Chapter XXXVII: Guatemala and Chiapas (4)

Herewith I give further references to some authorities consulted for the preceding chapters: _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 1-771; _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, 1-78; _Oviedo_, i. 115, 157-8, 599-602; iii. 123, 131-2, 189-208, 211-20, 222-3, 255, 488-94, 540; iv. 8-10, 19-32, 239-42; _Concilios Prov._, MS., i. 160, passim; _Id._, 1555 y 1565, pp. vi.-vii., 283-89, 293-8; _Herrera_, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xii.; lib. x. cap. xi.; dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiv.; lib. ix. cap. vii. x.; lib. x. cap. ix. xi.; dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi. vii. xi.; lib. ii. cap. i. iii. vi.; lib. iii. cap. ii.; lib. iv. cap. vii.; lib. vi. cap. iii.; lib. vii. cap. v.; lib. x. cap. v. xv.; dec. v. lib. i. cap. ix.; lib. iii. cap. v.; lib. vi. cap. i.; lib. ix. cap. viii. ix.; dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. ix.; lib. iii. cap. xix.; lib. vii. cap. iv. vi.; dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x. xi. xii.; lib. vi. cap. v. vi.; dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. i. ii. iii. v. vii.; dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xx.; _Torquemada_, i. 322-31, 333-4; iii. 338-40, 384, 468-70, 535-6; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 177-83, 205, 219-21, 235-7, 245-6; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, 45-308, passim; _Cartas de Indias_, 23-5, 414, 451-55, 662, 673-8, 708-10, 735, 745-6, 757-8, 776, 797, 834, 841, 857; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 1-771; _America, Descrip._, MS., 2-4, 130-5, 155, 166, 182-9; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233; _Id._, _Hist. Ind._, 64, 243-4, 268-70; _Chiapas_, _Doc. Orig._, MS., 6-8, 55 et seq.; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, 50-1, 89-93, 109-15, 179-89, 303-29, 343, 478; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, i. 183, 254-5, 429-48; ii. 16, passim; iii. 3-6, 18-30, 48-80, 172, 179-80, 295-6; _Centro América, Extractos Sueltos_, MS., 1-149; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, i. 511, passim; ii. 209 et seq.; iii. 351-62, 386-8, 507-8; iv. 131-5; v. 522-9; vi. 6-17, 304, 342-3; vii. 6, passim; viii. 19-46, 89, 224; ix. 81-115; x. 32 et seq.; xi. 91-153; xiii. 136, passim; xiv. 47 et seq.; xv. 9, passim; xvi. 324-7; xvii. 489-95; xix. 329-40; xxii. 515-24; xxiii. 171-89; _Dávila_, _Continuacion de la Cronica_, MS., 127-30, 290; _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. pp. lvi.-cxv.; ii. pp. xxxvi.-xl. 509-14, 595-600; _Robles_, _Prov. de Chiapa_, 5-71; _Barcia_, i. 166-79; ii. 29-33, 173; iii. 172-5; _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 72, passim; _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 181; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mich._, i. 540-1; ii. 12 et seq.; iv. 104-6, 252, 489-93; v. 475; _Id._, MS., 322-4, 435, 638-42, 1083; _Cáldas_, _Carta sobre Lacandon_, 1-13; _Alcedo_, _Dic._, iii. 325-6; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Horribles Crueldades_, 71; _Florida_, _Col. Doc._, 138; _Papeles Franciscanos_, MS., i. 53-221, 308-13; ii. 321-6; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oaj._, i. 83-7, 387-8; ii. 233-8, 385, 410-11; _Id._, _Palestra_, 174; _Reales Cédulas_, MS., 12, 192; ii. 159, 194-7; _Codex, Tell. Rem._; _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nuovo_, 99, 106-7, 159-60; _Ordenes de la Corona_, MS., i. 96, 158-60; ii. 58; iii. 45-73; iv. 130-1, 150-7; _Vetancvrt_, _Chron. San Evang._, 24, 77; _Id._, _Teat. Mex._, 24-6, 37, 53; _Id._, _Menolog._, 24-8, 44-5, 135-6, 259; _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Comment. Reales_, ii. 57-81, 369-75, 466-7; _Medina_, _Chron. S. Diego_, 11-12, 239-41; _Puga_, _Cedulario_, 24-7, 75-93, 115, 161-3, 188-201; _Las Casas_, _Carta Amonest. 1545_, p. iv.; _Id._, _Carta al Gattinara, 1520_, 1-5; _Id._, _Carta a los PP. de Guat., 1554_, 1-10; _Id._, _Hist. Apolog._, MS., 28-9, 222; _Id._, _Hist. Ind._, i. 406, p. vii.; _Id._, _Regionvm_, 35-40; _Providencias Reales_, MS., 10-15, 49-77, 158-60, 178-208, 221-54, 270-309; _Espinosa_, _Chron. Apost._, 308-407, 490-9, 534-90; _Estrada Rávago_, Descripcion, MS., 2-11; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 15-172; _Id._, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 1-198; _Arricivita_, _Crón. Seráfica_, 1-157, 227-35, 588-9, 603-5; _Col. Doc. Inéd._, 1. 122-4, 140-1; lvii. 318, 344, 384-412, 478; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 382-94, 545-8, 619-21, 667-74; _Gavarrete_, _Copias de Doc._, MS., 1-55; _Guat._, _Col. de Cédulas_, MS., 1-130; _Id._, _Sto Domingo, en 1724_, MS., 1-74; _Haya_, _Informe al Rey_, MS., 1-23; _Prov. Sant. Evang._, MS., 1-7, 160-6, 206-10; _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i. tom. i. 103, passim; tom. ii. 3-520; tom. iii. 238-495; tom. iv. 116-237; tom. v. 109, 142; série ii. tom. iv. 21-2, 212-88, 349-72, 463; tom. vi. 41-8; tom. vii. 75-6; _Recop. de Indias_, i. 11, passim; ii. 17, passim; iii. 311, passim; _Juarros_, _Guat._, 1, passim; _Id._ (ed. London, 1823), 1-520; _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yuc._, 93, 234-42, 326, 637, 745-51; _Reales Ordenes_, ii. 305-31; iii. 94-245, 308-12; viii. 188-9, 422-39; _Fernandez_, _Hist. Ecl._, 29-32, 115-185; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 1-310, passim; ii. 1-311, passim; iii. 1-291; _Gracias_, _Estadistica_, 22-31; _Squier's MSS._, i.-xxxii.; _Criado de Castilla_, _Descub._, MS., 1-64; _Maltratamiento de Yndios_, MS., 1-4; _Cortés_, _Residencia_, i. 51-60, 96-7, 155-6, 232-4, 424; _Purchas_, _His Pilgrimes_, iv. 877, 1146-7, 1569-1603; v. 886-8; _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, MS., 1-62; _Derrotero para Naveg._, MS., 17-133, passim; _Cabrera Bueno_, _Naveg. Especvl._, 313; _Lobo_, _Relacion_, MS., 1-217, passim; _Gallego y Cadena_, _Relacion_, MS., 1-18; _Lazcano_, _Vida del Oviedo_, 17; _Papeles de Jesuitas_, MS., 3; _Apiano_, _Cosmog._, 18-19, 75; _Garcia_, _Sublev. Zendales_, MS., 1-154, passim; _Avila y Lugo_, _Descrip._, MS., 1-8; _Ramusio_, iii. 300-4; _Cedulario_, MS., i. 34-46, 246-8; iii.0 81-91; _Garcia de Hermosilla_, _Memorial_, MS., 1-65; _Simon_, _Conq. Tierra Firme_, 401-32; _Fvndacion y Prog. de Prov. Santiago_, MS., 2-5; _Duarte_, _Relacion_, MS., 1-5; _Carriedo_, _Estudios Hist._, 1-117, passim; _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 4-17, 76-314, 341-401, 504-11, 542-659; _Figueroa_, _Vindicias_, MS., 70-104; _Ramon_, _El Informe_, MS., 20-89; _Zurita_, _Relacion_, MS., 65; _Aniñon_, _Discurso_, MS., 1-3; _Niebla_, _Memorial_, MS., 1-20; _Alvarado_, _Cartas_, MS., 1-42; _Morelli_, _Fasti Novi Orbis_, 107-15, 140, 181-3, 206, 348, 361-5, 480-9; _Pinelo_, _Relacion_, 2-11; _Velasco_, _Carta_, MS., 1 et seq.; _Miranda_, _Memoria_, MS., 1-20; _Piedrahita_, _Hist. Gen._, 529-30; _Morel_, _Sta Cruz Visita_, MS., 1-104; _Izaguirre_, _Relacion_, MS., 1 et seq.; _Costa Rica_, _Cabildo de Relacion_, MS., 1-18; _Haklvyt_, _Voy._, iii. 567-9, 590-7; _Ariza_, _Darien_, MS., 2-38; _Panamá_, _Col. Doc._, passim; _Guat._, _Const. del. Colegio_, MS., 1 et seq.; _Verapaz y Ahitzaes_, _Misiones_, MS., 1-27; _Andagoya_, _Carta al Rey_, MS., 9-10; _Acosta_, _Comp. Hist. N. Granada_, 324; _San Salv._, _Tratado de la Fundacion_, MS., 1-27; _Darien_, _Defence of Scots Settlement_, 1 et seq.; _Id._, _Enquiry_, 1 et seq.; _Id._, _Humble Address_; _Id._, _Letter Relating_; _Id._, _Original Papers_, 1 et seq.; _Id._, _Vindication_, 1 et seq.; _Touron_, _Hist. Gen. Am._, v. 193-214, 249-97; vi. 74-124, 307-48; vii. 69-163, 233-48, 269-78; _Santos_, _Chron. Hisp._, ii. 479-85; _García_, _Hist. Beth._, i. 25-7; ii. 3-12, 28-203; iii. 1-173; iv. 1-39; _Id._, _Reseña Geog._, 7; _Coreal_, _Voy._, i. 94-5, 101-12; _Id._ (ed. Amsterdam), 73-112, 125-47; _Id._ (ed. Paris), 65-100, 251-2; _Pineda_, _Descrip. Geog._, 11-14, 45, 85-8, 129-33; _Cadena_, _Breve Descrip._, 5-56; _Rivera_, _Hist. Jalapa_, i. 60-3; _Ordenanças para remedio de Navíos_, 1-24; _Lynch_, _Rel. Puntual_, MS., 1-19; _Gottfried_, _Newe Welt_, 82-3, 282-6; _Oexmelin_, _Hist. de Flib._, i. 162-5, 197-228; ii. 3-11, 31-193, 207-46; iii. 30-202, 301-47; _Ramirez_, _Proceso_, pp. xi.-xxiii., 6-82, 102-3, 124-30, 277-90; _Feuillée_, _Journal_, 65-86, 146-60, 311-23; _Larrainzar_, _Soconusco_, 1-3, 17-25; _Squier's Notes_, 121 et seq.; _Id._, _States_, 44, passim; _Id._, _Travels_, 82 et seq.; _Laet_, _Novi Orbis_, 325, 333-46; _Exquemelin_, _Am. Zee-Roovers_, 59 et seq.; _Id._, _Buccaneers of Am._, 29 et seq.; _Id._ (ed. Boston, 1857), 76 et seq.; _Id._, _Hist. de Boecaniers_ (ed. Amst. 1700), 12 set seq.; _Heylyn_, _Cosmog._, 1080-9; _Dampier_, _Voy._, i. 3 et seq.; _Ulloa_, _Noticias_, 345; _Cleveland_, _Nic. Transit_, MS., 52-66; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. et Guat._, 268, 287-90; _Prescott's Mex._, i. 377-86; _Id._ (ed. Madrid), iv. 228; _Id._, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 561-72; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 268-81; _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, iii. 87, passim; v. 326-32; _Id._, 2da ép., i. 222-50, 293, 456, 565-73; iii. 77-80; iv. 699-712; _Id._, 3da ép. ii. 304-26; _Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates_, 93, passim; _South Sea Co., View of_, 1 et seq.; _Sharp_, _Voy. and Adv._, 2, passim; _Lussan_, _Journal de Voy._, 30-110, 129-43, 152-274, 384-436; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, 147, passim; _Calvo_, _Traités_, ii. 205-9, 359-81; iii. 249-55; xi. 190-203; _Ayon_, _Consid. Limites_, 9-19; _Luyts_, _Introduc. Geog._, 727-9; _Aa_, _Naaukeurige Versameling_, x. 19-25; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, ii. 467-73; _Bustamante_, _Medidas_, MS., ii. 11-12; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, i. 715-18; ii. 375; iii. 144; iv. 485-6, 632-84; v. 187, 422-8, 617-34; x. 1123-5; _Montemayor_, _Svmarios_, 11, 163-6, 189, 203-4; _Pap. Var._, xliv. pt. i.-x.; cxlix. pt. x. 403-14; _Id._, clxvii. pt. i. 1 et seq.; _Id._, ccxv. pt. xvii. passim; _Reichardt_, _Nic._, 31-2, 71-80, 110-13, 136-8, 140-4, 205-7; _Davity_, _Descrip. Gen._, 91-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Bib. Mex. Guat._, 36; _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 574-633, 781-98; _Morelet_, _Voy._, ii. 291, 303; _Helps' Cortés_, ii. 162-3; _Id._, _Life of Las Casas_, 182, passim; _Id._, _Span. Conq._, iii. 275, passim; iv. 9-14; _Quintana_, _Vida_, 129 et seq.; _Rivera_, _Gob. de Mex._, i. 31, 248, 254, 258-9; _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 59, passim; _Nouvelles An. de Voy._, xxi. 244, 261-2; xxvi. 405-6; xxxv. 127-8; lxxx. 129-69; xcii. 58; xciii. 25-6; xcix. 192; c. 51-4; cli. 1-15; clviii. 200; _Guat._, _Apunt. Agric._, 42, passim; _West Indies, Descrip. of Span. Settl._, 1-106; _Lerdo de Tejada_, _Apunt. Hist._, 261-2, 299; _Antunez_, _Mem. Hist._, pp. lviii.-lxiii. lxxxiii.-xciii.; _Buccaneers of Am._, ii. 1 et seq.; _La Harpe_, _Abrégé_, x. 116-20, 257-314; xi. 237, passim; _Russell's Hist. Am._, i. 388-93, 416-19, 517-43; _Jesuits_, _Col. Gen._, i. 1 et seq.; ii. 1 et seq.; _Clement_, _Tablas Chron._, 170-97, 205; _Kerr's Col. Voy._, v. 175-80; x. 214, passim; _Id._, _Travels_, 229; _Costa Rica_, _Boundaries_, 10-50; _Palacio_, _S. Salv._, 1-70; _Iglesias y Conventos de Mex._, 277-81; _Cortes_, _Diario_, v. 220; xix. 390-1; _West Indies, Geog. and Hist._, 60, passim; _Molina_, _Bosquejo Cost. R._, 67 et seq.; _Id._, _Coup d'Oeil_, 6 et seq.; _Seemann's Isth. of Panamá_, 7-53; _Id._, in _Panamá Star and Herald_, March-May, 1868; _Gage's New Survey_, 180-265, 308-9; _Id._, _Voy._ (ed. Paris, 1676), ii. pt. iii. 1-66, 179-297; _Id._ (ed. Amst. 1720), i. 303-76; _Douglas' Hist. and Pol._, i. 44-6, 88-9; _Drake's Voy._, 56-65, 303-15; _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i. tom. x. 151-91, 269-85, 415-28; série ii. tom. v. 142-3, 179-81, 202-3, 275-83; _Fricius_, _Indianischer Relig._, 180-4; _Carbajal_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 654-6; _Drake, Cavendish and Dampier_, _Lives_, 179, 182-5, 188-99, 233-40, 263-70; _Julian_, _Trasformazione dell_, 1-286; _Cooke's Geog._, ii. 166-8; _Fernando_, vii.; _Decretos_, 86-90; _Arosemena_, _Examen_, 20-2; _Archivo Mex._, i. 113; _Linschoten_, _Voy._, 229; _Original Letters to an Honest Sailor_, 6-19; _Album Mex._, i. 417-18; _March y Labores_, _Marina Esp._, ii. 583-7, 648, 662-7; _Kewen's Nic._ and _Walker_, MS., 61-4; _Macpherson's Annals_, i. 744-7; ii. 379, 451, 664-9; iii. 354, 548, 589; iv. 4, 159, 179, 460; _Diorama_, 146-75; _Alaman_, _Disert._, i. 29-37, 172; iii. 338; _Ogilby's Am._, 96 passim; _Mazariegos_, _Chiapa_, 5 et seq.; _Ribera Payo_, _El Maestro_, 1-42; _Lopez_, _Mercurio Ind._, MS., 42-5; _Wafer's Voy._, 4-188; _Viagero Univ._, xii. 72, passim; xxiii. 63-78; xxvii. 159 et seq.; _Navarro_, _Extract. Guat._, 1-32; _Lettres Edificantes_, iv. 359; _Sammlung aller Reisebesch._, ix. 69-106, 617; xii. 373-7; xiii. 513, passim; xv. 252-62; _Nueva España, Breve Res._, MS., 349, passim; _Batres_, _Rel. de las Fiestas_, 1-9; _Larrainzar_, _Biog._, 1-15; _Id._, _Discurso_, 12-17; _Spanish Empire in Am._, 134, passim; _Nicaragua_, _Defensa de Derechos del Pais_, 15-21; _Ocios_, _Espan. Emigrad._, 222-3; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, 202, passim; _America Cent., Reclam. de Intervencion_, 7-10; _Berenger_, _Col. Voy._, ii. 411; iii. 284, 291; _Variedades Jurisp._, v. 39-43; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 54, 108-9; _Haefkens_, _Cent. Am._, 23, 27; _Uring's Hist. Voy._, 164-6, 354-7; _Gastizabal_, _Por el Maestro_, 2; _Voyages, A New Col._, i. 422-36, 488-504; ii. 43 et seq.; iii. 42, passim; _Crowe's Gospel in Cent. Am._, 18 et seq.; _Eastern Coast of Cent. Am._, 4-8; _Cockburn's Journey_, 20-264; _Poinsett's Notes on Mex._, 15-21; _Salmon's Modern Hist._, iii. 63-5, 219-22; _Beccatini_, _Vida Carlos_, iii. 211-12; _Bidwell's Panamá_, 38, passim; _American Rev._, July 1851, 3 et seq.; _Churchill's Col. Voy._, vi. 298-312; viii. 734, 761-769; _Page_, _Nouveau Voy._, ii. 403-10; _Creassy's Plan_ MS., 1-47; _Nicaragua_, _Nueva Discusion_, 4-5; _Macgregor's Progress of Am._, i. 311, 728, 741-2, 749; _Stout's Nic._, 101, passim; _Amérique Cent., Comp. Belge_, pt. ii. 35-6, 92-3; _Nicaragua_, _De Orden del Director_, 1-16; _United Service Jour._, pt. ii. 208, 315-18, 433-40, pt. iii. 4-9, 289-95; _Pim's Gate to Pacific_, 26 et seq.; _Niles' Register_, xliv. 358; _Bussière_, _L'Empire Mex._, 371-5; _Conde_, _Golfe de Hond._, 5-6; _Carranza_, _Descrip._, 66-70, 118; _Griswold's Panamá_, 8 et seq.; _Pinkerton's Col. Voy._, xiv. 361-87; _Larrañaga_, _Prospecto Eneida_, 1-28; _Harleian Col. Voy._, ii. 761-5; _Dunn's Guat._, 64, passim; _Delaporte_, _Reise_, x. 343, 397-416; _Quarterly Rev._, xxxv. 326-9; _Morden's Geog._, 582-4; _Polynesian_, vii. 5, 181; _World Displayed_, vi. 9-17, 44-9; _Democratic Rev._, xxx. 546; _Bastide_, _Mem. sur Nouveau Passage_, 21-4, 30-2; _Betagh's Voy._, 132-3; _Harper's Mag._, xvii. 28-9; xviii. 18-23, 31; xix. 20-37, 434-7, 449-50; _Seaward's Nar._, ii. 271-99; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 68-70, 77, 93; _Thompson's Guat._, 236-7; _San Miguel_, _Mex._, ii. 24; _North Am. Rev._, xxiv. 278-80; _Young's Mosq. Shore_, 12-15; _Florencia_, _Zodiaco Mariano_, 234-55; _Gordon's Anc. Mex._, ii. 247; _British Quart. Rev._, xcix. 238-9; _Mex. and Guat._, ii. 155; _Burke's Europ. Settlement_, i. 291-2; _Mission Scientifique de Mex._, 509; _Pim and Seeman's Dottings_, 85 et seq.; _London Geog. Soc., Jour._, i. 85; xi. 81; xxiii. 180-1; xxxviii. 108-9; _Codman's Round Trip_, 14-15; _St Francis of Assisi_, 563; _Annals Brit. Legis._, ii. 397; _Marshall's Christian Missions_, ii. 224-6; _Shepard's Papers on Span. Am._, 35-7; _Rogers' Voy._, app. 13-54; _Thesaurus Geog._, ii. 267-71; _Holmes' Annals of Am._, i. 72; _Pinkerton's Modern Geog._, iii. 216; _Bury's Exodus_, ii. 58-99, 171-2; _Mosquito Terr., Correspondence Respecting_, 7 et seq.; _Indicador_, iii. 156-73; _Campbell's Span. Amer._, 64, passim; _Espinosa_, _Peregrino Sept._, 1-456; _Id._, _Nuevas Empresas_, 1-46; _Martin's Hist. W. Indies_, i. 137-9; _Warburton's Darien_, 169-396; _Diezmos de Indios_, 1, passim; _Voyages, New Univ. Col._, i. 188-9; ii. 373-8; _Boddam-Whetham_, _Across Cent. Am._, 109-12; _Thompson's Recol._, 119; _Mayer's Mex. Aztec_, i. 253; _Weatherhead's Account of Exped._, 36; _Overland Monthly_, iv. 497; _Strains' Inter. Comm._, 15-18; _Prior's All the Voy._, 57-70; _Greenhow's Mem._, 35-8; _Thiers' Mississippi Bubble_, 229-57; _Fanshaw's World in Min._, ii. 23; _Imray's Sailing Direct._, 12; _Holinski_, _La Cal._, 66-8; _Crosby's Statement_, MS., 116-18; _Findlay's Direct._, i. 213, 242, 258; _Arana_, _Relacion_, 380-98; _Guerra_, _Hist. Revol._, ii. 616-17; _Mexico, Notes on in 1822_, 239-44; _Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex._, 129; _Shelvocke's Voy._, 292-3; _Noticia Individual de los Derechos_, 1-143; _Ponton's Earthquakes_, 36, 46; _Nicaragua y Hond. Doc._, 1-56; _Paredes' Coast of Mosq._, 1-62; _Linage_, _Spanish Rule of Trade_, 207-8, 227; _Conder's Mex. and Guat._, ii. 153, passim; _Hassel_, _Mex. und Guat._, 406; _Wilson's Mex._, 257; _Lardner's Hist. Marit._, ii. 302-4; _Panamá_, _The Isthmus_, 8-9; _Anderson's Commerce_, iii. 165; iv. 47, 449; _Roberts' Nar. Voy._, 37-42; _Harris' Col. Voy._, i. 748, 754; _Wells' Honduras_, 415, 457-9, 530-1; _Goodrich's Man on Sea_, 34, 337-8; _Correo Merc. Esp._, iv. 270; _Tomes_, _Panamá_, 162-3, 208-12; _Oviedo y Baños_, _Por el Licenciado_, 1-9; _Guat._, _Instruc. Arreglo_, 1-24; _Otis' Isthmus of Panamá_, 127; _Payne's Univ. Geog._, iv. 461-3; _Silicio_, _Mem. Foment. Col. Ind._, 74-8; _Suarez_, _Informe_, 33; _Voyages, Hist. Voy. round the World_, i. 302-9, 325-9, 443-4; _Cullen's Darien_, 147-93; _Winterbotham's Hist. of U. S._, iv. 120-8; _Puydt et Binckum_, _Colonisation_, 72; _Flint's Geog._, ii. 145; _Alzate_, _Gacetas_, iii. 326, 442; _Castellon_, _Doc. Nic. y Hond._, 51-6; _Mosquitolandes_, 23, passim; _Moro_, _Informe_, 1-127; _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, i. 104; ii. 67-8, 147; iii. 35-43; _Bvla_, _Confirmationis_, 1-16; _Nicaragua_, _Nueva Discusion_, 6-7, 20-5; _Dic. Univ. Hist._, i., passim; _Arancel_, _Derechos_, 2-6; _Lacunza_, _Discursos Hist._, 461; _Mosquito-Küste und Ter._, 14-18; _Fonseca y Urrutia_, _Real Hacienda_, i. 519-20; _Guat._, _Aranceles_, 1-100; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 28-30, 192, 226, 349-50; ii. 38, 261; _Raynal_, _Hist. Phil._, iv. 74-5, 200, 205, 221-50; _Leon's Travels_, 15-19, 35-40; _Pinelo_, _Relacion_, 1-11; _Mosquito, Correspondence_, 27, passim; _Relacion Historica de Iance_, 1-8; _Muro_, _Utilidades_, 1-73; _Fabrica y Estampa de Naypes_, 1-16; _Llorente_, _Œuvres_, 1-409; _Fernando_, vii.; _Doc._, 314-27; _Margil de Jesus_, _Noticie della Vita_, 1-216; _Id._, _Nuevas Empresas_, 1-46; _Cancelada_, _Tel. Mex._, 109; _Moreno_, _Reglas Cientas_, 1-136; _Nicaragua_, _Mem._, 8-28; _Cent. Amer. Pamphlets_, passim; _Mosquito Doc._, passim; _Museo Mex._, i. 193-5, 229, 261; _Iturriaga_, _El Dolor Rey_, 1-27; _Ilust. Mex._, iv. 414-16; _Iglesia de Guat._, _El Dean_, 1-4; _Linage_, _Norte de la Contratacion_, 1-264; _Navarrete_, _Col. Viages Descub._, iii. 452-3; _Guatemala_, _Autos de Parte_, MS., 1-41.

FOOTNOTES

[I‑1] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xiii.-xiv., says
80 men. Francisco de Jerez, Pizarro's secretary, _Conq.
del Peru_, in _Barcia_, iii. 179, places the number at 112
Spaniards, besides Indians; Zárate, _Hist. del Peru_, in
_Id._, at 114 men. For minor statements and discrepancies
compare _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 141; _Garcilaso de la Vega_,
_Com. Real_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. vii.; _Benzoni_, _Hist.
Mondo Nvovo_, 118; _Oviedo_, iii. 382-90; _Quintana_, _Vidas,
Pizarro_, 50.

[I‑2] This letter picturing the horrors of the situation, and
begging from the governor relief, was signed by the writer and
his comrades; after which was a doggerel, current for years
thereafter in the Indies, which ran as follows:

Pues señor gobernador,
Mirelo bien por entero
Que allá va el recogedor,
Y acá queda el carnicero.

And may be rendered thus:

To this we hope your honor,
Will lend a kindly ear;
You have the herder with you,
We have the butcher here.

In _Balboa_, _Histoire du Pérou_, Ternaux-Compans gives a
French rendering by Beaudoin:

Monsieur le gouverneur, on s'en va vous chercher,
Pour emmener des gens de la ville où vous estes.
Envoyez-nous-en donc, car voícy le boucher
Qui les esgorgera comme de pauvres bestes.

[I‑3] Garcilaso de la Vega, _Com. Real_, pt. ii. lib. i.
cap. xi., tells the most extravagant stories concerning
Tumbez. 'Avia gran numero de Plateros, que hacian Cantaros
de Oro, y Plata, con otras muchas maneras de Joias, asi para
el servicio, y ornamento del Templo, que ellos tenian por
Sacrosanto, como para servicio del mismo Inga, y para chapar
las planchas deste Metal, por las paredes de los Templos, y
Palacios.' See also, _Xerez_, _Conq. del Peru_, _Barcia_,
iii. 169-81; _Zárate_, _Hist. del Peru_, _Barcia_, iii.
2, 3; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 143; _Pizarro y Orellana_,
_Varones Ilvstres_, 138; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mundo Nvovo_, 120;
_Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xii.; _Oviedo_, iii.

[I‑4] Some affirm that, while in Spain, Cortés and Pizarro
became great friends; that much fatherly advice was given
by the former to the latter. Cortés, they say, although the
younger, could teach his brother-conqueror many things, and
warned Pizarro against admitting another to a share in the
supreme authority, which advice, indeed, was hardly necessary.

[I‑5] Historians of the Peruvian conquest point with emphasis
to political disruption as the agency which gave the country
to the Spaniards. Of course we cannot tell what would have
been the accidents or incidents of this invasion under other
conditions. As it happened, I fail to perceive how the civil
war of necessity was the cause of success, or that without
Peruvian disruption the Spaniards could not have accomplished
their purpose. Atahualpa at the head of a powerful army in
the full flush of victory could have crushed this handful of
Spaniards as easily as might have done a Peruvian host tenfold
greater. Pizarro could have performed his imperial cozenage
as easily when peace reigned as at another time. Compare
_Naharro_, _Relacion_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxvi. 232-7;
_Real Cédula_, in _Id._, 256; _Castañeda_, _Informacion_, in
_Id._, 256-9; _Jaren_, _Informacion en Panamá_, in _Id._,
259-60; _Candía_, _Informacion_, in _Id._, 261-5; _Pedro
Pizarro_, in _Id._, 201-10; _Almagro_, _Informacion_, in
_Id._, 265-74; _Sámano_, _Relacion_, in _Id._, v. 193-201;
_Col. Doc. Inéd._, in _Id._, l. 206-20; _Ovalle_, _Hist.
Chile_, in _Pinkerton's Voy._, xiv. 154-6, and in _Churchill's
Col. Voy._, xiv. 154-6; _Leon's Travels_, _Hakluyt Soc._;
_Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, ii. 13-20; _Pizarro
y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 127-9; _Xerez_, _Conq. del
Peru_, 179-81; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 141-7; _Oviedo_, iv.
147 et seq.; _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, 17-23. The last-mentioned
document is by one of the conquerors. According to some
reports the inca was undetermined what course to pursue.
Immediately after the capture of Huascar some of his
counsellors were for sending an army and destroying the
invaders at once. Others wished to take them alive and by
making slaves of them ingraft their superiority into their
own incipient civilization. Others more timid represented
the strangers as exceedingly fierce and powerful, to conquer
whom would be difficult and dangerous. 'Vnos querian, que
fuesse vn capitan a ello con exercito, otros dezian, que
aunque los estrangeros no eran muchos, eran valientes, y que
la ferocidad de sus rostros, y personas, la terribilidad de
sus armas, la ligereza, y brabura de aquellos sus cauallos
pedian mayor fuerça.' _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. ix.
According to Balboa the arrival of the Spaniards caused some
anxiety among the Peruvians at Cuzco. 'Cette nouvelle inquiéta
tout le monde. Atahualpa essaya de tranquilliser ses sujets
en leur disant que ces étrangers étaient probablement des
envoyés de Viracocha, et depuis cette époque ce nom est resté
aux Espagnols.' _Hist. du Pérou_, _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._,
série ii. tom. iv. 309. Benzoni affirms that Atahualpa who
was at Caxamalca, sent messengers to Pizarro threatening to
make him repent if he did not leave his vassals unmolested and
return to his own country. 'In questo tempo Attabaliba Re del
Peru si trouaua in Cassiamalca, e inteso com' era entrato nel
suo paese gente con la barba, con certi animali terribili e
scorreuano i luoghi, ammazzando, e depredando il tutto, mandò
vn' ambasciatore à Francesco Pizzarro, minacciandolo, che se
non lasciaua i suoi vassalli, e se ne fosse ito al suo paese,
che lo farebbe mal contento.' _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 121.

[I‑6] Herrera says 24; others 20. In the narratives of these
early adventurers rarely two are exactly alike concerning any
occurrence. Among them all, however, we can usually arrive
near the truth.

[I‑7] There were in reality, according to the 'Spanish
Captain,' 80,000 warriors in the encampment of the inca, but
the cavaliers reported to their comrades only 40,000 in order
not to dishearten them! 'Li Capitani ritornorno al signor
gourenator, e gli disseno quel che era seguito del cacique,
e che li parea che la gente ch'egli haueua portriano esser
da quaranta mila huomini da guerra. Et questo dissono per dar
animo alla gente, perche erano piu di ottanta mila, e dissono
ancora quello che li haueua detto il cacique.' _Relatione d'vn
Capitano Spagnvolo_, in _Ramusio_, iii. 373.

[I‑8] The story is told in as many ways as there are
historians. Some say that the inca entered Caxamalca as a
conqueror, others as falling into the trap of the Spaniards.
All are partially correct. Undoubtedly he would capture the
Spaniards if he could, while they would prevent it by securing
him if they were able. According to Zárate, seeing but a
few men in the plaza when he entered he asked, 'Have these
men surrendered?' and his people answered, 'They have!' 'Y
como viò tan pocos Españoles, i esos à pie (porque los de à
Caballo, estaban escondidos) pensò, que no osarian parecer
delante de èl, ni le esperarian; i levantandose sobre las
andas, dixo à su Gente. _Estos rendidos estàn._ Y todos
respondieron que si.' _Zárate_, _Hist. del Peru_, _Barcia_,
iii. 21.

[I‑9] Some say a cross and a breviary, others a cross and
a bible. 'Llego entonces a el Fray Vincente de Valuerde,
dominico, que lleuaua una Cruz en la mano, y su breuiario, o
la biblia, como algunos dizen.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 149.

[I‑10] 'Lui exposa longuement les mystères de notre sainte
religion, en citant son discours plusieurs passages des
évangiles, comme si Atahualpa avait su ce que c'était que les
évangiles, ou eût été obligé de le savoir.' _Balboa_, _Hist.
du Pérou_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii. tom. iv.
315.

[I‑11] 'Respondio Atabaliba muy enojado, que no queria
tributar siẽdo libre.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 149. 'Ma che
non gli pareua come Re libero di dar tributo à chi non haueua
mai ve duto.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 123. 'Soi libre,
no debo tributo à nadie, ni pienso pagarlo, que no reconozco
por superior à ningun Rei.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com.
Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I‑12] 'Y que Christo murio, y el sol, y la luna nunca
morian.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 150.

[I‑13] 'Et che il Pontefice doueua essere vn qualche gran
pazzo, poi che daua cosi liberamente quello d'altri.'
_Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 123. 'Que no obedeceria al
Papa porque daua lo ageno, y por no dexar aquien nunca vio el
reyno, que fue de su padre.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 149-50.

[I‑14] 'Poi gli dimandò, come sapeua, che'l Dio de Cristiani
di niente haueua fatto il mondo, e che fosse morto in Croce.
Il frate rispose, che quel libro lo diceua, e lo porse ad
Attabaliba, ilquale lo prese, e guardatoui sopra, ridendo
disse; à me non dice niente questo libro; e gettatolo per
terra, il frate lo ripigliò.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_,
123. 'Le moine en fut si irrité qu'il réclama à grands cris
vengeance pour l'offense faite à Dieu et à sa sainte loi.'
_Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_, 315.

[I‑15] Pizarro y Orellana mildly affirms that the inca
threw the book from him in such scorn, that the monk was
obliged to call upon the Christians to fight for their law.
'Y poniendole la biblia en las manos, la arrojò el Inga con
tã gran vituperio, que obligò al Religioso à dar vozes à
los Cristianos, diziendoles, que bolviessen por su ley, que
la ultrajava aquel barbaro gentil, de quien no avia ya que
esperar.' _Varones Ilvstres_, 155.

[I‑16] 'Et subito ad alta voce cominciò à gridare; vendetta,
vendetta Cristiani, che gli Euangelij sono disprezzati, e
gettati per terra. Vccidete questi cani, che dispreggiano la
legge di Dio.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 123. Gomara
says: 'Los Euãgelios en tierra, Vẽgãça Christianos, a ellos, a
ellos que no quiere nuestra amistad, ni nuestra ley.' _Hist.
Ind._, 150. While Garcilaso de la Vega renders it thus: 'Ea,
ea, destruidlos, que menos precian nuestra lei, y no quieren
nuestra amistad.' _Com. Reales_, ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I‑17] 'De Monick selfs hielt oock niet op den gantschen tydt
dat sy doende waren met dit Dolck te vermoorden, vamrasen en
tieren, vermanende de spaenjaerden dat sy niet houwen maer
steken souden, om de Lemmets te bewaren, dat sy niet braecken,
mits sy de Degens in nacomende moorderyen souden van noode
hebben.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, 362.

[I‑18] 'Cargauã todos sobre Atabaliba, que todauia estaua en
su litera, por prenderle, desseando cada vno el prez y gloria
de su prision.' _Gomara_, 150. 'Ses gardes prirent la fuite de
tous les côtés, et les Espagnols, ayant entraîné l'Inga dans
leur camp, lvi mirent les fers aux pieds.' _Balboa_, _Hist.
du Pérou_, 316.

[I‑19] The 'Spanish Captain' places the number at over seven
thousand besides many who had their limbs cut off and were
in other ways mutilated. 'Rima sero in quel giorno morti
da sei ouer sette mila Indiani, oltra molti che haueano
tagliate le braccia, e molte altre ferite.' _Relatione d'vn
Capitano Spagnvolo_; _Ramusio_, iii. 374. 'Decimos, que
pasaron de cinco mil Indios los que murieron aquel dia. Los
tres mil y quinientos fueron à hierro, y los demas fueron
viejos invtiles, mugeres, muchachos, y niños, porque de ambos
sexos, y de todas edades avia venido innumerable gente à
oir, y solenniçar la embajada de los que tenian por dioses.'
_Garcilaso de la Vega_; _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap.
25. This brutal massacre is dignified by Pizarro y Orellana,
as one of the most important battles of history, remarkable
for the loss of so little Christian blood! 'Se vencio una de
las mas importantes batallas, y con menos gente de quantas en
las historias divinas, y humanas se han visto; no sacandose
mas sangre de los Cristianos, que la de una pequeña herida
que le dieron en la mano à nuestro valeroso capitan salia.'
_Varones Ilvstres_, 156.

[I‑20] 'Cosi bauuta la sanguinolente e terribil vittoria
di quella misera gente infelice; stettero tutti la notte
in balli e feste, lussuriando.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo
Nvovo_, 124. 'Als de Spaenjaerden desen bloedighen neerlaghe
aengerecht hadden van dit ongheluckighe Volck, hebben sy den
naestvolgenden nacht met dansen en springhen, en bancketeren
overghebrocht.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, 362.

[I‑21] No greater monument of blind adulation is found in
Spanish-American history than the _Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo
Mvndo_, Madrid, 1639, of Pizarro y Orellana, a descendant
of one of the great Pizarros. Not only the brutal Francisco
Pizarro is made a saint, but the accounts of the eight
heroes of the conquest, which occupy the greater part of a
folio volume, are little else than a covering of defects by
so-called glorious deeds, which serve besides the purposes
of fame as a special plea for the confirmation of grants
conferred upon the conqueror. This plea is embodied in the
author's later _Discurso Legal_, and is in some degree made
weightier by his position as member of the royal council.

[I‑22] 'Y se fue enterando de ellos del discurso de su venida,
y de la Fè Catolica, que oìa muy buen: como hombre que tenia
muy bien entendimiento.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones
Ilvstres_, 156.

[I‑23] 'Hallaron en el baño, y Real, de Atabaliba cinco mil
mugeres, que aunque tristes, y desamparadas, holgaron con
los Christianos, muchas y buenas tiendas, infinita ropa de
vestir.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib.
i. cap. xxvii.

[I‑24] 'Valiò en fin la bajilla sola de Atabaliba, cien mil
ducados.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Real_, pt. ii. lib.
i. cap. xxvii. 'Los Soldados no se descuidaron en visitar los
quarteles del exercito del Inga, donde hallaron grandissimas
riqueza de oro, y plata.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones
Ilvstres_, 156.

[I‑25] 'Tratò Ataulpa de su rescate, y ofrecio tan gran
cantidad de oro, que parecia impossible cumplirlo.' _Pizarro
y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 156. 'Prometiò, porque le
soltasen, cubrir de vasijas de plata y oro, el suelo de vna
gran sala donde estava preso.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com.
Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxviii.

[I‑26] 'J'attends avec impatience l'arrivée de votre frère,
pour savoir quels sont ses droits, rendre justice à chacun et
tâcher de vous mettre d'accord.' _Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_,
317.

[I‑27] Benzoni was told that Pizarro intended from the first
to take the life of Atahualpa, as by this means he expected to
be able better to subdue and govern the country. 'Però io ho
inteso, da poi che Pizzarro l'hebbe fatto prigione, l'intento
suo fu sempre di leuarselo dinanzi à gli occhi, per meglio
potere soggiogare, e dominare il paese.' _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_,
lib. iii. fol. 125.

[I‑28] 'Il était, dit-on, épris d'une des femmes d'Atahualpa,
que la crainte qu'inspirait l'Inga empêchait de se rendre
à ses désirs.' _Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_, 322. 'Sobre
estas causas se examinaron à algunos Indios, à tiempo q̃ el
Interprete Filipillo, zeloso de que una muger de Ataulpa le
huviesse desdeñado, interpretò los dichos de los testigos,
escriviendolos demanera, que el Padre Fray Vicente de Valverde
dixo, que el firmaria la sentencia de muerte.' _Pizarro y
Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 166.

[I‑29] 'En la suma deste rescate, andan diversos, Agustin
Çarate, y Francisco Lopez de Gomara, historiadores de aquellos
tiempos, creo, que son erratas del molde: pondrè aqui algunas
dellas, para que se vean mejor.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com.
Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxxviii. I have taken the lowest
estimate of this treasure as being in all probability as near
the truth as any. Many different amounts are given, some of
them as high as four millions. 'Hallaron cinquẽta y dos mil
marcos de buena plata, y vn millon, y trezientos, y veynte y
seys mil y quiniẽtos pesos de oro, suma, y riq̃za, nunca vista
en vno.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 154-5.

[I‑30] The 'Spanish Captain' says that every foot-soldier
received 4,800 ducats, equal to 7,208 castellanos, while
horsemen received double. Those who were left at San Miguel
received 200 pesos each. 'Il signor gouernatore fece le parti,
e toccò a ciascuno fante a pie, quattro mila e ottocento
pesi d'oro, che sono ducati. 7208, e a gli huomini a cauallo
il doppio, senza altri vantaggi che gli furon fatti....
A quelli Christiani che erano restati in quel luogo doue
haueua fondato il ridotto de San Michele, dette due mila pesi
d'oro, acciocche lo partissero, che ne toccò dugento pesi a
ciascuno.' _Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo_, _Ramusio_,
iii. 377. 'Chaque cavalier reçut neuf cents pesos d'or et
trois cent soixante marcs d'argent. Chaque fantassin eut la
moitié de cette somme.' _Hist. du Pérou_, 327-8.

[I‑31] Pizarro well knew that the inca's death was certain
if the matter were left to the soldiers, while by so doing he
might be able to throw off some of the odium which otherwise
would be fastened upon him. As he had anticipated, the
majority was in favor of killing the prisoner. Others would
have him sent to Spain, while a few were in favor of granting
him his liberty. 'Dit also volbracht zÿnde, door Pizarro,
en Almagro vergaderen de Krÿchsraedt, en beraetslaghen met
malcanderen, wat men met Attabaliba soude uytrechten: Eenighe
sloeghen voor, datmen hem soude om den hals brenghen, eenige
vonden goet datmen hem los laten soude: Veele waren van
meeninghe, dat het goet was datmen hem nae den Keyser soude
senden. Ten laetsten, de stemmen vergadert synde, prevaleerde
die, datmen hem soude ombrenghen.' _West-Indische Spieghel_,
365.

[I‑32] The philosophy as well as the religion of the early
writers is ever found equal to the emergency. 'Y aunque
parecio sin causa, y como tal lo pagaron los que intervinieron
en ella, no sin culpa; pues tan sin ella avia sido fratricida
del Guaxcar, como queda dicho.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones
Ilvstres_, 166-7.

[I‑33] 'Començaron vnos à desentablar las paredes del templo,
que de oro, y plata eran: otros à desenterrar las joias,
y Vasos de oro, que con los Muertos estavan: otros à tomar
idolos que de lo mesmo eran.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com.
Reales_, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. vii.

[I‑34] 'Acerca de los quinientos hombres, que estos autores
dicen, que llevò consigo D. Pedro de Alvarado, se me ofrece
decir, que à muchos de los que fueron con el, les oì, que
fueron ochocientos Españoles.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com.
Reales_, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. ii.

[I‑35] His relative, Pizarro y Orellana, says he was at this
time nearly 80 years of age, and that he killed five persons
and wounded others before he was stricken down. 'Como eran
tãtos los que les ayudavan, aunque avia muerto a cinco, y
otros muchos heridos, y como la edad llegava acerca de ochenta
años, no pudo defenderse tanto, que no le diessen una estocada
en la garganta, con que se desalẽtò, y desangrò, y vino à
arrodillar.' _Varones Ilvstres_, 185-6.

[I‑36] It is scarcely necessary to say that the best history
of the Peruvian conquest, indeed the only one that can lay
claims to fairness and completeness, is Mr Prescott's. The
chief original authorities have already been given. Pizarro
forms a leading figure in _Quintana_, _Vidas de Españoles
Célebres_, published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, in three
volumes, reprinted at Paris in 1845. Celebrated as a poet and
dramatist since 1801, Quintana intended to produce a lengthy
series of biographies of the national heroes who had already
entered into his song; but the demands of other studies and
of his public duties as censor, director de estudios, and as
senator, interfered with his work, and nine lives are all
that have been recorded. While declaring his intention to
be impartial and instructive he is often led by his innate
predilection for hero and word painting, to mingle poetic
fancy with biographic facts. The list may be greatly swollen
by such works as _Acosta_, _Hist. Ind._; _Velasco_, _Hist.
Quito_; _Ercilla_, _La Araucana_; _Levinius Apollonius_,
_Peruuiæ Regionis_; _Burney's Dis. South Sea_, i. 120;
_Galvano's Discov._, 34-9; _Robertson's Hist. Am._, ii.
151; _La Harpe_, _Voy._, x. 259-458, xi. 5 et seq.; _Voys._,
_Nouv. Bib. des Voys._, xii. 131-67; _Kerr's Col. Voy._, iv.
328-464; _Harris_, _Col. Voy._, i. 788-97, iv. 464-512, v.
1-217; _Molina_, _Hist. Chile_, Madrid, 1788, i.-ii.; _March
y Labores_, _Hist. Marina_, ii. 123-5; _Russell's Hist. Am._,
i. 264-301; Francisco Pizarro, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 71-171;
_Andagoya_, _Carta al Rey_, Oct. 22, 1536; _Voy. Cur. and
Rare_, 34; _Campbell's Span. Am._, 44-9; _S. Am. and Mex._,
i. 45-9; _Descrip. de Am._, 38-40; _Helps' Span. Conq._, iii.
419-58; _Snowden's Am._, 141-7; _Sammlung aller Reisebesch._,
xv. 36-46; _Voys._, _A New Col._, i. 365-7; _Guzman's Life_,
84-134; _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 798-9; _Piedrahita_, _Hist.
Gen._, 438-40; _Harper's Mag._, xix. 434; _Domingo de Eraso_,
in _Doc. Hist. Esp._, l. 220-31; _Barrionuevo_, _Inform._,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, x. 144-52;
_Torquemada_, i. 611; and the many royal cédulas and letters
of the Pizarros and others.

[II‑1] _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ix. Although the
charges against Pedrarias were pressed by Oviedo in person,
there is no doubt that they were brought at the instigation
of Rios.

[II‑2] He died at Córdoba. _Oviedo_, iii. 123-4.

[II‑3] Of his subsequent career it is known that he served
under Pizarro in Peru and afterward retired to his estates in
Cuzco. _Cartas de Indias_, 761-2.

[II‑4] On account of its resemblance to the harbor of
Cartagena in Spain. _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii.

[II‑5] _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii. This is the
Spanish translation for the phrase applied to it by the
natives. The word 'bohío' belongs to the dialect of the
country.

[II‑6] In _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., it is stated
that the city was then very populous, had a considerable
commerce, and contained two castles heavily mounted with
artillery, a cathedral, a custom-house, a government-house,
and other public buildings.

[II‑7] This incident occurred in the year 1545. _Acosta_,
_Hist. Nat. Ind._, 206-10.

[II‑8] According to _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., the
new town was named San Sebastian de Buena Vista.

[II‑9] In _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., we have the
somewhat remarkable statement that the nuts were of such size
that two of them were often a sufficient burden for a man.
He probably adheres to fact, however, when he states that
on such food the Spaniards subsisted many days, at the first
discovery of the country, alluding perhaps to Pizarro's fifty
days' sojourn in that neighborhood when waiting for the return
of Ojeda.

[II‑10] And paved the way for large bands of adventurers who
afterward carried on a lucrative traffic with the natives.
_Acosta_, _Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada_, 133.

[II‑11]

'Es tierra del Guaca que se derrama
Por rico mineral a cada lado.'
_Castellanos_, _Varones Illustres Ind._, 394.

[II‑12] In _Acosta_, _Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada_, 142, it
is stated that during this expedition César reached the town
of the cacique Dabaiba, but no mention is made of his finding
any gold there.

[II‑13] So named on account of the swarms of troublesome
insects in its neighborhood. _Id._, 252.

[II‑14] Spelled also Nore. _Id._, 254.

[II‑15] In 1535, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii.
25, confirmed by _Clemente_, _Tablas Chronológicas_, 204.

[II‑16] _Carta al Emperador_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, iii. 64-82.

[II‑17] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. v., it is stated
that Berlanga succeeded Peraza on the death of the latter in
1531, or earlier, but this is probably a mistake. There is
much conflict of authorities as to the succession of bishops
about this date. In _Alcedo_, iv. 33, _Gonzalez Dávila_,
_Teatro Ecles._, and _Fernandez_, _Hist. Ecles._, it is stated
that Vicente de Valverde was elected in 1533, and after
holding office for a few months was promoted to the see of
Cuzco, Berlanga taking his place at Panamá in 1534 as stated
by Fernandez, who is probably the most accurate authority in
church matters, and according to _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, x. 237, officiating in August of the following
year, as 'juez comisario por su Majestad,' at an investigation
into the conduct of Francisco Pizarro and other officers.

[II‑18] So says Gonzalez Dávila, Berlanga died August 8, 1551.
_Teatro Ecles._, ii. 57-8.

[III‑1] 'Chripstóbal Colom, declaró á este almirante, su
nieto, por duque de Veragua y marqués de la isla de Sanctiago,
alias Jamáyca, é almirante perpétuo destas Indias, é le hizo
merçed de lo uno y de lo otro por título de mayorazgo, é con
ello le conçedió otras merçedes.' _Oviedo_, ii. 498-9. See
also _Charlevoix_, _Hist. San Domingo_, i. 447.

[III‑2] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., it is stated
that the vireina asked permission of the Consejo de Indias to
arm vessels for the purpose of subjugating the natives, but
that her request was refused because the fisco had not as yet
decided the question of privilege.

[III‑3] 'Felipe Gutierrez obtuvo concesion en 1535, para
conquistar la provincia de Veragua.' _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 204. In _Notas Biográficas_, in
_Cartas de Indias_, 771, it is stated that after being in the
service of Charles V. he was granted the right to make the
conquest of a tract of territory extending from Castilla del
Oro to Cape Gracias á Dios.

[III‑4] Consisting of four navíos and one galleon.

[III‑5] Felipe Gutierrez set out in 1535, though some
authorities make it 1553. The former date is probably correct,
for in a letter addressed to the emperor in 1534 Andagoya
states that he has been advised of his Majesty's orders to the
governor of Veragua to recruit men in Panamá, and begs him to
reconsider his command. _Andagoya_, _Carta al Rey_, Oct. 22,
1534.

[III‑6] This stream was the river Concepcion, about two
leagues west of the river Veragua and four leagues west of
the Belen.

[III‑7] 'Á aquella poblacion mandó llamar el gobernador Felipe
Gutierrez la cibdad de la _Concepcion_, y tambien la pudiera
llamar de la aflicion, porque él y todos tenian trabaxo
extremado.' _Oviedo_, ii. 483-4.

[III‑8] An expedition must be fitted out. The governor being
sick delegated the command to his lieutenant Alonso de Pisa,
who was to be accompanied by the priest Juan de Sosa. This
latter knew that Pisa was not a favorite with the men, and
the clérigo was ambitious to represent the church militant as
general of the expedition; but Governor Gutierrez reproved
him severely, stating that it was unseemly for a priest to
carry arms. Many profane words were interchanged, the Spanish
language being remarkably rich in such vocabulary. Sosa gained
his point, and received the appointment, Diego de Pisa,
brother of Alonso, acting as his lieutenant. _Oviedo_, ii.
484-9.

[III‑9] 'Huuo algunos que mataron vn Christano enfermo, y se
le comieron.' _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi.

[III‑10] In _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi., there is
a severe and somewhat unjust stricture on the conduct of
Gutierrez. He says that when the sufferings of the party
became intolerable, their leader, being too cowardly to risk a
final and desperate effort, deserted his men, thus forfeiting
his former good name, and embarked secretly with a few friends
for Nombre de Dios; but it does not appear what he would have
gained by attempting any further enterprise with the remnant
of his starving band.

[IV‑1] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 683 et seq., this series.

[IV‑2] At the former of the above-named sessions, a fresh
enrolment of citizens took place, and it is worthy of note
that Alvarado first became one himself on that date, as 'el
Sr Capitan General' heads the list which contains more than
forty names. Remesal erroneously gives August 23, 1526, as
the date of the enrolment. _Hist. Chyapa_, 8.

[IV‑3] Remesal makes a sly allusion to his vanity. 'Le parecio
al Capitan Pedro de Aluarado boluer a la ciudad de Mexico,
a ver, y que le viessen,' and adds that at this time, though
not so quick and active as formerly, he had a fine appearance
and a handsome countenance. _Hist. Chyapa_, 7.

[IV‑4] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 581-2, this series.

[IV‑5] In the charges subsequently brought against Alvarado it
was alleged that he had deposed the officers of the cabildo on
account of their opposition. To this he replied that he had
merely appointed a new cabildo at the beginning of the year,
according to the usual custom. _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra
Alvarado_, 12, 60, 83.

[IV‑6] _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 12.

[IV‑7] _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 16, 17. Remesal is
of opinion that Alvarado himself petitioned for a body-guard
to go with him to Mexico; but a more probable explanation of
the matter is that the political disturbances in Mexico had
extended to Guatemala, and that seditious movements were on
foot. Consult _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 83; and
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 7.

[IV‑8] Alvarado calls this city the 'city of Santiago,'
and also the 'city of Guatemala,' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt.
Guatemala_, 102, by which expressions it must be understood to
have been Patinamit. Brasseur de Bourbourg, on the authority
of the Cakchiquel manuscript, states that Alvarado mustered
his forces at Xapan, and that at the moment of commencing
his march one half of his men mutinied and fled to Patinamit;
whereupon Alvarado pursued them, and the two parties nearly
came to blows at the latter place. He found means, however,
to pacify them, but in the night the mutineers set fire to
the city and escaped, the date being May 9, 1526. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 686.

[IV‑9] No two authorities agree as to the time of his
departure. Vazquez states that he left in the month of January
1526, _Chronica de Gvat._, 69, and Juarros in February,
_Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 433; while Brasseur de Bourbourg
gives the 10th of May as the date. Remesal altogether ignores
Alvarado's expedition to Honduras, and states that he remained
in Santiago until he received news of the arrival of Cortés
at Vera Cruz, whereupon he again brought forward the question
of his own departure for Mexico. _Hist. Chyapa_, 8.

[IV‑10] _Hist. Verdad._, 220. The position of this town may
have been in the neighborhood of the present Tegucigalpa.
There is an affluent of the Choluteca River which bears
the name of Malalaja, and the similarity of names leads
to the conjecture that Alvarado reached the neighborhood
of Tegucigalpa as the Malalaja flows into the main stream
just above that town. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls the town
Malacatan.

[IV‑11] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 571, this series.

[IV‑12] Both Sandoval and Cortés had written to Marin, but
neither letter reached its destination. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 219.

[IV‑13] 'Y acuerdome que tiramos piedras a la tierra que
dexauamos atras, y con el ayuda de Dios iremos a Mexico.'
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 219.

[IV‑14] 'E era de tal gordor, q̃ del se hizo vna canoa, que
en estas partes otra mayor no la auia visto.' _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 220. The ceiba is the wild cotton-tree and
grows to an enormous size.

[IV‑15] Bernal Diaz' memory has here failed him. He
states that after crossing the Lempa they entered the
Chaparristic—called by him Chapanastiques—province, and that
here the Indians killed a Spaniard named Nicuesa, and wounded
three others of his party who were foraging for provisions.
The Spaniards had passed through the Chaparristic province
when they had reached the Lempa, and therefore it was either
in Cuzcatlan that Nicuesa was killed, or the river which
Alvarado's men crossed must have been the Goascoran.

[IV‑16] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 22;
_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 96-7, Id. i. 23, 253. The official
gazette of Salvador erroneously gives Aug. 6, 1525, as the
date of submission, and states that the conquest is yearly
commemorated. _Salvador_, _Gac. Offic._, 4 Dic. 1877, p. 1123.
It will be remembered that Alvarado in his first campaign
in Salvador did not succeed in reducing the province of
Cuzcatlan to allegiance. He, however, formed the determination
of returning to complete its subjugation. There is evidence
that this was accomplished previously to May 1525. Consult
_Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 12, 13, and _Ramirez_,
_Proceso contra Alvarado_, 105-6.

[IV‑17] About ten miles from the river Paz in Guatemala
territory.

[IV‑18] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 22.
'Los Españoles, que estaban en Olintepeque de Quetzaltenango
no havîan tenîdo modo de dar aviso á los de Honduras.'
_Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 71.

[IV‑19] Fuentes states that it was either Pedro de Alvarado
or the ordinary alcaldes to whom the disturbance was to be
attributed. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 20. Escamilla is of
opinion that the lieutenant, Jorge de Alvarado, was the one
to blame, _Sucesion Chronologica._, 12, while the former
author remarks that Jorge was in Mexico at the time, and was
confounded with Gonzalo. He also states that the latter was
ordinary alcalde, but this was not the case, for as may be
seen in _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 16, 17, the alcaldes
were Diego Becerra and Baltasar de Mendoza.

[IV‑20] Vazquez says 400 girls and as many boys. _Chronica
de Gvat._, 69. Fuentes y Guzman, 200 boys. _Recordacion
Florida_, MS., 21. The gold-washings were those of Chahbal and
Punakil, the former word meaning, according to Vazquez, 'the
washing-place,' and the latter, 'plateado ô dorado.'

[IV‑21] One castellano of tequio according to Fuentes.
'Vn cañutillo de oro lavado del tamaño del dedo menîque,'
according to Vazquez, _Id._

[IV‑22] In the native dialect 'Caxtok.'

[IV‑23] _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 289. The whole land from
Cuzcatlan to Olintepec—a distance of over 90 leagues—revolted.
_Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 21. Brasseur
de Bourbourg states that the confederated Indians comprised
the Pokomams, Pocomchis, Quichés, Cakchiquels, Pipiles, and
Xincas, but entertains some doubt as to the Quichés taking
part in the league, as such action is at variance with the
Cakchiquel manuscript and with Vazquez. _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 690. At a council summoned by the chiefs of the revolting
tribes there were present among others the caciques of
Tecpan Atitlan (the modern Solola), of Ruyaalxot, Sinacam,
and the Appoxahil, of Xilotepec, Zacatepec, Chimaltenango,
and Zumpango. Fuentes supposes that Sinacam was at this time
at Patinamit, whereas he had escaped to the mountains of
Comalapa, occupying there the stronghold of Ruyaalxot. This
author evidently knew nothing of the Cakchiquel insurrection
in 1524, for he states that after concealing for two years
his intention to revolt the cacique now took advantage of
Alvarado's absence.

[IV‑24] Juarros disagrees with the account given by Vazquez
because it leads to the conclusion that Santiago was
abandoned, and argues that this could not have been the case,
because sessions of the cabildo were held on the 23d and 26th
of August. _Guat._, i. 351-2, note and ii. 306. Juarros was
not aware that the so-called city had no permanent site till
1527. The books of the cabildo were but the record of the acts
of a municipality that was continually changing its position.
Besides, Alvarado had before the dates above mentioned
rejoined Gonzalo at Olintepec, and the above sessions were
held at that town. The account given by Fuentes and followed
by Juarros differs materially from that of Vazquez which
has been followed in the text. Fuentes states that at this
unexpected crisis all attempts at civil government were
abandoned, and energetic measures adopted for a vigorous
defence; that Gonzalo with 60 Spanish horse and foot and 400
Mexican and Tlascalan allies took up a position at Olintepec,
while Baltasar de Mendoza with the rest of the army remained
for the protection of the city of Santiago, Gonzalo de Ovalle,
with his companions, being stationed in the valley of Panchoy
and Hernando de Chaves in that of Alotenango; that the troops
were quartered in the open plains during the months of June,
July, and August, and suffered much from the heavy rains;
and that the detachment under Chaves sustained four attacks
from the forces of Sinacam, while Ovalle engaged twice with
Sequechul who had fortified his camp with earthworks and
ditches. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 22; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
ii. 291. I cannot accept this version of Fuentes. Bernal Diaz
makes no mention of Alvarado's being joined by any Spaniards
in the series of engagements that took place during his
march through to Olintepec. On the contrary he says 'fuimos
por nuestras jornadas largas, sin parar hasta donde Pedro
de Alvarado auia dexado su exercito, porque estaua todo de
guerra, y estaua en él por Capitan vn hermano que se dezia
Gonzalo de Alvarado; llamauase aquella poblacion donde los
hallamos, Olintepeque.' _Hist. Verdad._, 220. From this it
is evident that Vazquez' account is correct and that the
Spaniards had been completely driven out of the Cakchiquel
district.

[IV‑25] Meanwhile the other column had suffered severely.
There is a list of those killed in _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt.
Guat._, 54. It is refreshing to know that their spiritual
welfare was cared for, the cabildo on the 16th of Sept. 1528
securing to them their lots and lands and ordering the same
to be sold for the good of their souls. Bernal Diaz was among
the wounded: 'allí me hirieron de vn flechazo, mas no fue nada
la herida.' _Hist. Verdad._, 220.

[IV‑26] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 23-4;
_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 294-5.

[IV‑27] The name of the chief is spelled by Fuentes Cazualan
and Casualan. Juarros states that the word means 'The faithful
will come,' and adds, 'nombre que parece profetico, pues
en tiempo de este Cacique vinieron los fieles Christianos
á predicar el Santo Evangelio.' _Guat._, ii. 292. Cazhualan
had been one of the first to give in his allegiance, an act
which offended the greater part of his subjects, who revolted
against him, whereupon he resorted to arms. A fierce conflict
ensued, which ended in the defeat of the insurgents, who
fled to the woods. The rebels refusing to return to their
allegiance, Cazhualan visited Alvarado, who promised him
assistance. Thenceforward he remained a faithful ally of the
Spaniards. _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS.,
19, 20. According to Fuentes and Juarros Alvarado shortly
afterward sent a force to his aid, and Petapa was soon
reduced to obedience and made submissive to its cacique.
Fuentes states that the Guzmans of Petapa are descended
from Cazhualan. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 24-5; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 296.