welt”, pp. 51 ff.

[278] There may be found in Dr. L. Woltmann’s “Die Darwinsche Theorie und der Sozialismus” (pp. 81–135) a detailed résumé of the works of the authors who hold this opinion. Cf. also Herkner, “Die Arbeiterfrage”, pp. 178 ff., where also the literature upon this point is to be found.

[279] P. 527, op. cit. I.

[280] P. 529, op. cit. I.

[281] As is well known, Galton is one of the authors who denies this thesis. One of the rare examples which he produces as proof is d’Alembert, who, notwithstanding an unfavorable educational environment, became a celebrity. (See “Hereditary Genius,” pp. 34–39). Unfortunately for Galton Professor Odin proves that d’Alembert received an excellent education and was brought up in relatively favorable economic conditions. (See “Genèse des grands hommes,” p. 538, I.) See also Professor Odin’s criticism of Galton (pp. 192 ff., op. cit., I).

[282] Op. cit., I, p. 562.

[283] P. 80.

[284] Cf. especially the excellent refutation of the pseudo-Darwinian theory by Professor Bücher in the chapter “Arbeitsgliederung und Soziale Klassenbilderung” from his “Entstehen der Volkswirtschaft.”

[285] See Woltmann, op. cit., pp. 32–81 and pp. 334 ff., where he cites a number of authors who are of this opinion. Upon the whole subject see Dr. A. Ploetz, “Die Tüchtigkeit unsrer Rasse und der Schutz der Schwachen”, and Dr. D. van Embden, “Darwinisme en Demokratie.”

[286] “Menschliche Auslese”, p. 10 (Zukunft, 1894).

[287] Under this heading are included all the children below 14, and the women who live with the person assisted. It is enough to point out that the indigence of these co-assisted persons does not proceed from any cause in the persons themselves, but in their circumstances.

[288] “Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich”, X, 1889, pp. 206–208.

[289] Read the following taken from “Illustrations of the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the North American Indians”, by G. Catlin: “This cruel custom of exposing their aged people, belongs, I think, to all the tribes who roam about the prairies, making severe marches, when such decrepit persons are totally unable to go, unable to ride or to walk,—when they have no means of carrying them. It often becomes absolutely necessary in such cases that they should be left; and they uniformly insist upon it, saying as one old man did, that they are old and of no further use—that they left their fathers in the same manner—that they wish to die, and their children must not mourn for them.” (I, p. 217.)