Chapter XXXVII: Guatemala and Chiapas (5)

[IV‑28] This great battle is simply but graphically made
mention of by Bernal Diaz in the few words, 'Y les hizimos yr
con la mala ventura.' Fuentes, followed by Juarros, locates
the scene of this battle elsewhere. He states that on reaching
the valley where Guatemala stands Alvarado attacked and
carried the intrenched camp of Sequechul, and that on the same
night the army arrived in Guatemala. _Recordacion Florida_,
24. Vazquez correctly writes: 'En la vltima de las quales
(batallas) entraron la Ciudad de Patinamit, los Españoles,
que ... fué hazaña muy memorable esta victoria.' _Chronica de
Gvat._, 73. This view corresponds with the account of Bernal
Diaz.

[IV‑29] This capital had already been repaired, and the
buildings elicit an expression of admiration from Bernal Diaz,
who says: 'Y estauan los aposentos y las casas con tan buenos
edificios, y ricos, en fin como de Caciques que mandauan todas
las Provincias comarcanas.' _Hist. Verdad._, 220.

[IV‑30] Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests that the erection
of these dwellings gave rise to the present city of
Tecpan-Guatémala, which is to-day inhabited by the descendants
of the citizens of Patinamit. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 693.

[IV‑31] Pelaez considers that this time was occupied in
removing the inhabitants and destroying the city. _Mem.
Guat._, i. 49. But Bernal Diaz makes no mention of so striking
an event.

[IV‑32] Two of the brothers of Pedro de Alvarado now pass
from the scene as prominent actors in Guatemala. Gonzalo came
over to Mexico with Cortés, and took part in the conquest.
On his return to the capital of that country it appears from
the books of the cabildo that he was regidor in 1527 and
1528, and in the latter year received a grant of land for
a fruit-orchard, on which occasion the cabildo graciously
mentions that he had remitted the payment of 100 pesos
previously loaned to the city. Bernal Diaz makes mention of
him as having written an account of the conquest of Guatemala.
At a later date he settled in Honduras and became alcalde
of one of the towns founded there by his brother. He also
resettled the city of Gracias á Dios. The second brother
alluded to—Don Gomez—also came to Mexico with Cortés. What
time he left Guatemala is not evident; his name, however,
appears on the books of the cabildo on January 8, 1525. He
was in Mexico in 1527. When Alvarado went on his expedition
to Peru, this brother accompanied him, joined the Almagro
faction, was made prisoner at the battle of Salinas, but
was released by Pizarro. Later he was so disgusted at the
assassination of that leader that he joined the standard of
the viceroy Vaca de Castro and was present at the battle of
Chupas. He died of sickness a few days afterward in 1542.
_Libro de Cabildo_, MS., 215-16, 224; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt.
Guat._, 12; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist._, 176, 240; _Dicc. Univ.
Hist. Geog. Ap._, i. 167.

[IV‑33] 'Cortés nos lleuò a sus Palacios, adonde nos tenia
aparejada vna muy solene comida.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 220.

[IV‑34] The _Recordacion Florida de la Historia de Guatemala_
by Don Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is a manuscript
work in three volumes, two of which exist in the archives
of the municipality of Guatemala city. They comprise
seventeen books, the first of which relates to the history
of the indigenous races, the substance of which is taken
almost entirely from Torquemada. The six following books
treat consecutively of the conquest down to the time of
the Spaniards entering Guatemala; of its independence with
respect to Mexico; of the destruction of old Santiago and
Alvarado's life and career; of the founding of the second
city of Santiago; of miraculous images existing in Guatemala;
and of the privileges and ordinances of its capital city. The
next nine contain descriptions of as many principal valleys
of the province, among which may be mentioned those of Las
Vacas, Mixco, Zacatepec, and Xilotepec. In these descriptions
the author deals with all matters of interest connected with
the valleys, including Indian games. The seventeenth book is
devoted to the historiography of the spiritual administration
of these valleys in the writer's time. According to Beristain
the first volume was sent to Spain to be printed, but nothing
more is known of it. Fuentes y Guzman was born in Antigua
Guatemala, his family being descended from Bernal Diaz.
Juarros states that he wrote in 1695. _Guat._ (ed. London,
1823), 309. He had at his command a large number of rare
documents, but did not make such use of them as an unbiassed
chronicler would have done. His admiration of the conquerors
was too great to admit of his making mention of the cruelties
which such documents must have exposed. The same feeling urged
him to indulge in invective against Las Casas. Such were his
prejudices in this respect, that as regards the conquest, he
could not be considered a reliable historian were there no
other evidence of his inaccuracies; but when I find that in
many instances his narrative is at variance with that given
in Alvarado's own letters, the necessity of receiving his
statements with additional caution is apparent. Brasseur de
Bourbourg is, perhaps, extreme in saying: 'Le mensonge qui
règne continuellement dans les récits de Fuentes,' _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 690; but this latter author was as ready to accept
Indian versions of events, as the other was disposed to ignore
them. The style of Fuentes, though not wanting in elegance
and descriptive power, often becomes flowery and sometimes
inflated.

[V‑1] In a memorial of Mexicans and Tlascaltecs petitioning
the king of Spain for redress of grievances, they said,
'Venimos a conquistar esta prova. bajo el yugo pesado del
Ado. Alvarado, i Dn. Po. Puertocarrero;' and again: 'i malos
tratos. de los Esps. qe. ahorcaron i mataron ms. de noss.'
_Memorial_, 15 Marzo 1547; _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 41.

[V‑2] Fuentes says they reached Santiago on this day. He also
states that Diego de Alvarado was captain of the garrison;
but I think that some other officer was then in command, as
a Diego de Alvarado was regidor of Santiago this same year.
See _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 16-18.

[V‑3] 'Que hoy no se encuentra el menor vestigio de èl.'
_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 297.

[V‑4] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS.,
4-12; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 297-300. Many families are
descended from Spaniards who distinguished themselves in
this campaign. Bartolomé Becerra, one of the captains, left
numerous descendants besides those bearing his family name.
His daughter who later took a prominent part in the conquest
of Copan, is represented in the female line by the family
of the Villacreces Cueba y Guzman. From Sancho de Baraona,
who filled the offices of procurator, syndic, and ordinary
alcalde, are descended the Baraona de Loaisa. The cavalry
officer Hernando de Chaves was ever placed in command when
dangerous enterprises were to be undertaken. His daughter
Doña Catarina de Chaves y Vargas married Rodrigo de Fuentes
y Guzman, and a second one was wedded to Pedro de Aguilar.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 349-51.

[V‑5] Vazquez commits a twofold error in stating that Alvarado
not only conducted the campaign about to be narrated, but
on his arrival at Olintepec united his forces with those
stationed there, and marched against Patinamit, which he took
after a series of engagements, and then went in pursuit of
the caciques who had escaped. _Chronica de Gvat._, 72-3. This
is utterly at variance with the account given by Bernal Diaz,
who took part in the campaign. Nor did Alvarado after his
arrival at Olintepec undertake any further operations before
his departure for Mexico, according to this latter authority,
who says: 'y estuvimos descansando ciertos dias' (that is at
Olintepec), 'y luego fuimos a Soconusco.' _Hist. Verdad._,
220.

[V‑6] Called by Vazquez the Nimanche, a word meaning 'great
tree,' and derived from the enormous cedars which grew in
the ravines. The range is situated about eight leagues from
Comalapa and ten to the east of Tecpan Guatemala, near the
site of Ruyaalxot. _Chronica de Gvat._, 70-71.

[V‑7] 'Passa el rio grande, q̃ se dize _Nimaya_, por sus
muchas aguas.' _Id._

[V‑8] For an account of a priest's descent into this ravine
see Vazquez. _Id._

[V‑9] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that this fortification
had been previously built, 'dans la prévision d'une guerre
avec les Quichés,' and adds that according to public rumor
subterranean passages connected it with Patinamit. _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, iv. 693-4. Vazquez, on the contrary, says that
the Quichés aided in its erection in order to provide a safe
retreat in case of being defeated by the Spaniards. Its ruins
were still to be seen in the time of Juarros. _Guat._, i. 253.

[V‑10] According to Fuentes it consisted of 215 Spanish
arquebusiers and cross-bowmen, 108 horsemen, 120 Tlascaltecs,
and 230 Mexicans, with four pieces of artillery, under
Diego de Usagre. _Recordacion Florida_, ii. 586. Brasseur
de Bourbourg says the army was composed of 200 Spanish
veterans and numerous Mexican, Tlascaltec, Zutugil, and Quiché
auxiliaries. Vazquez followed by Escamilla asserts that the
number of Spaniards scarcely amounted to 200 men. _Chronica
de Gvat._, 72.

[V‑11] At a place called Chixot according to the Cakchiquel
manuscript. Brasseur de Bourbourg has a note to the effect
that this must be the same as the Ruyaalxot of Vazquez, as
the etymology of this latter name corresponds with that of
the Mexican word Comalapa, which he believes to have been
afterward founded on the spot. Vazquez says the Spaniards took
up their quarters so close to the mountain that they were
hardly safe from the rocks rolled down upon them. _Chronica
de Gvat._, 73.

[V‑12] Juarros states that the emissaries were put to death.
_Guat._, i. 253.

[V‑13] 'Ellos como monos se descolgaban hasta donde querian,
subian, como por vna escalera bien ordenada por aquellos
riscos ... y dando bastantes cuydados al exercito Español.'
_Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 73.

[V‑14] Brasseur de Bourbourg is of this opinion.

[V‑15] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that Sinacam escaped by
one of the subterranean passages before mentioned, and after
living a wretched life for several years, wandering about
the mountains, surrendered to Alvarado in 1530. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, 695-702. Vazquez has copied an act of the cabildo dated
May 19, 1540, in which Alvarado is requested either to take
Sinacam and Sequechul with him on his proposed voyage to the
Spice Islands on account of their rebellious proclivities, or
to execute them. Alvarado replied that he would do what was
most convenient. As a matter of fact Sinacam died in Jalisco
before the sailing of the fleet. Vazquez is of opinion that as
they were not put to death in the heat of the moment, Alvarado
would not be likely to execute them at the instigation of the
cabildo. _Chronica de Gvat._, 30-2. The author of the Isagoge
states that they lingered in prison for 14 years, that they
were put on board the fleet, and probably perished during
the voyage, as nothing more is known of them. _Pelaez_, _Mem.
Guat._, i. 77. Brasseur de Bourbourg's account of the fate of
these princes is that Sinacam died in 1533, while Sequechul
was put on board the fleet and perished miserably off the
coast of Jalisco. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 790, 800-1. Fuentes
gives so different an account to that of Vazquez relative
to the capture of the stronghold, that, as Juarros remarks,
every one would suppose it to be the narration of an entirely
distinct event. _Guat._, ii. 302-5. The capture of Sinacam
was yearly celebrated by 'the festival of the volcano,' at
which a mimic representation of the event was performed. In
the great plaza of Guatemala an artificial mound was thrown
up and covered with branches of trees and rocks in imitation
of a mountain, and on the top a miniature castle was built.
Here the governor of Jocotenango stationed himself with the
principal men of his village. He represented Sinacam, and
in so high esteem was this privilege held, that in 1680 the
ruler of Itzapa offered 500 pesos for the right of personating
the character, but was refused. When the governor had placed
himself at his post, two companies of Tlascaltecs commenced
the mimic siege, and after a long display of prowess on both
sides, the assailants stormed the height and captured Sinacam,
who was secured with a chain and delivered prisoner to the
president. _Id._, 301-3, note.

[V‑16] Remesal infers that he was in Guatemala on the 26th of
August 1526, _Hist. Chyapa_, 8; though we know that he was at
that date a regidor of the city of Mexico. Consult _Libro de
Cabildo_, MS., 152; and _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 547.

[V‑17] The session was held in the valley of Almolonga, and
it is significant that this is the first meeting mentioned
in the books of the cabildo as being held there. Of the
instability of this so-called city there is sufficient proof.
Sancho de Barahona, in arguing against the payment of tithes,
says: 'Lo otro digo, que para se pagar los dichos diezmos ...
habia de haber pueblo fundado, donde los españoles tuviesen
poblacion sentada.' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 27. The
valley of Tianguecillo or Tianguez was the same as the present
Chimaltenango. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 304.

[V‑18] Remesal states that in July 1530 the cabildo ordered
one bull to be bought for 25 pesos de oro, a price which
indicates the scarcity of cattle at that date. In 1543 six
were purchased. _Hist. Chyapa_, 27. This author is of opinion
that Santiago was chosen as the patron saint only because
of the devotion of the Spaniards to that apostle. _Id._, 4.
Fuentes gives as the reason that the Spanish army entered
the Cakchiquel capital on his anniversary day, and states
that he personally took their city under his protection, by
appearing on horseback with sword in hand at the head of the
army, while marching along the valley of Panchoy. _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 273. For further opinions and information on
this subject consult _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 74-5;
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 20-1; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii.
275-7; _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, 12; and
_Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 223-7.

[V‑19] The former received the name of the 'hospital de
misericordia,' and the chapel and shrine were to be dedicated
to Nuestra Señora de los Remedios.

[V‑20] In April 1528 Santiago was made the capital of the
province, _Puga_, _Cedulario_, 27; and in 1532 was granted
armorial bearings, which are thus described by Juarros: 'A
shield charged with three mountains on a field Gules, the
centre one vomiting fire, and surmounted by the Apostle St
James on horseback, armed, and brandishing a sword; an Orle
with eight shells; Or, on a field, Azure; crest a crown.'
_Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 105. For other descriptions see
_Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 37; and _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 5-6. A lithograph of the shield faces page five of
this last authority, and a wood-cut of it, somewhat different,
is to be seen in _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teat. Ecles._, i. between
pp. 138 and 139.

[V‑21] It has already been observed that the names of the
same persons often appear in more than one list of enrolled
citizens. This was done in order to obtain new grants without
prejudice to previous ones. Citizens were enrolled in 1527,
'sin perjuicio de las otras vecindades antes recibidas en esta
dicha cibdad.' _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 39. And again in 1528,
'sin perjuicio de las vecindades que se han hecho en esta
cibdad, despues de la que se fundó en esta provincia en tiempo
de Pedro de Alvarado.' _Id._ 42. Remesal says: 'Muchos estan
escritos dos vezes, porque no tuuieron por suficiente para
adquirir dererecho a esta segunda vezindad, estar alistados
en la primera.' _Hist. Chyapa_, 33.

[V‑22] The caballería was the amount of land granted to a
cavalryman, and the peonía that bestowed on a foot-soldier,
who was termed 'peon.' The former received 600 by 1,400
pasos, or about 174 acres, and the latter half that quantity.
_Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 48. Remesal states that the
caballería was 600 by 300 feet, and otherwise gives an account
that is not in accordance with the book of the cabildo. _Hist.
Chyapa_, 39. Even the more accurate Juarros is in error in
stating that the grant to a cavalryman was 1,000 by 600 pasos.
_Guat._, ii. 341.

[V‑23] As these grants were considered as rewards for services
rendered to the king for a period of five years, the deeds
were confirmed at a later date upon the holder proving that
he had served for that length of time.

[VI‑1] Garcilaso de la Vega asserts that Charles in his royal
gardens at Aranjuez chanced to see Alvarado pass by, and
struck with his appearance asked who he was. On being told
that it was Alvarado he said, 'No tiene este hombre talle de
aver hecho lo que de él me han dicho,' and ordered the charges
against him to be dismissed. _Hist. Peru_, ii. 58.

[VI‑2] Alvarado petitioned the king for the government of
Guatemala and other provinces, which he represented to have
been conquered and pacified at his own cost. The adelantado
Montejo declared before the king on the 13th of April 1529,
that in no portion of his statement did Alvarado speak the
truth, which assertion he said would be corroborated in the
report of the president and oidores. _Montejo_, _Carta_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 89. A similar
statement was made at a session of the cabildo of Mexico held
Jan. 29, 1529, and Vazquez de Tapia and the chief procurator
were empowered to take steps in the matter to counteract
Alvarado's false statements. _Libro de Cabildo_, MS., 248.

[VI‑3] 'Y que por el poco camino que auia hasta la mar del
Norte, seria facil el comercio.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ii.
cap. iii.

[VI‑4] Remesal says that he had before been ironically dubbed
comendador by the soldiers, because he had been in the habit
of wearing at feast days the cloak of an uncle who held that
title. _Hist. Chyapa_, 16. See also _Hist. Mex._, i. 74, this
series.

[VI‑5] Cortés was much displeased with this agreement, as he
considered the search for the Spice Islands and the navigation
of the South Sea to be his exclusive right. _Ramirez_,
_Proceso contra Alvarado_, p. xvi.

[VI‑6] 'Cortés le embiaba siempre Españoles, Caballos, Hierro,
y Ropa, y cosas de Rescate, y le favorecia mucho, porque le
avia prometido de Casarse con vna su Prima-Hermana, y asi le
hiço su Teniente, en aquella Provincia.' _Torquemada_, i. 322.

[VI‑7] Doña Francisca lived but a short time after the
marriage. Remesal says that her death occurred a few days
after marriage; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, iv. 485, and Ramirez
that she died on her arrival at Vera Cruz. Herrera only
mentions that Alvarado became her suitor. He afterward married
her sister Beatriz, and the first named author, pages 42, 49,
imagines that this second marriage took place shortly after
the first, whereas it was at least ten years later. Consult
_Arévalo_, _Doc. Antig._, 179, and _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, ii. 245, 252. Brasseur de Bourbourg makes the
same mistake. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 701.

[VI‑8] Remesal correctly points out a mistake in the books of
the cabildo, the year 1527 being carelessly copied for 1528.
_Hist. Chyapa_, 39; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 83.

[VI‑9] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 42.

[VI‑10] Only two of these remain to our knowledge. For the
discovery and preservation of the _Proceso de Residencia
contra Pedro de Alvarado_, we are indebted to the licentiate
Ignacio Rayon, 'oficial mayor' in the Mexican archives. The
confusion of the immense pile of documents in that office
had become so great that in 1846 the government decided to
reduce them to some order, and entrusted the work of so doing
to the director Miguel María Arrioja, whose co-laborer was
Rayon. In a bundle of old papers, marked 'useless,' was the
_Proceso contra Alvarado_, the historical value of which was
at once recognized. The first intention of the finder was
merely to copy and add it to his collection of manuscripts.
His friends, however, advised him otherwise; and through
their assistance—Ignacio Trigueros generously offering to
pay expenses, and José Fernando Ramirez having obtained
permission from the government—he published it in Mexico
in 1847. The _Proceso_ is the official investigation into
Alvarado's conduct in Mexico and Guatemala, and consists of
the several charges, mainly bearing on his cruel treatment
of the natives, his extortions, and embezzlement of royal
dues, and the testimony of the witnesses on both sides.
Though there is much conflicting evidence, it is of great
value in establishing numerous historical points narrated
by the early chroniclers. This volume contains, besides the
_Proceso_, a biographical sketch of Alvarado's career by
Ramirez; fragments of the _Proceso contra Nuño de Guzman_,
preceded by an account of his life by the same author; and
notes explanatory of four copies of Aztec paintings, one of
which represents the death of Alvarado. The account given by
Ramirez of Alvarado's expedition to Peru is the same as that
of Herrera and incorrect, as are also the reasons he assigns
for the Honduras campaign. It is well known that Ramirez was
minister of state during the empire under Maximilian.

[VI‑11] There is a copy of this document in the _Actas Ayunt.
Guat._, 80-4. Alvarado, his officers and lieutenants were to
be subject to the audiencia and chancillería real of the city
of Mexico, appeal in civil and criminal causes to lie from
Alvarado and his officers to the president and oidores of
Mexico, with some exceptions in civil cases. He had power to
appoint and remove officers of administration at will, and to
try and decide all causes, civil and criminal, to make general
laws, and particular ones for each pueblo; to establish
penalties, and enforce them; to order persons whom he might
wish to send away from his province to appear before their
Majesties, and in case of their refusal, to visit them with
penalties which their Majesties in anticipation confirmed.
His annual salary was to be 562,500 maravedís.

[VI‑12] And somewhat contemptuously added: 'é que no quiere
usar dellos, si de derecho lo puede é debe hacer.' _Id._, 84.

[VI‑13] Francisco de Orduña was Cortés' secretary in 1523,
and was sent by him to negotiate with Garay. _Herrera_, dec.
iii. lib. v. cap. vi. In 1524 he was elected secretary of the
cabildo of Mexico, and shortly afterward returned to Spain. We
next find him procurador of Mexico in 1526. _Ocaña_, _Carta_,
in _Icazbalceta_, i. 530, 532, and the governor Alonso de
Estrada made him regidor in 1528. From this time his friendly
relations with Cortés seem to have been interrupted, as his
evidence taken in February 1529, in the residencia instituted
against that conqueror, is far from favorable. In the same
testimony he also displays antipathy to Alvarado.

[VI‑14] In the minutes of the cabildo dated 15th September,
it is stated 'al presente estàn los mas de los españoles
de guerra sobre el pueblo del Tuerto, é sobre el pueblo de
Xumaytepeque à donde han muerto ciertos españoles, y estamos
al presente de camino para la provincia de Uxpantlan, é
Tesulutlan, é Tequepanpo y Umatlan, que estàn todas é otras
muchas de guerra.' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 128. The
_Libro de Actas de Ayuntamiento de la Ciudad de Santiago de
Guatemala_ comprises the minutes of the cabildo of Santiago
during the first six years of its existence, copied literally,
by Rafael de Arévalo, secretary of the municipality, from the
original records in the archives of the city. The work was
published in Guatemala in 1856. There can be no doubt that
the records of many of the sessions are wanting in this work,
owing to their loss or illegibility. It is to be regretted
that the transcriber did not indicate in his publication where
he considered the originals were defective, or remark upon
the obliteration of different portions, the only instance
of his doing so being on page 7. Remesal states that until
the year 1530 the cabildo had no bound book of records, but
simply loose sheets, many of which must have been lost, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 33; and Juarros refers to minutes which do not appear
in Arévalo's edition. I cannot, therefore, agree with Brasseur
de Bourbourg, who asserts that it 'comprend tous les actes du
conseil communal ... durant les six premières années.' _Bib.
Mex. Guat._, 15. Though many of the ordinances are of minor
interest, the work is of value, inasmuch as a portion of them
reflect to a great extent the condition and social state of
the colonists, while from others an idea is derived of the
continual state of warfare in which the Spaniards lived. A
considerable number afford information relative to the holding
of and succession to property, to restriction regarding the
sale of it, and the amount of land to be possessed by a single
owner. These and other regulations for the internal government
of the community afford much information with regard to its
system. The book is additionally valuable as conclusive in
assigning correct dates in many important instances. It
also throws much light on many historical events, and is
particularly serviceable in supplying a vivid conception of
the arbitrary proceedings and violent character of Francisco
de Orduña.

[VI‑15] The natives of Xumay, Xalpatlahua, Cinacantan, and
Petapa. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the two former were
identical with the Chortis. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 698.

[VI‑16] Dardon had accompanied Alvarado from Mexico, and was
appointed by him a regidor of the city of Santiago, founded in
1524. This office or that of alcalde he held for many years.
He served with distinction as a subaltern in many campaigns.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 348-9.

[VI‑17] The present town of Cuajiniquilapa is situated a few
miles from the right bank of this river.

[VI‑18] Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that it was surmounted
by a fortress.

[VI‑19] Tonaltetl by name.

[VI‑20] _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 88-90. This author makes
the rather doubtful assertion that the place was called Los
Esclavos from the fact that these were the first rebels whom
the Spaniards branded. Brasseur de Bourbourg more reasonably
assigns the origin of the name to the great number branded.

[VI‑21] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'The town of this name
situated between the lofty mountains of Bilabitz and Meawan
preserved more than other places the ancient rites of Hunahpu
and Exbalanqué, and the temple of these gods annually received
a certain number of human victims.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv.
699.

[VI‑22] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the number of Indian
allies as three thousand. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 700.

[VI‑23] Called by Juarros, Gaspar Arias Dávila. _Guat._, i.
363. This officer may be identical with a certain Gaspar
Arias de Avila or Dávila, whom Alvarado while in Honduras
sent to confer with Pedrarias at Panamá. The name of Gaspar
Arias appears in the minutes of the cabildo of Oct. 4, 1525,
and not again till March 18, 1528, when he was nominated for
the office of alcalde. The omission of his name for so long
a period may be explained by his absence in Panamá.

[VI‑24] According to Bernal Diaz, Gaspar Arias was a firm
supporter of Alvarado and his party. Hence, probably, his
dismissal from office.

[VI‑25] The reception which Arias met with at Santiago is
a good illustration of Orduña's character. On appearing
before the cabildo and petitioning that the wand of office be
restored to him, Orduña passionately called him a disturber of
the peace, laid violent hands on him, and, while ordering him
to be carried off to prison, struck him in the face. 'Delante
de todo el cabildo, y en gran menosprecio y desacatamiento
de su magestad y de su cabildo.' In January 1530 Arias again
petitioned for redress, but though the voting was somewhat in
his favor, he does not seem to have obtained it, as his name
appears no more as alcalde. _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._,
139-42.

[VI‑26] 'Plusieurs Espagnols et surtout beaucoup d'alliés,
ayant été pris vivants, se virent emmenés dans la place et
sacrifiés solennellement à la divinité barbare.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 700. The name of the idol
was Exbalanqué.

[VI‑27] According to Herrera the number of Spaniards consisted
of 31 horse and 30 foot. dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI‑28] In _Herrera_, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xiv., is a copy
of the requerimiento ordered by the king to be delivered to
the natives when summoned to allegiance as noticed elsewhere.
A similar form existed in the archives of Guatemala in
Remesal's time. This formal summons was frequently omitted,
or evaded. A priest, who at the beginning of the conquest
of Guatemala had taken part in the war while a layman, thus
describes the form and mode of proceeding. At night one of the
soldiers with sound of drum, said: 'You Indians of this town!
we inform you that there is one God, and one pope, and one
king of Castile, to whom this pope has given you as slaves;
wherefore we require you to come and tender your obedience
to him and to us in his name, under the penalty that we wage
war against you with fire and sword!' The priest then briefly
describes the sequel: 'At the morning watch they fell upon
them, capturing all whom they could, under pretence that they
were rebels, y los demas los quemauan, ô passauan à cuchillo,
robauãles la hazienda, y ponian fuego al lugar.' _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 413-14.

[VI‑29] Juarros states that Orduña shortly afterward
returned to Santiago on account of sickness; but I find that
Castellanos arrived there before him. Consult _Actas Ayunt.
Guat._, 138, 142-3, from which it appears that the treasurer
was in Santiago on the 19th of January 1530, and Orduña on
the 12th of February.

[VI‑30] _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 300-7. _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, iv. 703-4.

[VI‑31] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 48. Cavo makes this remark
upon Remesal's account: 'It seems to me more probable that
the disagreement was between an oidor and that conqueror,
since it is certain that three years previously the emperor
ordered the factor to leave Mexico,' _Tres Siglos_, i. 104-5.
A letter of Bishop Zumárraga to the king dated August 27,
1529, disproves Cavo's inference that the factor was not
in Mexico at the time. The bishop also gives a different
version of the challenge. He states that the president Guzman,
Salazar, Alvarado, and others while out riding discussed the
news lately received that Cortés had been highly favored by
the king and was on his way back to Mexico. Guzman remarked
that he believed he would soon return, whereupon the factor
passionately exclaimed, 'El rey que á tal traidor como á
Cortés embia es hereje y no cristiano.' For a few days nothing
was done to call the factor to account for such treasonable
language, but on the 18th of the month Alvarado appeared
before the audiencia and requested permission to send him a
formal challenge. That body, however, defended Salazar, and on
the following day their president Guzman made reply to this
effect: 'Pedro de Alvarado miente como muy ruin caballero,
si lo es, que el Factor no dijo tal, porque es servidor
de Vuestra Majestad y no habia de decir tal palabra,' and
Alvarado was ironed and thrown into prison. The bishop adds,
'y no sé qué harán dél,' and that he has three witnesses
worthy of all trust and of the order of Santiago, who
heard the factor use the language. _Zumárraga_, _Carta_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, xiii. 176-7. Zamacois gives almost
the same account as the above. _Hist. Méj._ iv. 485-6.

[VI‑32] This release must only be considered as conditional,
and not as a rejection of the charges brought against
Alvarado. We learn, however, from Remesal that in 1531 the
second audiencia acquitted him. _Hist. Chyapa_, 42.

[VI‑33] Bishop Zumárraga states that the president and oidores
robbed Alvarado of all the valuables which he had brought from
Spain, 'que fué tanto aparato y cosas ricas como un conde
principal desos reinos pudiera traer;' all his silverware,
tapestry, horses, and mules, 'de todo no le han dejado un
pan qué comer.' He also furnishes a list of articles given
as presents by Alvarado to the president and the oidores.
He, moreover, makes the assertion that 'Desta manera han
perseguido á quantos han sido de contraria opinion del Factor
... y lo que peor es, que en apellando ó sabiendo que querian
apellar, los aprisionavan.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xiii. 136-40. Herrera leaves it to be concluded that
Alvarado left Mexico at his pleasure: 'Hallaron al Adelantado
don Pedro de Alvarado, que entendidos estos rumores en Mexico,
auia ydo para defender su gouernacion, y lleuaua ochenta
soldados de a pie, y de a cauallo.' dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI‑34] The cabildo frequently issued regulations with the
object of correcting these abuses. The inconvenience caused
by artisans closing their workshops was so serious that,
on June 4, 1529, the cabildo passed an act ordering them to
exercise their callings under penalty of having the service of
their Indians suspended. In 1534 a similar decree was passed,
and again in April 1536. _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 88, passim;
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 171.

[VI‑35] 'Fueron los atrassos grandes, los disgustos continuos,
y las dissensiones, de muchas consequẽcias: que á no aplicar
efficazes, y oportunos remedios el Adelantado ... pudiera ser,
que se huviera despoblado la tierra.' _Vazquez_, _Chronica de
Gvat._, 156.

[VI‑36] Vazquez states that in 1531 horses had so multiplied
that the cabildo assigned the plains between Escuintla and
Mazaqua as lands for brood-mares and foals. Remesal relates
that the increase of the herds was much retarded by the
ravages of wild beasts, which destroyed the young animals,
and not unfrequently cows and mares. In February 1532 great
destruction was caused by an enormous lion, whose haunt was
the densely wooded slopes of the Volcan de Agua. The loss
of cattle was so great that the city offered a bounty of 25
pesos de oro or 100 bushels of corn to any one who killed
the monster. In March a large party headed by Alvarado went
forth to hunt for it, but their efforts were unsuccessful.
He was finally killed by the herder of the mares. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 173; _Album Mex._, 417. Notwithstanding the
depredations of wild animals, live-stock increased so rapidly
that in 1540 beef sold for three cents a pound and mutton
for four and five cents. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 188.
There are two competitors for the distinction of having first
introduced horned cattle into Guatemala. According to Vazquez,
the auditor Francisco de Zorrilla imported stock at his own
expense, and had a feeding-ground for his herds assigned to
him in 1530. Juarros ascribes to Hector de Barreda the honor
of being the first importer, and to him was assigned in the
distribution of lands a feeding-ground in the present Valle
de las Vacas, which received its name from the fact that he
there established a stock-farm. _Chronica de Gvat._, 162;
_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 354.

[VI‑37] In 1529 the population of Santiago numbered only 150
according to the records of the cabildo, _Remesal_, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 22; but in the neighborhood were many settlers who
had not been enrolled as citizens.

[VI‑38] None were allowed to hold more than two caballerías.

[VI‑39] Juarros entertains no doubt of this: in the first
place because its location exactly corresponds with that where
Moscoso built his town; and secondly, because there is no
evidence that any Spanish town existed on the other side of
the Lempa previous to 1530, while the villa de San Miguel is
proved by the books of the cabildo of the city of Guatemala,
to have been in existence in June 1531. _Guat._, ii. 105. In
May 1535 it is mentioned by Alvarado in a letter to Charles
V. _Cartas_, _Squier's MSS._, xix. 7.

[VI‑40] Called by Juarros San Jorge de Olanchito.

[VII‑1] 'Vos damos licencia ... para que por nos ... podais
descubrir, conquistar é poblar, cualesquier Islas qué hay en
la mar del Sur de la Nueva España, questán en su parage; é
todas las que halláredes hácia el Poniente della, no siendo en
el parage de las tierras en que hoy hay proveydas gobernadores;
é así mismo ... podais descubrir cualquier parte de tierra
firme, que halláredes, por la dicha costa del Sur, hácia el
Poniente, que no se haya hasta agora descubierto, ni entre en
los límites é parage Norte-Sur, de la tierra questá dada en
gobernacion á otras personas.' _Capitulacion_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 538-9.

[VII‑2] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 112, state that in these preparations Alvarado
was provided by the emperor with a considerable amount of
funds; but the adelantado in his official letters to the
court, in _Cartas_, _Squier's MSS._, xix. 1-4, 13-27, while
dwelling on the labor and expense these preparations involved,
makes no allusion to outside aid. It is not probable, however,
that a man of Alvarado's character would have fitted out this
expedition purely from loyal motives or having in view only
the remote contingency of the compensation to be derived from
his twelfth of the profits.

[VII‑3] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 113, state that the audiencia ordered the
fitting-out of his expedition to be stopped.

[VII‑4] _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv.; _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 113.

[VII‑5] _Alvarado_, _Cartas_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 13-27;
_Herrera_, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i. Herrera mentions but one
ship.

[VII‑6] There is no information, or none of value, as to the
first settlement of Realejo by the Spaniards. Herrera, dec. v.
lib. vi. cap. i., states that Alvarado was compelled, through
lack of ships, to leave 200 men there. This may have been the
origin of the colony. Purchas, 1625, spells the word _Realjo_;
Ogilby, 1671, _Realejo_; Dampier, 1699, _Rialeja_; Jefferys,
1776, _Realejo_, as bay and city. _Cartog. Pac. Coast_, MS.,
ii. 204, a.

[VII‑7] Equal in purchasing power to more than a million and
a half of dollars at the present time.

[VII‑8] Alvarado, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 1-4,
writing to the emperor from Puerto de la Posesion, January
18, 1534, says: 'Mi derrota será conforme á la merced de V.
M. y desde los 13 hasta los 20 grados de la otra parte de la
linea descubriré todos los secretos de esta Mar y las Yslas,
y Tierra firme, y donde mas convenga conquistaré, y poblaré.'
In view of this it is singular that Zárate, in _Barcia_, iii.,
and those who copy him, are the only authorities who concede
that Alvarado had any right to sail in a southerly direction.
Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., Prescott, _Conq. Peru_,
ii. 11, and others affirm that his capitulation required him
to sail toward the west, and it is evident that they did not
see the letter mentioned in _Squier's MSS._

[VII‑9] The number of vessels is variously stated. Herrera
mentions 11; Remesal, 10; Juarros, 8, Oviedo, 11, and
Prescott, 12. The number and tonnage given above are taken
from the letter in _Squier's MSS._, mentioned in note 18.
This was written from Puerto de la Posesion on the eve of
departure. One galleon was of 300 tons, another of 160, a
third of 150, and a fourth, built by order of Pedrarias Dávila
in the gulf of Chira, was of 100 tons.

[VII‑10] Alvarado is charged with the seizure in Nicaragua of
two vessels in which a force of 200 men was about to be sent
to the aid of Pizarro. This, however, was most likely in the
form of an appropriation with the consent of the owners of the
vessels. The adelantado in _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix.
13-27, denies this charge and forwards vouchers to prove, as
he says, that they were bought at the request of the owners
and paid for to their entire satisfaction. He adds however
the saving clause, that, 'even had they been seized, such an
act was justified by the importance of the undertaking.' This
letter also appears to have escaped Herrera's notice.

[VII‑11] In the estimate of the total Spanish force authors
mainly agree, but the number of cavalry is variously stated,
and even the official letters of Alvarado are contradictory
on this point. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., gives 500 as
the total, of whom 227 were cavalry. Oviedo, iv. 240, mentions
600, with 240 cavalry. According to a legal investigation made
in Guatemala in 1536 his whole force was 500 and his cavalry
230, _Informacion echa en Santiago Set._ 15, 1536; and this
is the estimate here adopted. Alvarado, _Carta_, _Squier's
MSS._, xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor a few days before his
departure from Puerto de la Posesion, states that he had 450
men including 260 horse, and, a few weeks later, writing from
Puerto Viejo to the governor of Panamá, says that he set sail
from Nicaragua with 500 men of whom 220 were cavalry.

[VII‑12] In _Squier's MSS._, xix. 7-14, is a full account of
Alvarado's report to the emperor, dated May 12, 1535, after
his return from Peru.

[VII‑13] Chap. i., this volume.

[VII‑14] _Informacion contra Alvarado_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, x. 152-236. Cuzco lies
slightly to the south of the thirteenth parallel, and was
therefore in the territory assigned to the adelantado;
but it is not probable that he was aware of this fact.

[VII‑15] _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 21.

[VII‑16] 'Y asi él se volvió á la cibdad de Mexico sin hacer
cosa ninguna.' _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix.
17. This investigation was attended with some circumstances
difficult of explanation. Maldonado's official proceedings
were anomalous, and were strictly neither those of a visitador
nor a juez de residencia. The king's decree mentioned in the
text enjoined secrecy as to the motives of his visit; yet he
caused the object of his arrival to be publicly cried. The
difference between a visita and residencia is as follows: The
visita could be made at any time by special commission of the
crown, but without suspending, in the exercise of his official
duties, the person whose conduct was to be investigated. The
inquiry was strictly secret, and the visitador had no power to
pass sentence. His duty was to remit the original depositions
to the India Council, by which tribunal judgment was passed.
The residencia, on the other hand, was taken at the expiration
of a person's term of office; the examination was public,
and afforded every opportunity for defence. _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. Doc._, ii. pp. xxviii.-xxx. The secrecy of witnesses
and non-interference with the authority of the person whose
conduct was investigated were not always maintained, however,
in the visita. In that to which Viceroy Mendoza was subjected,
in 1547, his authority was at first disregarded and the names
of witnesses disclosed. _Solórzano_, _Política Indiana_, lib.
v. cap. x. It may be remarked that the chroniclers seem to
have been quite unaware of this first visit of Maldonado in
1535, and only record his arrival in Guatemala as juez de
residencia in 1536. It is, however, fully substantiated by
Alvarado's letter above quoted. For a full explanation of
the term 'residencia,' see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 250-1, this
series.

[VIII‑1] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 638, this series.

[VIII‑2] Marroquin was a good Latin scholar and was the first
to apply the system of studying that language to the Indian
dialects. He translated the Catholic catechism into Quiché.
_Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 150.

[VIII‑3] _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 142.
Torquemada mentions that Francisco Jimenez, one of the 12
Franciscans who first arrived in New Spain, was appointed
the first bishop of Guatemala, but declined the position 'por
quedar en el estado humilde ... de Fraile Menor,' iii. 445.
Vazquez, quoting a royal cédula dated May 24, 1531, proves
that a bishop had been already appointed at that date. _Chron.
Gvat._, 36-7. According to Remesal, the emperor appointed
Domingo de Betanzos the first bishop, and as he could not be
induced to accept the honor, the mitre was given to Marroquin
at the request of Alvarado. _Hist. Chyapa_, 58-9. In _Nueva
España_, _Breve Res._, MS., ii. 351-76, is a copy of the bull
confirming the bishop's appointment, printed in Spanish and
Latin.

[VIII‑4] Vazquez relates that Fray Toribio Motolinia,
mentioned by Torquemada as the sixth of the first 12
Franciscan missionaries, resided in Guatemala during portions
of 1528 and 1529; but this is extremely doubtful. According
to the former chronicler he preached and baptized at
Quetzaltenango and Patinamit in both years. _Chron. Gvat._,
20-1; but there is conclusive evidence that he was in Mexico
some time during 1528 engaged in violent opposition to the
audiencia. _Santa María_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii. tom. v. 92 et seq., and was also there
on the 15th of April 1529 occupied in the same contention.
_Procès-verbal_, in _Id._, 104 et seq. It is not very
probable that, during the interval, he should have made a
journey to Guatemala and as Vazquez claims even to Nicaragua.
Consult also Ramirez, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. pp.
xlv.-cliii. According to Torquemada, Toribio was sent to
Guatemala in 1533 to found monasteries. iii. 489.

[VIII‑5] In 1527, according to Gonzalez Dávila, who states
that a hospital was founded at the same time. _Teatro_,
_Ecles._, i. 140. Remesal, who is more to be relied on in
this matter, gives 1529 as the date of Betanzos' arrival in
Santiago, and says that he came at the request of Alvarado on
his return from Spain. _Hist. Chyapa_, 15, 42-5.

[VIII‑6] 'Celebrose su consagracion con ostentissimo aparato,
assi por ser la primera q̃ en Yndias se hazîa, como por la
magnificencia del S. Principe, que le consagrô.' _Vazquez_,
_Chron. Gvat._, 39.

[VIII‑7] Remesal gives a copy of this constitution, which was
signed, 'Episcopvs Gvactemalensis.'

[VIII‑8] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 182-5; _Marroquin
al Emperador_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 413-14. The bishop's
signature, in his letters addressed to the emperor from 1537
to 1547, is different in almost every letter. On May 10, 1537,
he signs himself 'Episcopus Sancti Jacobi Huatemalensis;' on
August 15, 1539, 'Episcopus Cuahvtemalensis;' on August 10 and
November 25, 1541, 'Episcopus Cuacvtemolensis;' and on June 4,
1545, and September 20, 1547, 'Episcopus Cuachutemallensis.'
_Cartas de Indias_, 425, 428, 431, 433, 443, 450.

[VIII‑9] The tithes, when paid in kind, were of little value
unless delivered at convenient places. The king, therefore,
issued a cédula ordering that they be taken by the natives to
the mines, or some other suitable place, within a radius of
20 leagues around each town. _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 209; _Florida_, _Col. Doc._,
138.

[VIII‑10] Speaking of the provision, he says: 'Recibiré merced
la reciban con todo amor y voluntad.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 184.

[VIII‑11] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 14.

[VIII‑12] The bishop's humility and pardonable boastfulness
are sometimes a little striking. Speaking of the provision for
the delivery of the tithes, he says: 'Sino se pierde por mis
deméritos, que creo no pierde, pues trabajo mas que los demàs
perlados, que en estas índias al presente residen.' _Id._,
184.

[VIII‑13] During the earlier period of the Spanish conquests
in America this order took no active part. A few individuals,
however, found their way to the new world, among whom was
Bartolomé de Olmedo, who accompanied Cortés to Mexico.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa._, 148.

[VIII‑14] On March 17, 1538, according to _Gonzalez_,
_Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 144. Remesal states that the
convent was not formally organized until a year or two later,
and quotes an entry in the books of the cabildo dated the 12th
of August 1538, from which it appears that certain citizens
wished to assist in the building and furnishing of a convent
and church for the use of the order. _Hist. Chyapa_, 148.
There is some doubt as to the exact date.

[VIII‑15] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 147-9; _Gonzalez Dávila_,
_Teatro Ecles._, i. 144-8; _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas_,
MS., 12; _Iglesias y Conventos de Mex._, 283.

[VIII‑16] _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 380.

[IX‑1] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 606, this series.

[IX‑2] Salcedo brought with him to Trujillo 209 slaves; of
these 102 were branded in the face. _Testimonio_, _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 70-7.

[IX‑3] It is stated that Salcedo's death was caused by a sore
on one of his legs, and by the rough treatment received while
imprisoned at Leon; but his friends suspected that he had been
poisoned. _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

[IX‑4] The only document which Herrera could produce in
support of his claim was a memorandum without date, signature,
or witness. The appointment of Cereceda, on the other
hand, was signed by Salcedo and attested by 12 witnesses.
_Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 3-5. See also
_Oviedo_, iii. 192.

[IX‑5] Diego Mendez had already been waylaid during the night
and severely wounded at the entrance of his house. He would
have been killed had not some of his friends come to his
assistance. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 4,
5; _Oviedo_, iii. 193.

[IX‑6] It was claimed that a portion of the repartimientos
belonging to the late governor had been unlawfully
appropriated, and was therefore liable to confiscation. Soon
afterward the boy died, and his entire inheritance was divided
among certain of the officials. _Oviedo_, iii. 193.

[IX‑7] Cereceda afterward excused himself by saying that
he had given his consent in order to preserve peace in the
province. 'Consentí que se les diese lo que no les diera
si fuera solo haciendo lo que era razon; hicelo solo por
sosegallos i que no alterasen ó amotonasen la tierra,' in
order to gain time until the king should definitely determine
upon a new governor. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._,
xx. 5, 6.

[IX‑8] _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

[IX‑9] The morality of the colonists appears to have been
somewhat more lax hereabout than usual. In commenting on
the conduct of Herrera and other officials Cereceda says:
'Tenian ocupadas quatro casas de casados deste pueblo i que
con infamia publica i pesar los maridos los comportavan, sin
yo ser parte á lo remediar con palabras i amenazas, porque lo
demas por el mayor daño se escusava.' _Carta_, in _Squier's
MSS._, xx. 7.

[IX‑10] The certificate was originally taken from Mendez by
the cabildo, and deposited with the Notary Carrasco, who,
being an enemy to Herrera, was easily induced to return it to
its owner. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 15-18.
See also _Oviedo_, iii. 108.

[IX‑11] 'É ovo regidor que dixo, ó temiendo al Diego Mendez,
ó porque le paresçia ser conviniente á la república, que si no
se pudiesse concertar en que fuesse su teniente Diego Mendez,
que lo fuesse el Cereceda dél, porque esso era lo que convenia
al serviçio de Dios é de Sus Magestades, é al bien é sosiego
de aquella universidad é de la tierra. É porque algunos se
riyeron desto, replicó assi: "Reysos é parésçeos mal lo que he
dicho? Pues asentadlo assi, escribano, que yo lo digo assi."'
_Oviedo_, iii. 203.

[IX‑12] _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 39.
Oviedo, iii. 207, says that only seven were wounded. Herrera,
dec. v. lib. i. cap. x., mentions but four.

[IX‑13] 'Que eran aquel Pedro Vidal, alguacil, que dió la
puñalada al Vasco de Herrera é le echó la soga al cuello, con
la que fué despues ahorcado el malfechor; y el otro Alonso
Vazquez, alcalde é capitan de la guarda del tirano.' _Oviedo_,
iii. 208.

[IX‑14] _Dávila_, _Relacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xiv. 114-17. See also _Oviedo_, iii. 213.

[IX‑15] 'Murieron mas de la mitad dellos, assi de los que
servian á los chripstianos en sus haçiendas, como de las
naborias de casa.' _Oviedo_, iii. 213.

[IX‑16] _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 50;
_Oviedo_, iii. 212. See also _Hist. Mex._, ii., this series.

[IX‑17] Herrera endeavored to persuade Ávila to accompany him,
and proceed in quest of new discoveries. The latter, however,
declined, and on the return of Cereceda was sent on with his
men, by sea, to Yucatan. _Oviedo_, iii. 212-30.

[IX‑18] Oviedo, iii. 213, gives 180 as the number.

[IX‑19] The Quimistan (Quinbistan?), Zolûta, Zelimonga, and
Zulâ Indians returned, but not those of Naco. _Herrera_, dec.
v. lib. ix. cap. viii.

[IX‑20] Distant 23 leagues from Puerto de Caballos, 3 from
Quinbistan, 7 from Naco, and 15 from San Gil de Buenavista.
_Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. viii.

[IX‑21] Cereceda was to be 'captain of all the other
captains.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix., estimates the
strength of the combined forces at 80 soldiers, but this is
manifestly an error.

[IX‑22] Herrera speaks of her as a native of Seville, and as
having been captured by Cizimba, 'que auia diez años—tenia
por muger,' at the time of the massacre at Puerto de Caballos.
dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.