Chapter XXXVII: Guatemala and Chiapas (9)

[XX‑20] The expense of each friar from Seville to Vera Cruz
was 70 ducados. _Id._; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 384.

[XX‑21] Diego Ordoñez was chosen to succeed him. _Vazquez_,
_Chron. de Gvat._, 51-5.

[XX‑22] Vazquez states that they occupied a small convent
badly out of repair built by Franciscans formerly in the
country. 'Cõventico, que por entõces àpenas tenîa vn lienzo
de horcônes.' _Id._, 59.

[XX‑23] Vazquez gives a copy of the order for the allotment
signed by the joint governors Marroquin and Cueva. It is
without date, but Vazquez infers that it was given during
October 1541, when lots were being distributed. _Id._, 167.

[XX‑24] They were engaged in the difficult task of collecting
the Indians into towns. Fray Ordoñez remained in charge of
the monastery; Gonzalo was sent among the Zutugils; Bustillo
and Alva to the Quichés and Cakchiquels respectively. _Id._,
60-7, 77-82, 106-11, 129.

[XX‑25] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 384-5; _Torquemada_, iii.
338-9.

[XX‑26] Both the date and number of friars are matters
of dispute. Torquemada states that Motolinia was sent in
1542 to Guatemala by Jacobo de Testera, comisario general
of the order, with twelve of the 150 friars whom he had
brought to Mexico that year. _Torquemada_, iii. 337, 339. He
follows _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 385. Figueroa, in _Pap.
Franciscanos_, MS., i. No. 1, 37 et seq., supports Torquemada
as to date but maintains that the number of friars was 24.
Vazquez, on the authority of _Fund. de la Prov. de S. Franco
de Guat._, MS., 1583, _Lizana_, _Hist. Yuc._, a letter of
Motolinia dated October 21, 1545, and the minutes of the
cabildo, concludes that Motolinia arrived at Guatemala in
1544, with 20 or 24 friars. _Chron. de Gvat._, 42-3, 102,
105-6, 440.

[XX‑27] The convent next founded after that at Santiago was
the one at Atitlan by Fray Gonzalo in 1541; then followed
others at Tecpanatitlan and Comalapa. _Id._, 84-5, 340.
There is some doubt as to the date of the founding of the
Franciscan custodia in Guatemala. Torquemada states that
it was established in 1551, following Mendieta. Vazquez is
contradictory, giving the years 1544 and 1549 as the dates.
_Chron. de Gvat._, 102, 123, and furthermore quotes on pp.
144-6, _Fund. Prov. S. Francisco_, MS., 1583, as follows:
'Digo, que lo q̃ ay en el caso es: que esta Provincia fuè
veinte años Custodia de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio
de Mexico.' As this refers to the erection of the order
into a province in 1529, it would appear that there was a
Franciscan custodia in Guatemala in 1539. Figueroa, in _Pap.
Franciscanos_, MS. i. No. 1, 37, gives 1542 as the date.

[XX‑28] The number of friars sent to Yucatan as variously
given by the authorities already quoted, was four or six. But
Marroquin, writing to the emperor December 1, 1545, states
that Fray Villapando was in Yucatan with eight of the order,
whom he had taken from Guatemala. _Squier's MSS._, xxii.
140. For mention of Villapando's labors in Yucatan see _Hist.
Mex._, ii. 452 et seq., this series.

[XX‑29] _Torquemada_, iii. 339. The cabildo of Santiago in
December 1545 petitioned that Motolinia should be sent back.
The comisario general in Mexico replied, in February 1545,
that more friars would be sent but that Motolinia's services
were more needed in Mexico. _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._,
105-6.

[XX‑30] _Ibid._; _Audiencia al Emperador_, in _Squier's MSS._,
xxii. 132.

[XX‑31] _Torquemada_, iii. 339, 374-5; _Mendieta_, _Hist.
Ecles._, 385.

[XX‑32] Many through inability to master the difficulties of
the languages had left. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 39-40.

[XX‑33] _Zapata_, _Carta_, 'Destruyen i no edifican.' _Id._,
40.

[XX‑34] Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 207-8.

[XX‑35] According to _Motolinia_, _Hist. Ecles._, 259, 268,
Fray Betanzos wrote a letter to Las Casas attributing much
evil and scandal to his mode of proceeding.

[XX‑36] Meaning land of war; the name Vera Paz signifying
true peace was given it by the Dominicans because they had
accomplished by peaceful measures what force of arms had
failed to do. _Miranda_, in _Squier's MSS._, xv. 2; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 320-1. This last author, quoting Las Casas,
states that this name was conferred by Charles V. i. 153.
Consult also _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 118-24. The native
name is written by different authors Tuzulutlan and Tezulutan.

[XX‑37] Now called Dulce.

[XX‑38] _Squier's MSS._, xiv. 1-2. Miranda in 1575 reported
to the oidor Palacio of the Guatemala audiencia that the
river Zacapulas separated Vera Paz from the province of
Guatemala, and that the distance thence to the gulf of Dulce
was about 48 leagues, its greatest width being 27 leagues.
The inhabited portion was only one third or one fourth of its
surface, for the friars had collected the Indians into towns,
and established a system of commerce. _Squier's MSS._, xv. 3.
At the time of these reports the northern part, a wild and
heavily wooded country, was—and still is—inhabited by wild
tribes, being then a refuge for fugitive Indians from Yucatan.

[XX‑39] Quintana conjectures that lack of mines and other
valuable resources prevented their being enslaved. _Vidas_,
2a parte, 173.

[XX‑40] Entitled _De Unico Vocationis Modo_, and abounding in
copious legal and theological arguments in favor of his system
of peaceable conquest. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 118-21; _Las
Casas_, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 2a parte, 172-3.

[XX‑41] Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 238-9. These terms
were guaranteed by Maldonado in May 1537 according to Remesal.
_Hist. Chyapa_, 122-3. They were approved by the audiencia of
Mexico in February 1539, and by the emperor in November 1540.
_Real Cédula_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii.
146-56.

[XX‑42] _Pelaez_, _Mem. de Guat._, i. 153.

[XX‑43] Remesal gives an interesting and romantic account
of the method first adopted by Las Casas, but one which,
I apprehend, is more an invention than a true statement of
facts. He represents Las Casas and his colleagues as composing
verses in the Quiché tongue, narrating the principal mysteries
of the Catholic faith. These were set to music and taught to
four Indian merchants, who were in the habit of journeying
into Tuzulutlan. The lord of Zacapulas was a formidable and
powerful chief called by Remesal Don Juan. To him the four
merchants were instructed to go and sing their canticles,
having been provided with various articles from Spain such
as would excite curiosity. Their reception was favorable,
and the interest awakened by their songs, the novel presents
which they brought, and their description of the peace-loving
men induced a wish in the haughty chieftain to be visited by
the friars themselves. Accordingly a second expedition was
planned and Fray Luis Cancer was selected to accompany the
Indian traders. His mission was successful. The cacique was
persuaded to embrace Christianity, destroy his idols, and be
baptized. On the return of Fray Luis, Las Casas determined
still further to extend the work in person, and in December
1537 visited Don Juan accompanied by Fray Angulo. They then
extended their journey into the more remote districts of
Tuzulutlan and Coban, being provided with an escort by the
cacique, who vainly endeavored to dissuade them from their
hazardous undertaking. The treatment they met with was,
however, generally favorable, and though they experienced some
opposition among the subjects of both Don Juan and the lord
of Coban, they completed their journey and returned early in
1538. _Hist. Chyapa_, 122-4, 135-40. Consult also _Fernandez_,
_Hist. Ecles._, passim; Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_,
174-6; and _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 793-6. Now this account savors at least of inaccuracy.
The efforts of Las Casas and his companions, previous to
his departure to Spain in 1539-40, were confined to the
frontiers which were to a certain extent under subjugation.
In February 1542 Bishop Marroquin, writing to the emperor,
after mentioning the arrival of some Dominicans who brought
with them 'dos señores de la raya de tierra de guerra, que
les salieron al camino,' and describing the excitement caused
by the reading of a royal provision 'eshivida á contemplacion
de fray Bartolomé de las Casas y por su relacion,' uses these
words: 'Esto confiado, que este pedazo de tierra que está á
la mar del Norte, cuya cabecera es Teculutlan, ha de venir
en conocimiento de nuestra santa fée, sin riesgo ni sangre
ni muertes, y cuando no, antes ganará que perderá.' _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 278-9. This clearly proves
that but little progress had been made in the spiritual
conquest of Vera Paz up to the date of Marroquin's letter.
The mention of the two lords of the Tierra de Guerra and Fray
Domingo de Vico's custom of composing verses on the life
of Christ and scriptural subjects, to be sung by converted
Indians at feasts, as mentioned by Remesal on pages 611-12,
may have suggested to that writer his story of the merchants
and Don Juan and the lord of Coban. Moreover, in December 1545
the audiencia informed the emperor that two Dominicans had,
previous to May preceding, left Guatemala for the provinces of
Tuzulutlan and Lacandon, and that their lives being reported
in danger Fray Angulo had gone to their aid. The oidores also
expressed their disapproval of the proposition to exempt Don
Juan, the cacique of Atitlan, and others from the encomienda
system as a reward for the assistance rendered by them in the
pacification of those districts. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 131.

[XX‑44] In addressing the emperor from Madrid, December 15,
1540, Las Casas reports the commencement of the work, and
that the lords of the provinces had already treated with
the Dominicans secretly. He expresses the conviction that
the country would be brought to acknowledge the sovereignty
of Spain 'por via de paz, amor y buenas obras.' _Col. Doc.
Inéd._, viii. 555-6.

[XX‑45] The date of his departure from New Spain and of his
arrival at the peninsula are alike uncertain. Remesal states
that he attended a provincial chapter of his order held in
Mexico on the 24th of August 1538 at which the question of
his mission to Spain was discussed and permission given to
him, Ladrada, and Cancer to go thither. At the same meeting
the title of vicar of the Dominican convent in Guatemala was
conferred upon Fray Angulo. _Hist. Chyapa_, 147, 150. Las
Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 178, concludes that he arrived
in Spain in 1539. Helps, _Span. Conq._, iii. 304-7, and _Life
of Las Casas_, 178, avers that he returned from Tuzulutlan to
Santiago in May 1539 and proceeded to Mexico to attend the
chapter held on August 24, 1539. According to Icazbalceta,
_Col. Doc._, i. pp. lv. lxii. 258, Las Casas was in Tlascala
in the early part of 1539. For particulars regarding the
sailing of the fleets to and from Spain see _Id._, pp. cxiv-v.
February 15th was the day of leaving Vera Cruz as regulated by
decree of 1564. Remesal states that previous to his departure
Las Casas founded Rabinal after mature deliberation as to
the choice of a site favorable to his design. The undertaking
was extremely difficult, but through the curiosity of roaming
natives and the friendly invitations of the original settlers,
the number of inhabitants increased before long to 500,
including neophytes and other Indians. Las Casas was assisted
in this work by Fray Luis Cancer, who availed himself of the
opportunity of visiting the interior as far as the towns of
Coban. _Hist. Chyapa_, 143-4.

[XX‑46] These were respectively dated November 17, 1539,
and April 20, 1540. In the first of these he is charged with
insisting upon the liberation of certain slaves under penalty
of their owners being refused the sacraments. _Gavarrete_,
_Cop. Doc._, 41-2. In the second one it is asserted that he
was travelling about rather than looking after the Indians
'que estàn de guerra' and 'nunca los vió. Ni creemos que
tuvo inteligencia ninguna con ellos.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 15-16.

[XX‑47] Copy of this decree which was dated January 9, 1540,
can be found in _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 146-7;
and _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 152.

[XX‑48] This decree was issued on October 17, 1540. It also
provided that in the event of the collection of tribute
being decided upon by Las Casas the governor or bishop should
appoint a proper person. _Id._, 153, et seq; _Real Cédula_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 146-9.

[XX‑49] This decree, however, was not issued until January
28, 1541. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 155-6.

[XX‑50] My authority for giving this date is a passage from
a letter addressed by Cancer from Seville to Las Casas at
the court of Spain. It is as follows: 'Contéles luego el
fundamento, que fue todo el suceso de las provincias de la
Verapaz, y como S. M., á instancia de vuestra Señoría, me
envió allá agora siete años y lo que se hizo con solo dos
religiosos.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 185.
This letter was doubtless written in 1548, shortly before
Cancer's departure on his ill-fated expedition to Florida,
which will presently be narrated. See copy of royal order
dated December 28, 1547, extending permission, also assistance
to the expedition. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 114-15.

[XX‑51] Bishop Marroquin states that nearly the whole of this
region to the northern sea was conquered by Diego de Alvarado,
and that a hundred Spaniards settled therein. They afterward
abandoned it to go to Peru, and in the more important
affairs which occupied the colonists this rugged province was
forgotten. _Las Casas_, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 238.

[XX‑52] Among the places visited may be mentioned Zacapula,
'uno de los pueblos de paz que sirven á los españoles en
la ciudad de Guatemala,' at which place four caciques of
Tezulutlan met the bishop. Then he proceeded to Patal and
Jatic, Coban, and Tezulutlan. _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 216. From the same document it
may be gathered that at the time of the visit the friars in
the country were: Pedro de Angulo, Luis Cancer, Juan de Sant
Lúcas, Fray Gabriel, Domingo de Vico, Domingo de Azcona, and
two others whose names are not mentioned.

[XX‑53] Marroquin reporting this visit indulges in unfriendly
and ungenerous remarks against Las Casas: 'yo sé que él ha de
escribir invenciones é imaginaciones, que ni él las entiende
ni entenderá en mi conciencia: porque todo su edificio y
fundamento va fabricado sobre hipocresía y avaria, y asi lo
mostró luego que le fue dada la mitra.' But I do not find
that the bishop of Guatemala differs in any material point
from the bishop of Chiapas in his account. He says, 'y media
legua ántes que llegase salió todo el pueblo hombres y mugeres
á me recibir con muchas danzas y bailes ... y alabé mucho
á Dios en ver tan buena voluntad y tan buen principio,' and
admits further on that the friendly reception was due to the
method adopted by the friars. He describes the land as 'la
mas fragosa que hay acá, no es para que pueblen españoles en
ella por ser tan fragosa y pobre.' _Las Casas_, in _Quintana_,
_Vidas_, 238-9. See also _Marroquin_, _Carta_, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 139-40. Motolinia also states that Las Casas
represented Vera Paz as of great extent and densely populated,
but that it was not one tenth as large as represented by him.
_Las Casas_, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 243.

[XX‑54] 'El tributo que tienen agora es intolerable, cada
ochenta dias doscientas y cincuenta mantas, cuarenta y dos
ziquipiles de cacao, y lo de la sementera, y creo que se la
comen en las minas los oficiales.' He states, too, that with
warriors taken from Tuzulutlan a town double its size had been
founded near Guatemala. With regard to the tribute he hoped
that it would at any rate be reduced to two payments a year,
one on St John's day and the other at christmas. _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 231-6. Nevertheless immoderate
tribute was complained of for many years afterward. In 1551
a royal decree was issued for the purpose of lessening the
burden. In 1568 the audiencia of Guatemala was ordered to
moderate the tribute paid by the Indians of Vera Paz, the
caciques having forwarded a petition to the crown; and in
1577 the audiencia is again ordered to reduce the tribute.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 702-3.

[XX‑55] The crown furnished Cancer with 800 ducados, with
which ten tons of goods were purchased for the purpose of
trading with the Indians. The friar addressed three letters
to Las Casas previous to his departure, the first being dated
February 9th, and the second February 14th. None of them give
the year, but there is little doubt that they were written
in 1548. Copies of these letters are to be found in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 184-201.

[XX‑56] _Ibid._ Remesal states that Cancer took no companions
with him from Spain, but that he selected from the Dominican
convent in Mexico three friars and a lay brother. _Hist.
Chyapa_, 515. There can be no doubt, however, that two
of these accompanied him from Spain. See _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 199.

[XX‑57] Both Fernandez, _Hist. Ecles._, 150-1, and Remesal,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 515-16, attribute the catastrophe which
followed to the action of the captain, who, they assert, was
well aware that he was not carrying out the wishes of Cancer.
Las Casas also states that the captain knew of the danger,
but refused to land farther off under the pretext that four
Spanish armies had disembarked at that point without meeting
with resistance. _Oeuvres_, i. 405.

[XX‑58] Remesal enlarges on the tragedy. He states that
the cacique of the neighboring village was grieved that the
murdered friars had not been taken alive, in order that he
might have conversed with them, and that he caused the skins
of the victims to be stripped off and stretched upon the walls
of his house, while their heads were stuffed with cotton and
suspended from a tree. He then adds 'y comieronse la carne en
vn gran combite, despues de muchos bayles y fiestas.' _Hist.
Chyapa_, 516. According to the same author, between 1566
and 1600 four unsuccessful attempts were made by Jesuits,
Dominicans, and Franciscans to christianize Florida. In these
efforts nearly all the missionaries lost their lives. In a
second attempt made by the Franciscans they gained a foothold
in the country, and in 1612 a province called Santa Élena
was founded by the chapter general at Rome. _Id._, 518-19.
Dávila Padilla, 179-89, states that Fray Louis Cancer was
a native of Saragossa in Spain. He was of noble family, and
proficient in various branches of learning. He first went to
Española, thence to Puerto Rico, where he founded a convent,
and a few years later proceeded to Guatemala. Both this author
and Fernandez, _Hist. Ecles._, 150, assert that on a voyage
from Mexico to Spain he was captured by Turkish pirates, but
ransomed. To judge from his letters Cancer was a single-minded
and devout missionary, filled with religious ardor, and
sanguine of success.

[XX‑59] _Las Casas_, _Oeuvres_, i. 405-6. His vehement
opponent Motolinia, in his letter to the king, dated January
2, 1555, while urging the necessity of carrying the gospel
into Florida, remarks, 'but not after the manner of Las
Casas.' _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 255.

[XXI‑1] Jan. 14th, according to _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._,
222; evidently before the beginning of March. See _Quesada_,
_Carta_, May 25, 1855, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 1-3.

[XXI‑2] Quesada, in his letter cited above, reports it
finished.

[XXI‑3] The salaries of the different offices were to be
fixed; each town was to have a casa de communidad, a strong
box to contain their surplus earnings, a jail, tariff,
records, and accounts of the estates of minors and the
deceased; lands were to be assigned them; the mode of paying
tributes was to be regulated; and, above all, they were to be
instructed. _Quesada_, _Carta_, loc. cit.

[XXI‑4] _Torres_, _Carta_, Nov. 17, 1555, in _Squier's MSS._,
xxii. 6.

[XXI‑5] _Cavallon_, _Carta_, Feb. 27, 1555, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 7.

[XXI‑6] _Torres_, _Carta_, Nov. 8, 1555; _Torres_, _Carta_,
Nov. 17, 1555; _Cárdenas_, _Carta_, Dec. 6, 1555, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii., 5-7.

[XXI‑7] Its chief feature was bleeding at the nose, for which
no remedy could be found. The country was almost depopulated.
_Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 157. _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. Lond.
1823), 148.

[XXI‑8] They killed four men, besides a priest who attempted
to prevent the seizure of the host, remained nearly two weeks,
and made many prisoners. The viceroy of New Spain was at once
notified. _Velasco_, _Carta_, Sept. 30, 1558, in _Squier's
MSS._, x. 1, 2.

[XXI‑9] _Carta_, Feb. 18, 1555, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 25.

[XXI‑10] 'Que no solo le era licito al Rey hazerles guerra,
sino q̃ en conciencia estaua a ello obligado, y para a
defender a sus subditos totalmente destruyra los de Lacandon.'
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 616.

[XXI‑11] Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 621, says many escaped in
the direction of Yucatan through a large river connected with
the lake which Pelaez, _Mem. Guat._, i. 161-2, supposes to
have been the Zacapulas.

[XXI‑12] In 1638, Pinelo says that it was not known whether
Puchutlas was in Lake Lacandon or in another lake. _Relacion_,
i. Fancourt in his map accompanying _Hist. Yuc._, places
the town north of L. Lacandon. Other maps of this region do
not attempt to give its locality. In making my map of this
region I have drawn from this and other sources. Dávila says
the expedition started forth to visit the provinces of La
Candon, Pochultra, Catanu, and Tofilte pequena. _Relacion_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvi. 327.

[XXI‑13] This according to Juarros, though he does not give
us his authority for the statement. _Guat._, i. 259.

[XXI‑14] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 622, piously observes
that the expedition was ordained by God for the salvation of a
single soul, that of an infant, 'Entiendese que solo la ordenò
nuestro Señor para saluar vn alma predestinada de vn niño de
solos quinze dias que hallãdole vn Español atrauessado con
vna saeta le bautizò antes que espirase.' Pelaez, _Mem. Hist.
Guat._, i. 159-64, takes the more practical view adopted in
the text.

[XXI‑15] Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 523-645, forms the chief and
original authority for the foregoing events, and it is much
to be regretted that we have no other account with which to
compare his statements. In all subsequent descriptions of this
expedition their authors have directly or indirectly followed
Remesal. Villagutierre, _Hist. Conq. Itza._, 51-80, copies him
literally. Pinelo, _Relacion_, 2-4; Juarros, _Guat._, 258-9;
Pelaez, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, i. 159-64, all follow him. Squier,
_Cent. Amer._, 554-61, follows both Villagutierre and Pinelo.

[XXI‑16] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 26. Vazquez, _Chronica
Gvat._, 222, says that he was appointed Nov. 28, 1558.

[XXI‑17] Dowerless maidens had been provided for, provisions
had become abundant and cheap, and both Spaniards and Indians
were contented. _Cartas_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
28, 30.

[XXI‑18] 'Mandó que diesen los indios cierta cantidad de
pescado cada semana, no habiendo rios ni mar dentro de diez y
doce leguas. Mandó con pena ... que no vendiesen las gallinas
por más de un real, valiendo á dos reales, y sino quisiesen
venderla á real, dió licencia que los españoles se la tomasen
por fuerza.' _Las Casas_, _Representacion_ in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 163.

[XXI‑19] _Las Casas_, _Representacion_, loc. cit.; _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 624-6; _Cabildo_, _Carta_, Feb. 12, 1563, in
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 36.

[XXI‑20] _Hist. Chyapa_, 639.

[XXI‑21] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 646.

[XXI‑22] 'Que se le envie à mandar tenga especial cuidado del
bien é aumento de los que en esta cibdad é provincias viven.'
_Carta, Jan. 26, 1562_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
32. In another letter they petitioned the king that in the
appointment of governors preference be given those having
experience in the Indies, as with a new governor there always
came a number of servants, dependants, and relatives who had
to be provided for, to the prejudice of the more meritorious
conquerors and settlers. _Carta, Feb. 12, 1563_, in _Id._, 36.

[XXI‑23] Spelled Briceño by Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 646;
Briceño de Coca, also Briseño, by Juarros, _Guat._, i. 354;
ii. 49; the orthography here adopted is from the letters of
the cabildo, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 39, 45.

[XXI‑24] Presbyter ... and visitador of the provinces of
Popayan and Guatemala. _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, MS., 2.

[XXI‑25] At the end of July, according to Remesal, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 646; Feb. 12, 1565, according to Juarros, _Guat._,
ii. 49. In January of 1564 the cabildo were awaiting his
arrival. In the following December they say that he arrived
August 2d of the previous year, 'del año pasado,' which is
evidently an error, the same year being meant.

[XXI‑26] _Cabildo_, _Carta_, Dec. 20, 1564, in _Arévalo_,
_Col. Doc._, 39. Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, represents
Landecho's rule as very corrupt; that he was placed under
arrest in his own house by Brizeño, and that to escape a fine
of 30,000 pesos he secretly fled to the coast, embarked, and
perished at sea. Remesal also states that all the oidores
were suspended excepting one, whose name he does not give,
and all fined in sums varying from 3,000 to 9,000 pesos.
Juarros follows, in brief, Remesal's account of the corrupt
rule, arrest, fine, escape, and death of Landecho, and the
fining of the other oidores, including Loaisa, who he says
was retained. In the account of Brizeño's arrival, however,
he gives the popular tradition that the visitador came first
in disguise and made himself known only to the prior of
the convent of Mercy, with whom he lodged. Having learned
from personal observation and conversations the true state
of affairs, he proceeded to the town of Petapa, whence he
announced his arrival to the audiencia and cabildo. The letter
of the cabildo cited above does not favor either of these
versions. It says: 'De la visita resultó quedar suspendido el
Presidente y Gobernador que en ella estaba, juntamente con el
Lic. Jufre de Loaisa Oidor.'

[XXI‑27] Corn sold at the exorbitant price of four tostones
a fanega, and bands of men and women went about the country
seeking work sufficient to enable them to obtain food.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 641, 645.

[XXI‑28] Private residences, and churches, and convents, were
greatly damaged; many Indians were buried under the ruins of
their houses, and the inhabitants were compelled to live in
temporary shelters or in the open air, while constant prayers
were offered to appease the divine wrath. _Remesal_, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 647; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 88; ii. 353.

[XXI‑29] Minutes of _Cabildo, Jan. 29, 1580_, quoted by
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 559-60.

[XXI‑30] At this time Francisco del Valle Marroquin was acting
as procurator at court for the city of Guatemala. In a letter
dated Feb. 20, 1564, he informed the cabildo that the transfer
of the audiencia had already been determined upon, and about a
month later wrote that in consequence of the dissatisfaction
with which the procurator from Peru had left the court, the
council deemed it a favorable opportunity to transfer the
audiencia. _Marroquin_, _Cartas_, cited in _Pelaez_, _Mem.
Hist. Guat._, i. 164-6. In 1563 the audiencia of Quito was
established. _Décadas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, viii. 35. The foregoing facts would appear to imply
that the transfer of the audiencia had some connection with
political changes in Peru. Whatever were the motives of the
crown for this measure, they were too urgent to be effected
by the powerful influence brought to bear against this change,
which is indicated by the letters of Marroquin.

[XXI‑31] Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 646, gives May 17, 1564,
as the date of the first decree, and Juarros, _Guat._, ii.
49, Sept. 17, 1563. The dates here adopted are those given
in _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 531-2.

[XXI‑32] _Marroquin_, _Carta_, Feb. 20, loc. cit., and
_Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, loc. cit.

[XXI‑33] _Cabildo_, _Cartas_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 37-40; _Panamá_, _Cédulas Reales._ loc. cit.;
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 646-7. Juarros, _Guat._, i. 259-60,
says Oidor Loaisa conveyed the seal.

[XXI‑34] _Cabildo_, _Carta_, March 12, 1570, in _Arévalo_,
_Col. Doc. Antig._, 43-4, mentions the audiencia as already
in Santiago. Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 657-8 bis, says that
Gonzalez was appointed June 28, 1568, but that he found
decrees of September 27, 1567, and March 3, 1568, addressed
to the audiencia of Guatemala. According to this same author
the audiencia arrived on the 5th of January 1570. Juarros,
_Guat._, i. 260; ii. 50, gives June 28, 1568, and Jan. 25,
1569, as the dates of the decrees ordering the removal of the
audiencia, and in the dates of the appointment of Gonzalez
and the arrival of the audiencia at Santiago follows Remesal.

[XXI‑35] _Mem. Hist. Guat._, i. 169. See also _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 50; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 658 bis. The
oidores composing the audiencia were the licentiates, Jufre
de Loaisa, Valdés de Carcamo, and Cristóbal Asqueta. See last
two authorities cited.

[XXI‑36] _Carta_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 44-5.
Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 659, says that he was honorably
acquitted and returned to Spain, in which he is followed
by Juarros, _Guat._, i. 260. Escamilla, _Not. Cur._, MS.,
says Brizeño went to Santa Fe de Bogotá as president of that
audiencia.

[XXI‑37] By Remesal he is sometimes called Domingo de Ara.
Dávila says he constructed a vocabulary of the language of
Chiapas.

[XXI‑38] 1590, says _Fernandez_, _Hist. Ecles._, 114, but the
above date is confirmed by _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, 197;
_Concilios Prov._, i. 325, and _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 653.

[XXI‑39] According to Calle, _Mem. y Not._, 125, the bishopric
was established in 1556. Gonzalez Dávila, _Teatro Ecles._,
i. 171-2, says Angulo was appointed April 21, 1560, and died
at Zalamá, Vera Paz, while on his way to Guatemala to be
consecrated. Remesal says that he received his appointment
in Guatemala at the beginning of 1560; accepted it April
21st; went thence to Mexico; the following year was ordered
to his diocese to await the arrival of the bulls for his
consecration; and that in March or April 1562 died at Zalamá,
Vera Paz, while on the way to Guatemala. By royal decree of
September 1560, the audiencia was ordered to pay him the usual
500,000 maravedís, until he had sufficient tithes for his
support. I deem this author more reliable than the others as
he wrote earlier, was a Dominican, and had greater facilities
for obtaining information.

[XXI‑40] _Cabildo_, _Carta_, Jan. 26, 1564, in _Arévalo_,
_Col. Doc. Antig._, 38-9.

[XXI‑41] Fernandez, _Hist. Ecles._, 116, says Father Pedro
de la Peña followed Angulo, then Cárdenas, and that Father
Antonio de Ervias, Dominican, was bishop in 1570. _Calle_,
_Mem. y Not._, 125, places Peña second, and says that he was
removed to Peru in 1580; that Ervias ruled from 1583-90, and
that Cárdenas was appointed in 1595. Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa._,
702-4, names Hervias as the successor of Cárdenas, in 1583
or 1584, Castro next, and finally Rosillo. This was the
last bishop named, according to Remesal, who adds that while
in Guatemala, in 1614, he was told by Bishop Cabezas, that
the incorporation of the bishopric of Vera Paz with that of
Guatemala was then being discussed. The order of succession as
given by Remesal as far as Ervias, is confirmed by Mendieta,
_Hist. Ecles._, 548, a most reliable author, and a resident
of New Spain, where he wrote between the years 1575-96.

[XXI‑42] April 18, according to Juarros, _Guat._, i. 276, and
after a long illness according to Vazquez, _Chron. Gvat._,
149-50. See also _Quesada_, _Carta, Mayo 25, 1555_, in
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 5.

[XXI‑43] _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 149-50; _Gonzales Dávila_,
_Teatro Ecles._, i. 150; _Concilios Prov., 1555, 1565_, 285.

[XXI‑44] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 654; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
i. 276; _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 190.

[XXI‑45] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 587-600; _Vazquez_,
_Chron. Gvat._, 133-7; _Quesada_, _Carta, Mayo 25, 1555_, in
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 3-4.

[XXI‑46] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 532-7, 560-3; _Fernandez_,
_Hist. Ecles._, 142; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._,
110-11.

[XXI‑47] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 500, 520-3, 578-84,
596-601, 613-14, 626-7, 636-9, 642-7; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii.
98-9.

[XXI‑48] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 382-5; _Vazquez_, _Chron.
Gvat._, 144-9, 179, 223; _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 326.

[XXI‑49] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 386; _Relacion_, in
_Prov. del Sto Evangelio_, MS., 1; _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._,
129-37, 147, 182-4, 224-6; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 99-100,
106.

[XXI‑50] The neglect to punish the notorious abuses of the
clergy, 'having in his household certain women who were
neither his sisters nor his cousins; and receiving bribes
through his nephew and one of the women, who was young and
of doubtful reputation,' appear to have been the principal
charges. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 656.

[XXI‑51] In Aug. 1569, according to Juarros, _Guat._, i. 277;
in Santa Ana, San Salvador, according to Gonzalez Dávila,
_Teatro Ecles._, i. 153. See also _Cabildo_, _Carta_, July
9, 1567, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 41-2; _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 654-65; _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 194-200;
_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 276-8.

[XXI‑52] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 706; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
i. 277-8.

[XXI‑53] At Guatemala he presented himself before the
audiencia and demanded redress. A judge was sent to
investigate, and he reported abuses witnessed by Bishop
Gomez himself; an utter ignorance of the native speech, so
that they gladly confessed to any visiting priest, and the
absolute refusal of the natives to have el señor cura for
their guardian. _Vasquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 243.

[XXI‑54] Those of San Juan de Comalapa, San Francisco
de Tecpan Guatemala, La Assumpcion de Tecpanatitlan, San
Miguel de Totonicapan, and Espíritu Santo de Quezaltenango.
_Vasquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 261.

[XXI‑55] There were also six doctrinas belonging to the Merced
order, and 22 to the padres clérigos. _Mendieta_, _Hist.
Ecles._, 386.

[XXI‑56] The cabildo prayed the king for 200 strong
breast-plates, (petos); 500 helmets, (celedas ó morriones);
400 coats of mail, (cotas); 400 arquebuses, etc. Many would
be bought by citizens, and the rest remain in keeping of the
audiencia. Gunpowder could not be manufactured in Guatemala
for lack of saltpetre, etc., and they asked an annual grant
of twelve centals from Mexico. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
69-70.

[XXI‑57] 'The licenciado Rueda, late president of the
audiencia, is about to leave for Spain. He has exercised his
office with care and ensured good Christian government as
will be seen by the papers connected with the _vista_ on his
conduct now sent by Doctor Sandé.' _Santiago Cabildo_ (Feb.
16, 1595), in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 80. Contrast
this with _Juarros_, _Guat._, 261. 'President de la Rueda
was punished for having so badly treated the religious during
his government. He fell into a state of idiocy, rushing from
the house without clothes into the country, where he ate
grass like oxen, and remained in that state till he died.'
During Rueda's administration a bridge was built across the
Los Esclavos. It was 128 yards long, 18 in breadth, and had
eleven arches. At the point where it was constructed the river
was of great depth and communication was frequently cut off
between the capital and the eastern provinces by inundation.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, 239-41 (ed. Lond., 1823). _Conder's Mex.
and Guat._, 201.

[XXI‑58] That by which the appointment of 'fiel ejecutor' was
vested in the cabildo. The office was one of great profit and
its duties were discharged by each member in rotation. The
cabildo had enjoyed this privilege by royal license for many
years, its concession being granted by cédula of July 9, 1564,
and confirmed by one of April 21, 1587. _Juarros_, _Guat._,
129. (London ed. 1823.)

[XXI‑59] Sandé came to Mexico as alcalde of the audiencia. In
1575 he was appointed governor of the Philippine Islands and
held that position until 1580, after which he became an oidor
of Mexico. _Datos, Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 840-1.

[XXI‑60] The king's grant of one half of the first year's
tribute from the encomiendas becoming vacant during ten years,
was of great assistance in opening these ports. The president
sends a map of the port and of the country for more than 15
leagues about it. _Santiago Cabildo_, _Carta al Rey_ (April
20, 1591), in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 77-8.

[XXI‑61] As an instance of the dimensions to which this cacao
trade could grow it may be mentioned that 50,000 loads, worth
500,000 pesos, were raised within an area of two leagues
square in Salvador. _Palacio_, _Relacion_ in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 15.

[XXI‑62] Palacio mentions a heavy shock that occurred in 1576
by which houses were destroyed and several lives lost. In a
letter to the king he relates that he saw a large fragment
of a church façade which had been hurled to a considerable
distance. _Relacion_ in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
vi. 23-4, 59.

[XXI‑63] _Ponce_, _Rel. de Las Casas_ in _Col. Doc. Inéd._,
lviii. 140.

[XXII‑1] Cimarron, a Spanish word, primarily signifies 'wild'
as applied to plants, and 'untamed' as applied to animals;
hence the appropriateness of the epithet. The cimarrones
played a somewhat conspicuous part in the subsequent troubles
of the country, and are not to be confounded with a tribe of
Indians of similar name, the Simerones referred to in _Native
Races_, iii. 794 this series. The mistake is made, however, by
the author of _Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier_, 60, and also
by Bidwell, _Panamá_, 53. Garcilaso de Vega, _Hist. Peru_,
ii. 466, says the epithet had its origin in the Windward
Islands—'vocablo del language de las isles de Barlovento.'

[XXII‑2] García de Hermosillo was himself an eye-witness of
one of the many cimarron atrocities in 1554, when eight men
were killed including a son of one of the judges of the India
House at Seville. _Hermosillo_, _Memorial al Rey_, _Squier's
MSS._, xxi. 15.

[XXII‑3] Garcilaso de la Vega, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 466, calls
him Ballano.

[XXII‑4] Ursua was a native of a town of the same name
in Navarre. He went to New Granada with his uncle, the
licenciado, Michael Diaz de Armendariz. _Piedrahita_, _Hist.
Gen._, 530. Of his career subsequent to this war we learn
that he went to Lima whence, after various services, he was
sent in 1561 to explore some rich Brazilian forests in the
neighborhood of the rio Marañon, where he met his death at
the hands of his own countrymen.

[XXII‑5] As an illustration, a law of 1540, dealing with
offences and their punishment, states: 'Mandamuos, que en
ningun caso se ejecute en los negros cimarrones la pena
de cortarles las partes, que honestamente no se pueden
nombrar.' In towns and cities negroes were not allowed to
be out after dark; arms were not to be carried, and any one
lifting a weapon against a Spaniard, even though no wound
were inflicted, was liable to receive one hundred lashes and
to have a nail driven through the hand. For a second offence
the hand of the offender was cut off. Negresses were not
allowed to wear jewelry, pearls, or silk unless married to a
Spaniard. Free negroes were required to pay tribute according
to property. _Zamora_, _Bib. Leg. Ult._, iv. 461-7.

[XXII‑6] Under date July 31, 1561, the king wrote to the
audiencia on this subject, stating that his ambassador in
London had informed him that a Portuguese named Bartolomé
Bayon was fitting out a vessel for carrying African slaves to
the West Indies, and ordering his arrest. _Reales Cédulas_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 540-1.

[XXII‑7] Negroes and mulattoes were forbidden to go among
the Indians in 1578. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 501-2. In 1589 it was ordered
that no negro should employ an Indian or ill-use him in any
way. Infraction of this law was punishable with 100 lashes.
If the offence was repeated the culprit's ears were to be cut
off. In case of a free negro, the punishment was 100 lashes
and perpetual banishment. A reward of 10 pesos was paid to
informers, and masters neglecting to observe the law were
liable to a fine of 100 pesos. _Zamora_, _Bib. Leg. Ult._,
iv. 462.

[XXII‑8] _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xvii. 4-7.

[XXII‑9] In 1585 the number of ships was 71; in 1587, 85; in
1589, 94; in 1592, 72; in 1594, 56; in 1596, 69; in 1599, 56;
in 1601, 32; in 1603, 34; in 1605, 17. _Panamá_, _Des._, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 103.

[XXII‑10] On Aug. 4, 1574, the king writes the president and
oidores of the audiencia at Panamá, that he wants the people
of the province to make him a gift or loan, to meet his urgent
necessities. The audiencia, however, are to broach the subject
as though it emanated from themselves, not even hinting that
the king had solicited it. 'Tratareis dello como de vuestro
oficio, sin dar á entender que lo aceis por órden y mandado
Nuestro.' The influence of the bishop is to be called into
requisition if the people appear unwilling to do anything
before further communication from the king. _Reales Cédulas_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 510.

[XXII‑11] A Spanish trader in a letter dated August 28,
1590, says: 'Here I haue remained these 20 dayes, till the
shippes goe for the Philippinas. My meaning is to carie my
commodities thither: for it is constantly reported, that for
every hundred ducats a man shall get 600 ducats cleerely. Wee
must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmasse.
For in August, September, October, and Nouember it is winter
here, and extreme foule weather upon this coast of Peru, and
not nauigable to goe to the Philippinas, nor any place else
in the South sea. So that at Christmasse the shipes begin to
set on their voyage for those places.' _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii.
564.

[XXII‑12] A royal cédula of November 11, 1578, forbade the
carrying of Manila dry goods. This is confirmed by cédulas of
January 12, 1593, July 5, 1595, and February 13th and June
13, 1599. The object was to stop entirely all trade between
the Philippines and Tierra Firme. _Memorial sobre Manila_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 444. The cédula of
1593 is full and explicit: 'Toleration and abuse have caused
an undue increase in the trade between the West Indies and
China, and a consequent decrease in that of the Castilian
kingdom. To remedy this it is again ordered that neither from
Tierra Firme, Peru, nor elsewhere, except New Spain, shall
any vessel go to China or the Philippine Islands to trade.'
_Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
xvii. 420. See also _Decadas_, _Id._, viii. 114. Another
cédula to the same effect was issued July 25, 1609; the
license being still continued to New Spain at the instance
of the merchants of Seville whose interests were jeopardized.
The Portuguese had established factories in China, and though
selling their goods at higher rates than the Chinese, could
undersell the Spanish merchants who desired the landing of
Chinese products themselves, and to sell them in the colonies
at their own figures. _Gran. Manila_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 405-6.

[XXII‑13] At a meeting held by the treasury officials and the
city council of Panamá on January 29, 1600, it was resolved
that, as the importation and sale of Peruvian wine had been
forbidden in years past, an edict should be issued enforcing
this regulation, and appointing fines and penalties for those
who infringed it, or mixed such wine with that imported from
Spain. The reason alleged is the injurious quality of the
wine. This edict was also to be published at Lima, Trujillo,
Quito, and Guayaquil. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 216-18. At a subsequent
meeting, held April 12, 1600, the trade in Peruvian wine is
denounced on account of its being a source of loss to the
royal treasury. _Id._, xvii. 221.

[XXII‑14] The punishments for infraction of this law
were heavy fines and banishment; and in the case of negro
delinquents, bond or free, the fines were to be doubled,
and 200 lashes in addition to be inflicted in public on the
offender, whether male or female. Apothecaries were allowed to
keep on hand two pounds of this article and no more. _Recop.
Ind._, ii. 66.

[XXII‑15] The city council passed an ordinance that in
future merchants should not purchase certain articles in
larger quantities at a time than therein provided. Wine,
oil, ham, sugar, pease, beans, lard, Nicaragua molasses,
cheese, raisins, figs, and crockery, are among the commodities
specified. Purchasers were required to produce their wares
before a justice. The ordinance was referred to the audiencia
and was fully approved and ordered into execution Dec. 11,
1592. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xvii. 233-7.

[XXII‑16] 'Here is a great want ... of provision for here is
almost none to be had for any money, by reason that from Lima
there is no shipping come with maiz.... But I can certifie
your worshippe, that all things are very deeire here, and that
we stand in great extremitie for want of victuals.' Letter
from Panamá, August 12, 1590. _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 563.

[XXII‑17] On Feb. 18, 1595, the viceroy is ordered not to
interfere with the taking of provisions from the valleys of
Trujillo, and Saña to Panamá City, and to see that Panamá was
well provisioned. _Recop. de Indias_, ii. 64. A similar order
was issued Feb. 18, 1597. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 339-60.

[XXII‑18] See _Hist. Cent. Amer._, i. 377, 409-11, this
series.

[XXII‑19] 'Il peut le vendre à qui bon lui semble; mais pour
l'ordinaire il le cède à son maître pour un prix modique.'
_Raynal_, _Hist. Phil._, iv. 200.

[XXII‑20] He visited the islands in 1594, and found them
inhabited by Spaniards and negro slaves 'kept only to fish
for pearls.' _Harris' Col. Voy._, i. 746.

[XXII‑21] The expense actually exceeded the proceeds—'y
la pesqueria de las porlas, por ser más las costa que el
provecho.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iv. 81. In
prosperous days some 30 brigs were in engaged in the traffic.
_Id._, ix. 81.

[XXII‑22] _Ariza_, _Darien_, MS., 33.

[XXII‑23] _Dampier_, _Voy._, i. 158; _Ogilby's Am._, 235;
_Harris_, _Col. Voy._, i. 748. 'The city of Panamá received
annually some thousand pounds of gold.... There is greater
Plenty (gold) in the mines of Santa María—not far off—than
within the same Space in any other Part of New Spain, or
perhaps in the whole World. _Span. Emp._ in _Amer._, 210-13.
We have a glimpse of the working of the mines in a report of
the expenses in connection with some fifteen of them worked
for the king's benefit. At these were employed, in addition to
the overseer, the blacksmith and his assistant, one hundred
negroes, of whom seventy were freshly imported Africans, and
one third of the number were women.' The total expenditure
for the year was a little less than $20,000. The several items
of expense are given in _Veragua_, _Relac. de las Minas_, in
_Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxxi. 365-72.

[XXII‑24] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 418, 441, this series.

[XXII‑25] A single extract will show the partiality of this
report. 'Que del dicho Nombre de Dios al dicho de Panamá
van 18 leguas por tierra por un camino muy trabajoso de muy
grandes lodos y calores, y pasan un rio, y la primera jornada
112 veces ó mas en un dia.' _García Hermosillo, Mem._ in
_Extr. Sueltos_, xxi. 28-9.

[XXII‑26] Memorials were presented by the cabildo on Dec. 22,
1559, on May 17, 1561, and again on 26th of January 1562, when
they denounced Nombre de Dios as 'la Sepultura de Españoles.'
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 27-33.

[XXII‑27] This memorial is not dated, but Squier says it was
written in 1565. _Aniñon_, _Discurso_, in _Squier's MSS._, v.

[XXII‑28] _Pan. Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, iv. 108-9. Its original name was San Felipe de
Puertovelo. Purchas, _Pilgrimes_, v. 889, errs in giving 1584
as the date of removal.

[XXII‑29] Some physicians ascribed these diseases to the use
of Peruvian wine, notwithstanding the prohibitions already
mentioned. To a statement made by the councillor of the
corporation to the city council of Panamá a medical report
is appended which reads thus: 'Muchas calenturas ardientes
y podridas, muchos dolores de costado, cámaras de sangre,
romadizo y otras indisposiciones de calor y humedad, por ser
esta tierra mui caliente y húmeda por cuya razon hierve dentro
de las venas, y humedeciendo el cerebro causa vahidos, y las
dichas enfermedades arriba referidas, y granos, y virùelas, y
sarampion y ronchas. Fecho en Panamá en onze de Abril de mil
y seiscientos.' _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 219-22.

[XXII‑30] _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 531-2; confirmed by _Vazquez_, _Chron. de
Gvat._, 222-3, and _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix.
89-90. Juarros, _Guat._, states that it did not receive the
royal approbation until July 7, 1565. In the beginning of 1560
a royal cédula was issued, vesting the government of Tierra
Firme in the president of the audiencia residing in Panamá.
The people of Guatemala resisted the change as long as they
could, and other mandates were necessary to give full force to
this measure. See _Reales Ced._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xviii. 531-2, and _Decadas_, in _Id._, xiii.
36-38.

[XXII‑31] A special cédula, dated July 30, 1588, on the
appointment of García de Mendoza as viceroy, authorizes
him to take part in and preside over the sessions of the
audiencia, but not to interfere with matters relating to the
administration of justice. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xvii. 467. Other cédulas issued in 1614, 1620, and 1628
confirmed the one issued in 1571. The first of these three
orders also made the provinces of Charcas and Quito subject to
the viceroy of Peru. _Recop. de Ind._, ii. 109-10; _Zamora_,
_Bib. Leg. Ult._, iii. 357; _Montesclaros_, _Relacion_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 191.

[XXII‑32] The king mentions this fact, and instructs the
president of the audiencia to have a periodical examination
of the accounts of the treasury officers made by one of the
oidores. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 410.

[XXII‑33] The president of the audiencia stated to the king
that the family were destitute, and that the money could not
be recovered from them, whereupon his Majesty ordered its
collection from the sureties. This document is dated July 8,
1580. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 487-8.

[XXII‑34] In 1595 travellers without passports visited the
Isthmus in such numbers as to cause scarcity of provisions,
and often included men whose services were needed in the army.
The oidores were threatened with penalties unless there was
a reform in this matter. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 410.

[XXII‑35] _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. ix. As early as
1526 this matter received special notice from the emperor, and
many regulations were made in subsequent years, but apparently
to little purpose.

[XXII‑36] The Spanish minister in London remonstrated in
strong terms against Parker's conduct, but to no purpose.
Queen Elizabeth not only justified his action but warmly
commended him. _Darien_, _Scots Colony_, 56 (1699).

[XXII‑37] _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xvii. 395-7, 432-3, 490, 522-3.

[XXII‑38] See p. 49 this vol. for map of territory.

[XXIII‑1] In _Clark's Life of Drake_, 7, and _Burton's
English Heroe_, 11, it is stated that in an apartment of the
governor's house was a stack of silver bars 70 feet long,
10 in breadth, and 12 feet high, and that the captives gave
information that the treasure-house contained more gold,
jewels, and pearls than their pinnaces could carry; but one
must make due allowance for the vivid imagination of those
chroniclers.

[XXIII‑2] The account given in _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 778-9,
differs materially from that of other authorities. The story
is told by a Portuguese, one Lopez Vaz, whose narrative
the chronicles tells us 'was intercepted with the author
thereof at the river of Plate, by Captaine Withrington and
Captaine Christopher Lister, in the fleete set foorth by the
right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in
the yeere 1586.' He states that Drake landed with 150 men,
and stationing 70 of them in the fort near Nombre de Dios,
marched with the remainder into the town; that the inhabitants
fled to the mountains, but that a party of 14 or 15 Spanish
arquebusiers fired a volley upon the English, killing their
trumpeter and wounding Drake in the leg. Hereupon, he says,
the English retreated to the fort but found it abandoned;
sounding the trumpet after the firing had ceased and the
signal being unanswered, the men left in charge retreated to
their boats, thinking that their comrades were either slain or
captured. Drake and his followers then threw away their arms,
and by swimming and wading made their way to the pinnaces. It
is highly improbable that 80 English privateersmen, under the
command of such a captain as Drake, would thus tamely beat a
retreat before a handful of Spaniards.

[XXIII‑3] Islas y Porto de Bastimentos according to Juan
Lopez, son of Tomás Lopez de Vargas, the celebrated Spanish
cosmographer, in a map prepared by the former in 1789, for
the use of the Spanish ambassador in Great Britain. In the map
following the introduction to _Dampier's Voy._, published in
1699, the word is similarly spelled and applied to a group of
islands off Nombre de dios. Bellin, _Karte von der Erdenge_,
Panamá, 1754, agrees with Drake, but like Lopez places the
group about half way between Nombre de Dios and Portobello.
The author of _Life and Dangerous Voy. of Drake_, 16, speaks
of 'the Isle of Bastimiensis or the Isle of Victuals.' See
_Cartography Pacific States_, MS., and _Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
passim, this series.