Chapter XXXVII: Guatemala and Chiapas (7)

[XIII‑11] Bernal Diaz remarks that Chiapas could in truth be
called a city, for its streets were well laid out, and its
houses strongly built, containing more than 4,000 heads of
families.

[XIII‑12] _Id._, _Godoy_, _Rel._, in _Barcia_, i. 167;
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233. Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests
that these aprons were made of india-rubber. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 574; but Bernal Diaz, 178, says, 'Cõ buenas armas
de algodõ,' and Gomara, 'vnos paneses rodados de algodon
hilado.'

[XIII‑13] Bernal Diaz' contempt of this man is expressed by an
epithet particularly offensive to a Spaniard, 'nuestro negro
Artillero que llevavavamos'(sic) '(q̃ bien negro se podra
llamar).' _Hist. Verdad._, 179.

[XIII‑14] 'Y traian en vn brasero sahumerio, y vnos idolos de
piedra.' _Id._

[XIII‑15] 'Y diximos al Fraile q̃ nos encomendase á Dios.'
_Id._

[XIII‑16] 'Nos hirierõ cesique á todos los mas, y a algunos
á dos, y á tres heridas.' _Id._, 180.

[XIII‑17] Three prisons of latticed timbers were discovered in
the city. These were filled with captives who had been seized
on the roads. Among them some were from Tehuantepec, others
were Zapotecs and Soconuscans. Many Indians also were found
sacrificed, and in the temples were hideous idols, 'y hallamos
muchas cosas malas de sodomias que vsavan.' _Id._, 180.

[XIII‑18] Called by Bernal Diaz Gueyhuiztlan, also
Guequiztlan, Gueguistitlan, and Guegustitlan, which are
probably misprints. _Hist. Verdad._, 180-1. Godoy spells it
Huegueyztean. _Rel._, in _Barcia_, i. 168. The first author
writes for Cinacantlan, Cinacatan; Godoy, Cenacantean; and
Herrera, Canacantean. dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.

[XIII‑19] Godoy in his despatch to Cortés states that Medina
was released on bail, but that on their return to Espíritu
Santo he had imprisoned him, and that justice would be dealt
him. Bernal Diaz, however, states that Marin ordered him to
be sent under guard to Cortés: 'y luego manda que por la posta
le lleuassen a Mexico, para que Cortés le castigasse.' _Hist.
Verdad._, 180. Herrera, followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg,
asserts that Godoy sent him to Cortés. dec. iii. lib. v. cap.
ix. Oviedo makes no mention of the circumstance. Bernal Diaz
informs us that the offender was a soldier of high standing,
and refrains from giving his name for the sake of his honor,
but with amusing inconsistency states that he will mention it
later, which he does on page 198. Medina's fate was tragic,
but merited; he was killed by Indians at Xicalanco, for
particulars of which event see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 543-4,
this series. Remesal and Beaumont give a version of his death
somewhat different from that of Bernal Diaz, who is the more
reliable authority. They state that Medina had been sent after
Cortés to inform him of the disturbances which had arisen
in Mexico during his absence on the Honduras expedition,
and that he was captured by the Indians of Xicalanco, who,
sticking splinters of pitch-pine into his body and setting
fire to them, made him walk round a hole in the ground till
he expired. _Hist. Chyapa_, 164; _Crón. Mich._, MS., 322.

[XIII‑20] It was here that Ciudad Real, or Chiapas de los
Españoles, was founded later. _Id._, 181; _Godoy_, _Rel._, in
_Barcia_, i. 167.

[XIII‑21] Cinacantlan lay between Chiapas and Chamula about
three leagues from the latter. _Hist. Verdad._, 180.

[XIII‑22] Called Chamolla by Herrera, and also by Gomara.
_Conq. Mex._, 233; Chamolán by Ixtlilxochitl. _Horribles
Crueldades_, 71.

[XIII‑23] Godoy states that the horsemen were divided into
three troops, which were stationed so as to form a cordon
round the hill; Bernal Diaz that the cavalry attempted the
steep, but were found to be useless, and that Marin therefore
ordered them to retire, as he feared an attack from the towns
of Quiahuitlan (Huehueiztlan?).

[XIII‑24] 'Yno les podiamos hazer daño ninguno con los grandes
mamparos que tenian, y ellos à nosotros si, que siempre herian
muchos de los nuestros.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 181.
Godoy on the contrary says that the Chamulans sustained heavy
loss from the cannon and cross-bows. _Rel._, in _Barcia_, i.
167-8.

[XIII‑25] Godoy makes no mention of the building of these
sheds.

[XIII‑26] 'Y agua y sangre toda rebuelta, y mui caliente,'
was also showered down upon the Spaniards according to Bernal
Diaz. Godoy says 'nos echaban mucha agua caliente, embuelta
en ceniça, i cal.'

[XIII‑27] Bernal Diaz gives a glowing account of the shower
of golden ornaments: 'Y nos echaron desde las almenas siete
diademas de oro fino, y muchas cuentas vaziadizas, é otras
joyas como caracoles y anades todo de oro.' _Hist. Verdad._,
181. Godoy on the contrary says: 'echaron vn poco de Oro desde
dentro, diciendo, que dos Petacas tenian de aquello.' _Rel._,
in _Barcia_, i. 168. Herrera and Gomara follow Godoy.

[XIII‑28] Three o'clock in the afternoon. Bernal Diaz is
frequently at variance with Godoy in minor points, and from
his account this would be either the third day of the siege,
or the assault with the sheds was commenced on the first day;
neither of these statements agreeing with Godoy. I consider
the latter more reliable in many matters of detail, as he
wrote almost immediately after the occurrences.

[XIII‑29] Bernal Diaz was slightly wounded by a spear-thrust
in the contest which occurred before the rain-storm, and was
only saved by the thickness of his cotton corslet. He claims
to have discovered the ruse of the Chamulans in planting
their spears in position, but on this point his narrative is
doubtful. Godoy says, 'I hallamonos burlados ... i subiendo
el Albarrada, no havia Hombre dentro.' _Rel._, in _Barcia_,
i. 168.

[XIII‑30] 'Hallamos harto de comer, que bien lo haviamos
menester, à causa que los dos Dias no haviamos comido, ni
teniamos que ni aun los Caballos.' _Id._ Ixtlilxochitl,
contrary to Bernal Diaz, Godoy, Gomara, and Herrera, states
that they obtained much booty but few provisions. _Horribles
Crueldades_, 71.

[XIII‑31] Godoy states that 200 Indians had been killed on
the first day of the siege; while on the second so many fell
that they were not counted. The town was assigned by Luis
Marin to Bernal Diaz, as a reward for having first entered it,
and Cortés ratified the grant for a period of eight years.
When Ciudad Real was founded the population of Chamula was
transferred thither. _Hist. Verdad._, 181.

[XIII‑32] Godoy states that this opinion was unanimous.
In this portion of the narrative he and Bernal Diaz are
thoroughly at variance, the latter evidently having wished to
remain. Considerable dissension occurred. Alonso de Grado,
whom Bernal Diaz describes as a turbulent rather than a
fighting man, produced a cédula signed by Cortés assigning
to him half the town of Chiapas as an encomienda. On the
strength of it he demanded of Marin half the gold collected
at that city, which was refused him on the ground that it was
needed to pay for the horses that had been killed. An angry
dispute followed, in which Godoy became involved, and it
was terminated by the lieutenant putting both him and Grado
in irons and keeping them prisoners six or seven days. Then
Grado was sent under guard to Mexico, where he was severely
reprimanded by Cortés, and Godoy released by the intercession
of friends. _Hist. Verdad._, 182. Now Godoy mentions nothing
of this affair, but states that Grado went to Chiapas, and
other Spaniards to towns 'que alli el Teniente les havia
depositado,' and were well received. _Rel._, in _Barcia_, i.
169.

[XIII‑33] Both Herrera and Remesal state that this first
expedition of Mazariegos was undertaken in 1524, and in this
statement only, and in the number of the forces, do they
agree. Herrera's account of the campaign of 1524 is copied
almost word for word by Remesal in his narration of the one in
1526; and the former author as lightly mentions Mazariegos'
second expedition as Remesal does his first. The latter may,
however, in this instance, be relied upon, as he quotes from
the archives of Mexico. The entrance of Pedro Puertocarrero
into Chiapas from Guatemala is mentioned by both authors, as
an incident of the campaign which each describes, but it is
impossible to believe that Alvarado could have spared that
officer with a body of troops during the eventful year 1524,
when fully occupied with the conquest of Guatemala. I have,
therefore, adopted Remesal's chronology. It is strange that he
does not seem to have had any knowledge of Marin's expedition,
as related by Herrera. This somewhat perplexes Juarros, who
remarks that Bernal Diaz' narration is 'circumstantially so
different from the relation of Remesal as to induce a belief
that the latter had been misled by false information.' _Guat._
(ed. London, 1823), 210-11.

[XIII‑34] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 221-2. Guzman was
a near relative of the Duke of Medina Sidonia. _Id._

[XIII‑35] Mazariegos was cousin to Alonso de Estrada, then
governor of Mexico. Remesal gives the names of more than
80 officers and soldiers who accompanied the expedition.
Noticeable among them is that of Juan Enriquez de Guzman,
who appears to have returned to Mexico after the outbreak.
In the same list appear the names of two priests, Pedro de
Castellanos and Pedro Gonzalez. _Hist. Chyapa_, 265. From
Bernal Diaz we learn that Mazariegos was instructed to
take Guzman's residencia. _Hist. Verdad._, 222. It was the
performance of this duty, perhaps, which, at a later date,
made Guzman so bitter an enemy of Mazariegos.

[XIII‑36] 'Pelearon, hasta que pudieron leuantar los braços.'
_Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiv.

[XIII‑37] 'Se despeñaron mas de quinze mil dellos en dos vezes
que fueron conquistados.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 330.

[XIII‑38] It stands, though in a ruined state, to this day.
_Mazariegos_, _Mem. Chiapa_, 13. The traveller Thomas Gage,
who wrote in 1677, remarks that the country of Chiapas
'surpasseth all the rest of America in that one and famous
and most populous town of Chiapa of the Indians,' which later
he says 'is held to be one of the biggest Indian towns in all
America, containing at least 4,000 families.' _New Survey_,
219, 233.

[XIII‑39] The object of Puertocarrero's presence is considered
by Remesal to have been the extension of territory under the
government of Alvarado. _Hist. Chyapa_, 265-6. Another author
states that at the commencement of the revolt the Spaniards
had hurriedly fled to Comitlan, where they sent word to
Alvarado in Guatemala. _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Chiapa_, 10. The
reader is aware that Alvarado was in Spain at this period.

[XIII‑40] _Hist. Chyapa_, 279. The colonists of Espíritu Santo
also laid claim to the territories of Chiapas and Cachula, as
is seen in a royal cédula of 1538, in _Puga_, _Cedulario_,
115. Juarros says that Puertocarrero being informed of the
disturbances in Chiapas considered it his duty to repair
thither and endeavor to restore tranquillity. _Guat._ (ed.
London, 1823), 214.

[XIII‑41] These appointments had been extended by Alonso de
Estrada in November 1527. On the 6th of March the municipality
drew up a tariff of fines, ordered a pillory and scaffold to
be erected, and transacted other business. _Remesal_, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 268-9.

[XIII‑42] Guez Gueizacatlan as spelled by _Juarros_, _Hist.
Guat._, 61.

[XIII‑43] A coat of arms was granted to the town in 1535. It
was as follows: A shield with two mountain ranges with a river
flowing between them; above on the right a castle, Or with
a lion rampant against it; on the left a palm Vert in fruit,
and another lion rampant, all on a field, Gules. A decree of
the state congress of July 27, 1829, again changed the name of
the place to Ciudad de San Cristóbal. _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex.
Geog._, iii. 371-2. Consult also _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro
Ecles._, i. 188-9, where will be found a wood-cut design of
the arms; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 271, 272-3; _Mazariegos_,
_Mem. Chiapa_, 18-19; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 12; _Pineda_,
_Descrip. Geog._, 48. For meaning of viciosa see _Hist. Mex._,
i. 145.

[XIII‑44] The office of alguacil mayor was at last sold for
4,687 pesos; those of the eight regidors for 400 pesos each;
that of the public administrator for 4,200 tostones—the toston
being half a peso—that of escribano publico for 627 pesos,
and later for 1,110 pesos. _Purida_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, iii. 370.

[XIII‑45] For the incidents that occurred before the capture
of the town of Chiapas the account of Bernal Diaz has been
accepted as the base of this narrative, but the version of
Diego de Godoy, an 'escribano del rey,' who accompanied the
expedition, is also worthy of credit. The latter furnished
Cortés with two reports of the proceedings, though his first
one, which was written from Cinacantlan, has not yet appeared
in print, and is perhaps no longer extant. The second despatch
was written from Espíritu Santo, and was first published at
Toledo by Caspa de Ávila on the 20th of October 1525, together
with the fourth letter of Cortés to the king of Spain, and
again in Valencia by George Costilla on the 12th of July 1526.
In 1749 Andrés Gonzalez de Barcia reproduced it in Madrid,
in his collection of the works of the chroniclers. Godoy's
account and that of Bernal Diaz, though agreeing in the main
features of the campaign, are strangely contradictory in many
particulars. In weighing the credibility of their statements
it should be borne in mind that the former wrote his despatch
immediately after the conclusion of the campaign, while the
latter wrote from memory many years afterward. It is beyond
dispute that Marin commanded this expedition, as appears from
his own despatch and the statements of Bernal Diaz; yet in
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v.
cap. viii., and _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 573, it is stated that Godoy was in charge, Marin being
second in command.

[XIV‑1] Benzoni spells the word Achla and states that the
town was situated at a distance of about two bow-shots from
the shore. _Mondo Nuovo_, 77. For a description of its site
see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 418, this series. Girolamo Benzoni,
in 1541, joined the Spaniards in their forays for gold and
slaves, and traversed the Central American provinces. Regarded
doubtless as an interloper he does not appear to have met
with the success he expected, and in 1556 returned to Italy
determined to vent his spite by an exposé of Spanish greed and
cruelty. In 1565 he published the work entitled _La Historia
del Mondo Nuovo_, dedicated to Pius IV., and containing 18
wood-cuts, with his own portrait on the frontispiece. The
second edition, somewhat amplified, appeared in 1572, followed
by quite a number of reprints and translations, particularly
in German and Latin. The well known version by Chauveton,
doctor and protestant preacher at Geneva, the _Novæ Novi
Orbis Historiæ_, Geneva, 1578, was frequently reissued. The
dedication praises Benzoni for exactitude and impartiality,
and notes by other writers are added to confirm and explain
the text. De Bry gave further value to this version by means
of maps and fancy plates. Purchas, among others, treated
it with less respect in offering merely 'Briefe extracts
translated out of Ierom Benzo.' Amends were made for this
slight in 1857, when the only full English version was issued
by Admiral Smyth, under the auspices of the Hakluyt Society.
The rendering is somewhat faulty, however, and the corrections
of Benzoni's uncultured style and misspelled names not always
an improvement.

Benzoni had evidently the intention of writing a more imposing
general history of the New World, though it dwindled into a
short narrative. There is an apparent effort at moderation,
particularly with regard to himself, yet the disposition to
exaggerate, or to lie, as Thevet intimates, crops out even
in his sarcasms, and yielding to credulity he allows a great
part of the narrative, on events or phenomena, to become
merely the record of jangling and weird rumors current among
gossips. This he partly admits by saying: 'In molte cose
ho trouato che vna parte non conforma con l'altra, à causa
che ogn'uno fauorisce il suo capitano, et più dico, che in
questi paesi si trattano poche verità.' lib. iii. fol. 128.
'Lo mas de su narracion sacó de los autores precedentes con
bastante fidelidad, pero comunmente sin juicio ni examen.
En los principios está lleno de errores.' _Muñoz_, _Hist.
Nuevo Mundo_, tom. i. xxi.-ii. Robertson refers to him as a
discontented detractor. He does not feel well affected toward
Las Casas, despite their common aim, but calls him a vain man,
incapable of carrying out his reform promises. Whatever may be
said against the work, much of the material is valuable, as
it embraces facts glossed over by the chroniclers, and gives
the personal observations of a man not imbued with Castilian
partiality. Indeed, Pinelo calls him an 'Autor poco afecto
à los Españoles,' _Epitome_, tom. ii. 589, and they very
naturally have returned the compliment by neglecting him.

A contemporary of Benzoni as traveller and author is the
Frenchman André Thevet, who claims to have travelled for
17 years round the world, to acquire a proper knowledge of
men and things, and who is credited with having mastered
28 languages. The result of his observations was issued at
Paris in 1558 as, _Les singularitez de la France Antarctique,
autrement nommée Amerique_, containing philosophic
dissertations on natural and moral history in the Levant,
Africa, and America, and remarkable chiefly for credulity and
want of critique. It attained several editions which are now
sought for their rarity, among them, _Historia dell'India
America_, di _Andrea Tevet._ Venice, 1561. He also wrote
the _Cosmographie universelle_, Paris, 1575, 2 vols. folio,
which is even more valueless, and admired only for its
wood-cuts; the _Cosmographie du Levant_. Lyon, 1556; and the
_Cosmographie moscovite_, published only in Paris 1858; and
he left several other pieces in manuscript. De Thou refers
to him rather severely as follows: 'Fuit patriâ engolimensis,
professione primó Franciscanus, dein, cum vix litteras scìret,
abjecto cucullo ex monacho celeberrimus planus religiosis et
aliis peregrinationibus primam ætatem contrivit, ex quibus
famâ contractâ, animum ad libros seribendos ineptâ ambitione
applicavit, quos alieno calamo plerumque exacatos et ex
itinerariis vulgaribus atque hujusmodi de plebe Scripturis
consarcinatos miseris librariis pro suis venditabat: nam
alioqui litterarum, antiquitatis atque omnis temporum rationis
supra omnem fidem fuit imperitus, ut fere incerta pro certis,
falsa pro veris et absurda semper sciberet.' _Hist._, lib. xi.

[XIV‑2] This epithet they applied to all Christians.

[XIV‑3] For the condition of the native settlements
in Honduras, see _Montejo_, _Cartas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 223-4, 228, 240-1; and _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 24-6.

[XIV‑4] By cédula, dated July 20, 1532, they were exempted
from other than a nominal tribute of two reals, _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 74; ii. 343; but this order was unheeded. In 1547
the survivors drew up a memorial to the emperor representing
their past services and sufferings, and petitioning for their
rights. The document was written by a friar and referred
to the licentiate Cerrato, who was instructed to see that
justice was done to them. _Memorial, 1547, MS._, in _Centro
América, Extractos Sueltos_, 41-2. An attempt was made at a
later date to impose tribute upon their descendants; but the
Mexican government confirmed them in their rights in 1564:
'Fueron amparados en posesion de su libertad, y se libró
en Tenuctitlan á 6 de noviembre de 1564 real provision, que
conservan los naturales de Almolonga en fólios de pergamino
encuadernados en forma de libro, empastado con tablas finas,
y forrado en terciopelo carmesi,' etc. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._,
i. 167.

[XIV‑5] In the time of Alvarado the tribute of cacao was
1,400 xiquipiles, and this was paid until 1542. _Requête
d'Atitlan_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i. tom. x.
420-2. A xiquipil was 8,000, and the number of chocolate-beans
contributed was therefore 11,200,000.

[XIV‑6] _Regio_, _Ind. Devastat._, 38-40. How populous the
country was may be imagined from the fact that Alvarado
represented it as exceeding Mexico in the number of its
inhabitants. 'Et ipsemet tyrannus scripsit majorem esse in
hac provincia populi frequentiam, quám in Regno Mexico, quod
& verum est.' _Id._ Las Casas also states that, when the
Spaniards first entered the country, the towns and villages
were so many and large and so densely populated that those who
marched in advance not infrequently returned to the captain
demanding a reward for having discovered another city equal
in size to Mexico. _Hist. Apolog._, MS., 28.

[XIV‑7] It will be remembered, however, that Alvarado procured
relays of Indians from Guatemala to pack his material and
supplies from Trujillo to Iztapa. Enough were left, remarks
Remesal, upon whom to wreak his vengeance, and the Cakchiquel
and Quiché princes, who appeared before him to do him homage,
became the first victims. They were reproached with the
reforms brought about in their favor, during his absence,
as of crimes worthy of capital punishment; for daring to
complain to the governor they were accused of rebellion.
Nameless adventurers, who had been unable to extort enough
gold from them, or take from them their vassals to work
in their fields and houses, pretended that the ill-will of
these chiefs had caused their ruin, and loudly demanded that
the adelantado should grant new repartimientos according to
their services. Alvarado, who was wounded to the quick by the
appointment of Maldonado, listened to all these complaints,
and now displayed his usual brutality. Prince Cook, Ahtzib of
the Cakchiquel crown, he ran through with a sword. Tepepul,
king of Gumarcaah, or Utatlan, and the Ahpozotzil Cahi Imox,
together with a large number of lords, were cast into a prison
on some frivolous pretext. When on the point of sailing from
Iztapa, Alvarado being requested by the municipal council to
determine their fate, settled the matter by hanging the latter
and putting the former together with a number of the leading
caciques on board his fleet. All of them perished miserably
on the coast of Jalisco. Among his other victims was a lord
called Chuwi-Tziquinu and 17 other Cakchiquel princes, whom
he took with him from Santiago under pretence of conducting
them to Mexico. When a short distance from the city he caused
them all to be strangled. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, lib. iv.
cap. iv. v. xx.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 797-801; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 77.

[XIV‑8] _Real Cédula de 17 de Novre 1526_, in _Soc. Mex.
Geog._, _Boletin_, v. 326-31. In the preamble to this decree
the emperor states that it is notorious that excessive toil
in mines and at other labor and the want of food and proper
clothing had caused the death of such numbers that some parts
of the country had become depopulated, while whole districts
were abandoned by the natives, who had fled to the mountains
and forests to escape ill-treatment. This cédula, designed
to apply to the king's dominions in the west from Panamá to
Florida, ordered diligent inquiry to be made relative to the
killing, robbery, and illegal branding of Indians, and that
the perpetrators should be delivered over to the council of
the Indies. Other provisos were that slaves should be restored
to their native country, and if this were not possible they
were to be placed in reasonable liberty, nor were they to be
too heavily worked or made to labor in the mines or elsewhere
against their will. In future expeditions of discovery and
colonization the leader was to take with him two ecclesiastics
at least, who were to use greatest diligence in obtaining
kindly treatment for the Indians. Natives who were peaceably
inclined were not to be made slaves; at the same time the
promotion of morality and good customs was not left out of
sight, and in cases where it might be deemed beneficial by the
priest they might be assigned to Christian Europeans as free
servitors; and lastly no discoverer was to take with him out
of their native land on any of his expeditions more than one
or two Indians to act as interpreters. _Ximenez_, lib. iii.
cap. lii., states that natives were branded as slaves through
having been merely assigned to an encomendero, and that young
boys and tender girls were taken from the towns by hundreds to
wash for gold in the gulches, where they perished from hunger
and hardship. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 67. A notable case
of branding Indians who had peaceably submitted, was that of
the natives of Cuzcatlan by Alvarado in 1524, described by
witnesses in _Cortés_, _Residencia_, 96, 155.

[XIV‑9] This order repeated the mandates of the previous
cédula, and in addition abolished the system of encomiendas,
as well as the branding of Indians as slaves. His majesty
refused to grant them as vassals to any one. No Spaniard was
to be allowed to use them as pack-animals. The caciques were
not to be deprived entirely of governing power, but allowed
certain jurisdiction, under the advice and instruction of
the governors of provinces. Natives were to be encouraged in
gold-mining; but, on payment of the royal dues, the gold they
extracted was to belong to themselves; nor were they to be
deprived of the lands they had acquired by inheritance, if
they wished to cultivate them.

[XIV‑10] In 1533 it was enacted that an Indian's load should
not exceed two arrobas in weight. In 1536 it was ordered that
natives who had been accustomed to move from place to place
were not to be prevented from doing so. Other laws passed the
same year were to the effect that no Spaniard of any rank
could be carried about by Indians in hammock or palanquin.
Negroes ill-treating Indians were to receive 100 lashes, or
if blood were shed, a punishment adequate to the severity of
the wound. Native villages and settlements were not to be
inhabited by Spaniards, negroes, or mulattoes. A Spaniard
when travelling could only remain one night, and Spanish
traders three days, in an Indian village. In 1538 laws were
made ordering that caciques were not to sell or barter their
subjects. This year also a modification of previous enactments
limited the use of natives as pack-animals to those under 18
years of age. The Indians were, by all possible means other
than coercion, to be induced to live in communities. In 1541
viceroys, audiencias, and governors were ordered to ascertain
whether encomenderos sold their slaves, and if any such
were discovered they were to be exemplarily punished and the
bondsmen thus sold restored to liberty. _Recop. de Indias_,
ii. 192, 194, 201-2, 212, 277-8, 288-9. These laws were
general and applied to all Spanish America. Vazquez states
that, in the year 1714, there existed in the city archives
of Guatemala royal cédulas, issued in 1531, 1533, and 1534,
authorizing the branding of slaves taken in war or obtained
by _rescate_. _Chronica de Gvat._, 37-8.

[XIV‑11] In December 1530 the cabildo of Santiago was
compelled to pass a law ordering the burial of the dead. 'Los
Indios que mueren en sus casas, no los entierran, è los dexan
comer de perros, y aues, è podrir dentro de la dicha ciudad,
de que suelen venir è recrecer muchas dolencias á los vezinos
y habitãtes.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 30. Christianized
Indians, whether servant or slave, were to be buried in
consecrated ground at the depth of the waist-belt of a man of
good stature. Others were to be buried an _estado_ deep, out
of reach of dogs, under penalty of 20 pesos de oro. _Id._

[XIV‑12] In 1529 laws were passed prohibiting such acts under
a penalty of 25 pesos de oro, the proprietor of the servant to
forfeit his ownership. If the person offending were an hidalgo
the fine was 100 pesos de oro; if not he was to receive 100
lashes. _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 90-1, 114-15. The
market called by the Indians _tianguez_ was held daily at
sunset. To provide against the outrages then committed a
master of the market was appointed in 1532. In the following
year another decree was found necessary, which was republished
February 9, 1534. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 32.

[XIV‑13] Paul III. it will be remembered is noted as the
pontiff who excommunicated Henry VIII. of England, and in the
contest of Charles V. with the Protestant League despatched
a large force to the emperor's aid.

[XIV‑14] It will be remembered that the inquisition, at that
time in full blast, was founded by the Dominican order. In
_Prescott's Peru_, ii. 253, it is stated that the arguments
used by Las Casas before the junta were first published by a
secretary of that institution.

[XIV‑15] The full text of them is given in _Leyes y
Ordenanzas_, _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 204-27. There
are extracts from them in Herrera, Remesal, Torquemada, and
other chroniclers. For further mention of the new code and
its workings see _Hist. Mex._, ii. 516, et seq. this series.
Prescott says: 'The provisions of this celebrated code are
to be found, with more or less—generally less—accuracy, in
the various contemporary writers. Herrera gives them _in
extenso_.' _Peru_, ii. 255. The historian is himself somewhat
inaccurate on this and other points.

[XIV‑16] Before the new laws were passed Indians captured in
war or guilty of certain crimes could be legally enslaved.

[XIV‑17] For a description of the repartimiento and encomienda
system, see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 262-4, and _Hist. Mex._,
ii. 145-52, this series.

[XIV‑18] For a description of the organization and
jurisdiction of audiencias see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 270-3,
this series, and of the supreme council of the Indies, 280-2
of the same vol.

[XIV‑19] The version given in _Prescott's Peru_, ii. 260-1,
is that the viceroy found a ship, laden with silver from the
Peruvian mines, ready to sail for Spain, and that he laid
an embargo on the vessel as containing the proceeds of slave
labor. There is, however, no absolute prohibition in the new
code against the employment of Indians in working the mines,
although, as mentioned in _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. v. cap.
iv., a cédula issued in 1538, forbade that natives be so
engaged, and authorized the substitution of negro slave labor
for such purposes.

[XIV‑20] The emperor was memorialized by the clergy and by
the civil authorities, each party sending its petition without
the other's knowledge, each slandering its adversary and using
such falsehoods as would be most likely to injure the opposite
cause. _Abreo_, in _Cent. Am.; Extr. Sueltos_, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 48.

[XV‑1] _Gasca_, _Carta al Consejo_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l.
107; see also _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. v. cap. iii.

[XV‑2] In _Garella_, _Isthme de Panama_, 4, it is stated
that Andagoya made his survey in obedience to a cédula issued
20th February 1534. Some authorities state that Philip first
suggested the idea of uniting the two oceans by means of a
canal; but when the survey was ordered he was not over seven
years of age. In _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 360-1, this series,
there is a description of the difficulties overcome in
constructing the first road across the Isthmus about 1520,
and an account of the obstacles encountered by surveying
expeditions even in the middle of the nineteenth century.

[XV‑3] _Almagro_, _Informacion_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxvi. 265,
and _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. vii.

[XV‑4] Benzoni goes somewhat out of his way to make Panamá
appear in a contemptible light. He says that it contained
about 4,000 inhabitants and had about 120 houses built of
reeds or wood and roofed with shingles, but he does not
explain how such a population contrived to crowd themselves
into that number of dwellings.

[XV‑5] In his description of a journey from Acla to Panamá
by way of Nombre de Dios, Benzoni mentions that his party was
accompanied by 20 negro slaves, whose business it was to cut
away the undergrowth and branches of trees that barred their
path. The same writer also alludes to the danger incurred
by travellers during the rainy season through the frequent
crossing of the Chagres en route across the Isthmus. He
relates a story of a Spaniard, who while fording the last
branch of the river, mounted on a mule, and with gold and
jewels in his possession to the value of 4,000 ducats, was
carried down stream, lost everything, and was saved only by
tying himself to the branch of a tree, arriving at Nombre de
Dios with only his waistcoat.

[XV‑6] In commenting on the statements then current as to
the commerce of Panamá, Benzoni remarks: 'Senza dubio dieci
Mercatanti Venetiani basteriano à comprare tutte le mercantie
che vi entrano vna volta l'anno, con la istessa città.' _Mondo
Nvovo_, lib. ii. 79.

[XV‑7] Pizarro sent 20,000 gold castellanos to Panamá and thus
enlisted in his service a number of recruits which he could
not otherwise have obtained. _Naharro_, _Descubr. y Conq._,
MS.

[XV‑8] Among other marauding expeditions planned by Almagro
was a raid on Panamá and Nombre de Dios for the purpose
of plundering both places, and making the former a base
for future operations against Nicaragua and Guatemala. He
intended moreover to destroy all ships on the Pacific side
that could not be utilized. _Vaca de Castro (Licenciado
Cristóbal)_, _Carta al Emperador Don Cárlos, dándole cuenta
de la sublevacion y castigo de Don Diego de Almagro el mozo y
de otros importantes asuntos_ (Cuzco, Nov. 24, 1542). _Cartas
de Indias_, 478, 483-4.

[XV‑9] On the very spot where his father met a like fate.
_Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. vi. cap. i.

[XV‑10] 'Españoles hai que crian perros carniceros y los
avezan á matar Indios, lo qual procuran á las veces por
pasatiempo, i ver si lo hacen bien los perros.' _Morales_,
_Relacion_, MS.

[XV‑11] In _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. vii. cap. xxii., it is
stated that Gonzalo was elected captain, procurator general,
and chief-justice.

[XV‑12] It was truly a triumphal entry. Pizarro himself
was clad in a full suit of mail, with a richly embroidered
surcoat, and before him was borne the royal standard of
Castille. _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xii.

[XV‑13] He gathered great strength by the adhesion of Diego
Centeno, a brave officer, who was exasperated by the cruelty
and oppression of Pizarro's lieutenant-governor in Charcas,
and therefore declared for the viceroy. _Robertson's Hist.
Am._, ii. 240.

[XV‑14] Vasco Nuñez was decapitated by a negro on the
battle-field, and his head borne on a pike. Some of the
soldiers were brutal enough to pluck the grey hairs from
the beard and wear them in their helmets as trophies of the
victory. _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. i. cap. iii. See, also,
_Fernandez_, _Hist. Peru_, pt. i. lib. i. cap. liv.

[XV‑15] He ordered galleys to be built at Arequipa, which with
the vessels already in his possession would make him master
of the sea from Chile to Nicaragua. _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_,
lib. v. cap. xv.

[XV‑16] Named by some authors Machicao, and in _Benzoni_,
_Mondo Nuovo_, Machicano. When Gonzalo Pizarro made his
entry into Lima, Bachicao caused the artillery, ammunition,
and equipments to be carried on the backs of Indians, thus
showing his contempt for the new code of laws. _Benzoni_,
_Mondo Nuovo_, 210 (_Hak. Soc._ ed.) See, also, _Gomara_,
_Hist. Ind._, 214, and _Datos Biograficos_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, 718-20. Gomara says of him: 'Lo escojeran entre mil
para qualquiera afrenta, pero couarde como liebre, y asi solia
el dezir: ladrar, pese á tal, y no morder. Era hombre baxo
mal acostumbrado, rufian, presumptuoso, renegador, q̃ se auia
encomenado al Diablo, ... buen ladron ... asi de amigos como
de enemigos.'

[XV‑17] On board the fleet were Maldonado and Doctor Trejada
on their way to Spain to render to the emperor Gonzalo
Pizarro's account of the matter and await his Majesty's
further instructions. _Pizarro_, _Carta al Rey_, in _Col. Doc.
Inéd._, l. 195 passim.

[XV‑18] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, ii. 14. Benzoni states that
the captain was hanged at the harbor of Vecchio in Taboga.
'Fece alcuni soldati in porto Vecchio, e vicino Taboga pigliò
una naue, e perche il patrone non abassò le velle cosi presto,
lo mandò à impicecare, e cosi giunto à Panama, e non volendo
Giouanni di Gusman che intrasse nella città, ilquale faceua
gente per lo Vicerè.' _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 143.

[XV‑19] Benzoni, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 211. See also _Oviedo_,
iv. 400. In _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xvi., it is
stated that the order for an execution was given in the words
'Manda hacer el capitan Hernando Bachicao.'

[XV‑20] Of Bachicao's subsequent history we learn that he was
captured while attempting to desert to the royalist party,
and executed by Francisco Carbajal, one of Gonzalo's officers.
_Datos Biograficos_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 718-20.

[XV‑21] In addition to other precautions, Pedro de Casaos,
the corregidor, or mayor, of Panamá, crossed the Isthmus to
Nombre de Dios, and exhorted all loyal citizens to rally for
the defence of Panamá. Gathering all the arquebuses and other
arms which he could find, he returned to the city and called
upon the captains of the viceroy to place themselves under his
banner. This they obstinately refused to do, thereby sowing
discord which was to tell greatly in favor of the insurgents.
_Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xxx.

[XV‑22] Twenty thousand ducats according to _Benzoni_, _Mondo
Nvovo_, 144.

[XV‑23] Eight ships and three brigantines. _Benzoni_, _Mondo
Nuovo_.

[XV‑24] Juan de Illanes, as soon as he saw the ships, cried
out with a loud voice to the citizens, 'Come out of your
houses, ye traitors, come and defend the king's domain from
these tyrants!' When Pedro de Casaos sent word to Hinojosa to
inquire the cause of his coming he answered that 'he came to
pay the debts of Machicano.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 144-5.

[XV‑25] _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix. _Garcilaso de
la Vega_, in _Hist. Peru_, ii. 244, styles Hinojosa governor,
and Zárate, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xxx., says: 'Y el
governador de aquella Provincia llamado Pedro de Casaos,
Natural de Sevilla, fue con gran diligencia à la Ciudad de
Nombre de Dios, i mandò apercebir toda la Gente que en ella
estaba, i juntando todas las Armas, i Arcabuces que pudo
haver, los llevò consigo à Panamà.' The corregidor of a town
was often styled 'governador' by courtesy. Hence perhaps the
mistake.

[XV‑26] _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix.

[XV‑27] It is said that a battle now appearing inevitable, the
officer in charge of Vela Nuñez was ordered to hang him and
the other prisoners to the yard-arm. _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_,
lib. v. cap. xxxi. This statement is very improbable.

[XV‑28] He informed the people of Panamá that if they had
received a wretch like Machicao, they certainly ought to admit
him. _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix.

[XV‑29] They had no faith in Hinojosa's promises. 'Aunque
Gonzalo Pizarro governase juridicamente, como ellos decian;
y que no tenian color ninguno para entremeterse en distrito
ageno; y que las mismas promesas avia hecho Bachicao.'
_Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 244.

[XV‑30] _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. x., and _Benzoni_,
_Mondo Nvovo_, 145. In _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 218, it is
stated that 40 men were allowed to land. Other authorities
give 50 as the number of the guard and 30 days as the period.

[XV‑31] 'Con este concierto Hinojosa mandô recoger la gente
a las naos, y los de Panamá le hablaron y trataron con mucha
cortesia, y le aposentaron en la ciudad y diziendole, que se
trataua de prenderle, ô matarle; aunque no lo creyô, todauia
se hizo fuerte en la casa adõde posaua, y poco despues, como
buen Capitan, por quitar ocasiones de tumultos se fue a sus
naos, y presto se entendió q̃ aquel rumor no fue palabras.'
_Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. 10.

[XV‑32] It was during this year that the wealth of Potosí
began to be known.

[XV‑33] In _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. i. cap. ix., it is
stated that Hinojosa's officers committed many robberies,
taking care to hide them from their commander, who strictly
forbade anything of the kind and gave orders that all such
offenders should be handed over to the civil authorities.
Gasca, in _Carta al Consejo_, 1. 108-9, says that Hinojosa
forced the people of Panamá and Nombre de Dios to feed and
quarter his men.

[XV‑34] A native of Álava, and a fellow-townsman of the
viceroy. _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xxxiii. See also
_Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 244.

[XV‑35] 'Et non molto dopo Melchior Verdugo calato per lo
Scolatio di Nicaragua con duecento soldati con animo di
offendere la gente di Pizzarro.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_,
146. In _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xxxiii., the
number is stated at 100.

[XV‑36] The darkness of the night favored them, but Verdugo's
men might have effected their capture if they had not been
too intent in plundering the house. _Garcilaso de la Vega_,
_Hist. Peru_, ii. 245.

[XV‑37] Herrera says that Hinojosa expecting to be attacked
placed the city of Panamá in a thorough state of defence and
told his officers that Verdugo held but the authority granted
him by the audiencia de los Confines and knew not even whether
the viceroy were alive. dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. iv.

[XV‑38] One hundred and fifty arquebusiers. _Benzoni_, _Hist.
Mondo Nvovo_, 145-46, 140; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 219.

[XV‑39] 'Verdugo fu il primo à saltare in vn Brigantino,
et solo vn soldato resto ferito, e questo fu el fine delle
brauate di Verdugo.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 146.

[XV‑40] 'La dificultad de tanto aparato, ... Armas, y
Cavallos, Municíon y Bastimento, y la Navegacion tan larga,
yaver de pasar dos Mares les forçava á no tomar este Consejo.'
_Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 268.

[XV‑41] Gasca was born in 1494 in the Caballería de
Navarregadilla, a small town near the Barca de Ávila. He
received a liberal education, being placed by his uncle at
the famous seminary of Alcalá de Henares, and subsequently
transferred to the university of Salamanca. He was ordained
a priest in 1531, and in 1541 was appointed counsellor of the
inquisition. He acquired great renown by his gallant defence
of the city of Valencia, at a time when its inhabitants were
panic-stricken at the approach of a foreign foe. 'Vinieron
á tierra de Avila la familia de Gasca mudándose ... las
dos letras consonantes C y G el nombre de Casca en Gasca.'
_Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca_, MS. Even when a student he showed
the power of his will and decision of character in quelling
political disturbances. _Datos Biograficos_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, 763-7.

[XV‑42] 'El Titulo que llevó, fue de Presidente de la
Audiencia Real del Perú.' _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, in _Barcia_,
lib. vi. cap. vi.

[XV‑43] 'Llevó las Cédulas, y Recaudos necesarios, en caso,
que convinese hacer Gente de Guerra, aunque estos fueron
secretos, porque no publicaba, ni trataba, sino de los
perdones, i de los otros medios pacificos.' _Zárate_, _Hist.
Peru_, in _Barcia_, lib. vi. cap. vi. _Garcilaso de la Vega_,
_Hist. Peru_, ii. 269, says: 'Le diesen absoluto Poder en
todo, y por todo, tan cumplido y bastante, como su Magestad lo
tenia en las Indias.' See, also, _Prescott's Peru_, ii. 344.

[XV‑44] 'Alvarado habló á Hernan Mexia, i le dió noticia de la
venida del Presidente, diciendole quien era, i á lo que venia,
i despues de largas platicas se despidieron, sin haverse
declarado el vno al otro sus animos, porque ambos estaban
sospechosos.' _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, in _Barcia_, lib. vi.
cap. vi.

[XV‑45] _Fernandez_, _Hist. Peru_, pt. i. lib. ii. cap. xxi.
Gasca did not hear of the death of the viceroy until after
his landing at Nombre de Dios, but smothered his resentment,
and even declared that if Pizarro would not receive him he
would return to the emperor. _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist.
Peru_, ii. 170. See, also, _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 228.
Gasca's letter to Verdugo, then awaiting the emperor's orders
at Cartagena, is also characteristic of the subtle churchman:
'Embió a decir á Melchor Verdugo, que venia con ciertos
Compañeros á servirle, no viniese, sino que estuviese á la
mira.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 269. See,
also, _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. v.

[XV‑46] 'Mexia le repondio, que la vandera que alli estaba,
la tenia por el Rey, y no por Pizarro, y q̃ haria en su
seruicio quanto le mãdasse.' _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. ii.
cap. v. 'I que si queria, que llanamente se alçase Vandera
por su Magestad, lo haria, i podian ir à Panamà, i tomar la
Armada, lo qual seria facil de hacer.' _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_,
lib. iii. 133. See also, _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_,
ii. 270.

[XV‑47] _Fernandez_, _Hist. Peru_, pt. i. lib. ii. cap.
xxviii. See also _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. vi., and
_Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 228.

[XV‑48] When Paniagua, Gasca's emissary, first called on
Gonzalo he was discourteously treated, the governor not even
asking him to be seated.

[XV‑49] The captains so sworn signed their names before the
notary Juan de Barutiu. _Panamá_, _Pleito Homenage_, in _Col.
Doc. Inéd._, xlix.

[XV‑50] In _Carta á Miguel Díez Armendariz_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, Gasca states that since the 1st of December 1546
1,000 soldiers, including several men of rank, had been
assembled for the king's service; that he had at his disposal
a fleet of from 23 to 25 ships, two of which were built at
Panamá; and that there had not yet been time for the arrival
of reënforcements from Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Española,
or Nicaragua, at which latter province there were 250 horsemen
ready to embark.

[XV‑51] On seeing the masterly disposition of the royalist
forces, Carbajal, Gonzalo's lieutenant, remarked, 'Valdivia
rige el campo o el diablo.'

[XV‑52] Among those present at Gonzalo's funeral was Hinojosa,
who, after serving further the royal cause, was assassinated
in 1552.

[XV‑53] The most partial biographer of the Pizarros is
Fernando Pizarro y Orellana, author of _Varones Ilvstres del
Nvevo Mvndo_, Madrid, 1639, folio. The book contains the lives
of Columbus, Ojeda, Cortés, the four Pizarros, Almagro, and
García de Paredes, but the greater part is devoted to the
author's namesakes and kinsmen, by the side of whom the other
heroes appear in comparatively faint outline. Every incident
that can in any way redound to their credit is made to shine
with a lustre unsurpassed even by the pearls and gold for
which they so recklessly staked their lives. The brilliancy
indeed is so strong as to merge into complete obscurity the
bloody deeds and shameful traits which characterize the name.
This is intentional on the part of the writer, who not only
suppresses facts most notorious, but in glossing over the
later revolt of Gonzalo, even attempts to justify it. His
object is to advocate for the heirs of Hernando Pizarro, the
restoration of his estates and titles of marquis as more fully
set forth in the _Discurso Legal, i Politico_, published the
same year, immediately after the _Varones_. The work is, in
brief, the pleading of a learned lawyer, as the author proves
himself, supplemented with quaint and abstruse notes and
profuse marginals chiefly from classic writers.

[XVI‑1] Pedrarias never had the shadow of a right to the
province of Peru; but it was probably an easy matter for
Hernando so to persuade his audience.

[XVI‑2] 'Y porque algunos querian yr á armarse, y otras de
mala gana le seguian, los reprehendia, y amenazaua, diciendo,
que los haria castigar como a delinquentes, diziendoles; que
no auian menester otras armas, i mandó a Iuan Barmejo, que
matasse al que no le siguiese.' _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib.
vi. cap. v.; see, also, _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 491.

[XVI‑3] 'Hecho esto embiò a Granada á dar auiso á Pedro de
Contreras su hermano, embiandole la daga con que auia muerto
al Obispo, sin punta, que so le auia despuntado al tiempo
que le matô.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 492; see also
_Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., and _Gasca_, _Carta_
in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, 1.; but Zárate, _Hist. Peru_, lib. vii.
cap. xii., does not attribute the killing of the bishop to
Hernando himself, saying, 'i vn Dia entraron ciertos Soldados
de su Compañía, adonde estaba el Obispo jugando al Axedrez,
i le mataron.' This, however, is not likely, as Hernando was
thirsting for personal revenge against the prelate, and the
apostate friar, probably excommunicated, may also have had
his secret motives for participating in the murder.

[XVI‑4] _Gasca_, _Carta al Rey_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l.
117-23. See, also, _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 493; _Garcilaso
de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 371, and _Herrera_, dec. viii.
lib. vi. cap. v.

[XVI‑5] On board these vessels were placed all the vagrants
and those who had come from Spain without license, together
with certain married men who had left their wives in Spain.
'Para boluerlas a Castilla por casados, holgazanes, y gente
que antes auia de causar desasosiego que prouecho.' _Herrera_,
dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. i. The governor was determined to
leave on the Isthmus none who were not settlers or traders,
or known to live on their means or by their labor. _Gasca_,
_Cartas_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l. 111.

[XVI‑6] So confident were they of success that instead
of removing the treasure to their ships they deposited it
with the merchants and others, who bound themselves before
a notary to deliver it when called for either to Bermejo
or the Contreras brothers. 'Proveieron estos disparates,
imaginandose, que sin tener contraste alguno, eran yá Señores
de toda el Nuevo Mundo.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_,
ii. 373.

[XVI‑7] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 493. Vega, _Hist. Peru_,
ii. 372, says they found so much Spanish merchandise 'que yá
les dava hastio, por no poderlas llevar todas.'

[XVI‑8] This is the number given in _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib.
vi. cap. v., while in _Gasca_, _Carta_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._,
l., only 18 or 20 are mentioned. Gasca must be in error, for
Contreras afterward left 25 men at Capira when he returned to
assist Bermejo.

[XVI‑9] When Salguero received the message from Bermejo some
confusion ensued, and most of the silver bars which he had
captured were lost, being thrown into the river or stolen by
negroes, who hid them in the rocks and swamps. Not only had
Salguero captured the king's silver but also a large quantity
of treasure belonging to private individuals. He ordered it
to be packed on mules taken from the settlers at Cruces; but
when he came near the city and saw the troops sallying forth
he abandoned his baggage-train and hurried forward to join
Bermejo. _Gasca_, _Carta_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l. 149;
and _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. vi. Remesal, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 497, states that when the silver was lost only a
portion of Salguero's men marched with him towards Panamá, the
remainder making for the sea-shore, where they were taken on
board the ships of Pedro de Contreras. It is estimated that
the entire amount of treasure captured by the rebels would be
worth at the present day some $12,000,000.

[XVI‑10] _Gasca_, _Carta_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l. 149-50.
See, also, _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. vii. cap. vii. Remesal
gives 82 as the number slain on the field. Gasca says in
his despatch that only three of the citizens of Panamá were
killed, though many were wounded but none fatally; a rather
improbable statement, considering that the rebels knew they
need expect no quarter.

[XVI‑11] Soon after the suppression of the Contreras revolt,
Gasca, having recovered most of the stolen treasure, embarked
for Spain, where he was appointed to the bishopric of
Sigüenza and afterward to that of Palencia. He died on the
10th of November 1565, leaving a history of Peru, which was
published at Seville two years after his death. His _Carta
al Consejo_, in _Doc. Inéd._, l. 106-63, is probably the
most reliable source of information concerning the events
related in this chapter. Herrera agrees with him in all the
principal incidents, differing only in the order in which
they are related, and in some minor points of detail. Remesal
is very explicit in his narrative, and agrees for the most
part with Gasca and Herrera. Gomara and Zárate give only a
condensed statement of the matter, and in the main indorse the
preceding authorities. The account given in Juarros is taken
from Remesal, and that of Benzoni is borrowed from various
sources, while Gonzalez Dávila relates only the assassination
of Bishop Valdivieso.

[XVII‑1] In a letter to the king, dated Ciudad Real, August
10, 1541, Bishop Marroquin speaks very favorably of Chavez,
and states that he was well adapted to rule. _Carta al
Emperador_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 430.

[XVII‑2] 'Como su necesidad no era poca, tomô la mejor parte
para si, y lo demas dio a sus amigos.' _Herrera_, dec. vi.
lib. i. cap. ix. See, also, _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 42, and
_Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 64. Herrera also implies that he
appropriated what remained of the live-stock and supplies
brought by Alvarado from Guatemala for the relief of the
colonists. dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix.

[XVII‑3] In _Squier's Honduras_, 88, it is stated that this
stronghold was situated in the present department of Gracias,
which borders on Guatemala and San Salvador. Lempira's ancient
territory is still known by the name of Corquin, the word
being applied to a district and town of Gracias. The valley
of Sensenti, encircled by the mountains of Selaque, Pecaya,
and Merendon, formed a part of the cacique's dominion. See p.
81 this vol. for map.

[XVII‑4] _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix. The historian
is of opinion that the Spaniards would have been compelled
to abandon the siege had they not resorted to this or some
similar artifice, and in that case it is not improbable that
Lempira would have found himself powerful enough to drive them
from the province or perhaps to exterminate them.