Chapter XXXVII: Guatemala and Chiapas (6)

[IX‑23] 'Los que quedaron en la ciudad de Truxillo ...
sinificauan al Rey sus necessidades, suplicauante ... que no
la olvidasse, pues no era menos provechosa que las otras de
las Indias, por las muchas minas que en ella auia: y quanto
al sitio de la Ciudad dezian, que era muy sano, enxuto, y
ayroso, y de muy buenas aguas.... Dezian que no auia vezino
que no tuuiesse en su casa vn huerto con todas las frutas de
Castilla, que se auian podido auer, las quales se dauan muy
bien, como naranjos, cidras, limones agrios y dulces, granados
y higueras, de las quales a siete meses que se plãtan, se
cogia fruta: de melones y vbas, y otras tenian abundancia.'
_Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.

[IX‑24] Herrera says that affairs in the province were in
a sad plight, for Cereceda, 'cuya crueldad excedia a toda
humana prudencia,' had lost all control over his men. dec. vi.
lib. i. cap. viii. Montejo, who afterward became governor of
Honduras, also speaks in very disparaging terms of Cereceda.
'All the time he was in Zula and Naco he never moved two
leagues from his abode. Of the 27 or 28 towns in existence
when he reached the country he did not leave a single one. He
destroyed everything, even the cattle and mares. The people
he brought away in irons, leaving some towns without a single
inhabitant. He and his advisers, a priest named Juan Ávila
and a certain Juan Ruano, had laid waste the best portion of
Honduras.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 240-1.

[IX‑25] 'Quisiesse socorrer á los pobladores chripstianos, que
estaban en Honduras, en paçificar la tierra, é dar órden cómo
no se acabassen de perder los españoles que allí estaban.'
_Oviedo_, iii. 214.

[IX‑26] Oviedo, iii. 214, says that this occurred in 1533.
Célis himself states that Cereceda sent him to Guatemala
toward the end of 1535, or early in 1536. _Camino de Guat._,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 540-9; whereas
Herrera states that Célis went of his own accord. 'Estas cosas
llegaron a termino que el Tesorero como buen ministro sossegô
la gente, con prometer de yr a Guatemala á pedir socorro a
don Pedro de Aluarado.' dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[IX‑27] _Cava_, _Honduras_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xiv. 280 et seq., Célis subsequently put in a claim
for 800 castellanos, for the subsistence of his party, and for
horses employed during the exploration of a road to Guatemala.
On the 24th of October 1539 a judicial investigation was held
before the alcalde mayor, at Puerto de Caballos, to ascertain
whether the treasurer had, as he claimed, discovered a road
thence to Guatemala. Several witnesses were examined, and all
testified that Alonso Ortiz had discovered and travelled over
the road before Célis; that the latter when he passed on to
Guatemala was under no expense whatever, for his supplies were
furnished by others. _Célis_, _Camino_, in _Id._, xiv. 540-50.
In Guatemala he stopped at the house of the king's treasurer,
and was therefore under no expense. _Montejo_, in _Id._, ii.
241.

[IX‑28] There were present, Andrés de Cereceda, the alcalde
Alonso Ortiz, and the regidores Bernardo de Cabranes, Juan
Lopez de Gamboa, and Miguel García de Liñan. _Mendoza_,
_Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 301-4.

[IX‑29] _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xiv. 301-4. The foregoing is the account given
in Cereceda's official report to the viceroy of Mexico.
Herrera, however, gives quite a different version of the
matter. He states that the settlers, seeing that, after an
absence of four months, the treasurer Célis did not return or
send any message, agreed to abandon the place. Loading their
Indian servants with what little effects they had left, they
proceeded on their way, after tying Cereceda and two of his
friends to trees, because he forbade them to take away their
slaves on the ground that it was contrary to royal orders to
carry them from one province to another, although he himself
had done so and had allowed his friends the same privilege.
But after marching a few leagues they fell in with men coming
from Guatemala, whereupon they returned to the settlement and
made friends with the governor, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. In
a letter to Alvarado dated May 9, 1536, Cereceda says nothing
about being tied to a tree, although he complains of gross
ill-treatment at the hands of the colonists.

[IX‑30] It was intended to establish here a large settlement.
The city was founded on the 26th of June 1536. The various
officials were appointed, sworn, and inducted into office.
Sites for dwellings were assigned to the alcaldes, regidores,
and vecinos. The name of the town was not to be changed except
by the emperor's orders; and it was decreed that none should
reside elsewhere until the emperor's pleasure was known.
_Honduras_, _Fundacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xvi. 530-8.

[IX‑31] This settlement was distant from Comayagua 38 leagues
and from Guatemala 106 leagues. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 41;
_Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[IX‑32] _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 24-5,
29. In this letter he proposes to the king to conduct a large
expedition from Spain through the Straits of Magellan into
the South Sea, in which he believed there were many islands
and even some continents.

[X‑1] 'A quien se auia dado el oficio de contador, y
depuestole del de alcalde mayor, por las diferẽcias que traía
con Pedrarias.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv. Oviedo,
iv. 112, still speaks of him as 'alcalde mayor é contador'
when he takes charge of the government.

[X‑2] 'Que era de derecho, que quando dos personas que tenian
poderes del Rey, moria el vno, el que quedaua sucedia al
otro.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑3] Herrera and Oviedo both state that after the death of
Pedrarias 'quedó en el cargo de la gobernaçion el licenciado
Françisco de Castañeda,' whereas Andagoya, _Nar._, 39, says
that 'the Bishop Diego Alvarez Osorio succeeded Pedrarias as
governor, but died a short time after he had assumed office,
leaving Castañeda as his successor.' This is undoubtedly an
error. The editors of _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_,
710, give as the date of Osorio's death the year 1534, which
is also erroneous. His decease occurred in 1536. See _Las
Casas_, _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, vii. 127.

[X‑4] In a few days Castañeda had appropriated eight of them.
_Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑5] 'No podia dexar de auer fraude, pues los auia dado a
menosprecio, por contemplaciones, y por cõseguir sus fines.'
_Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑6] 'El qual se dió todo el recabdo quél pudo á
enriquesçerse; é púdolo bien hacer, pues no le quedó quien le
fuesse á la mano.' _Oviedo_, iv. 112.

[X‑7] Among those who left the province were Sebastian de
Benalcázar and Juan Fernandez, who joined Pizarro on the
Isthmus in March 1531. In their company went Francisco
Bobadilla, Juan de las Varillas, and Gerónimo Pontevedra,
friars of the order of Mercy, who figured in the conquest of
Guatemala and Nicaragua. _Navarro_, _Relacion_, in _Col. Doc.
Inéd._, xxvi. 238.

[X‑8] During the brief rule of Salcedo in Nicaragua, one
Maestro Rojas, a patron of the church, imprisoned the
ex-treasurer Castillo on a charge of heresy, but the former
held no jurisdiction in the case, and Rojas remained in
confinement until the arrival of Pedrarias, accompanied by
Fray Francisco de Bobadilla, who was vested with the requisite
authority by the bishop of Panamá. His power was transferred
to the bachiller Pedro Bravo, and from him to Pedrarias,
who tried the case, acquitted Castillo, and restored him to
office. _Squier's MSS._, iv.

[X‑9] _Hist. Chyapa_, 105. It appears that he was not a friar,
being spoken of as 'muy magnífico é muy reverendo señor D.
Diego Alvarez Osorio.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
vii. 116; see also _Alcedo_, iii. 322, who adds that he was
a native of America, though of what place is unknown; and
_Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 235; _Juarros_, _Hist.
Guat._, i. 49.

[X‑10] New tithes were to be levied on cocoa, honey, wax,
and flax, to provide for the salary of the bishop, which was
500,000 maravedís, and the limits of the new diocese were
to be determined 'y estavan bien servidas las iglesias.'
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 109.

[X‑11] For previous mention of Las Casas see _Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 277-9, 284, 309.

[X‑12] 'En tanto, desde que Rodrigo de Contreras fué á aquella
tierra estuvo exerçitando su offiçio, como buen gobernador, é
tuvo en paz é buena justiçia aquellas tierras é provinçias,
que por Su Majestad le fueron encomendadas, é procurando
la conversion é buen tractamiento de los indios para que
viniessen á conosçer á Dios.' _Oviedo_, iv. 113.

[X‑13] A provision was ratified by the emperor on the 20th of
April 1537, and contained also permission to make the conquest
of the islands in lakes Nicaragua and Managua. _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xxii. 515-34.

[X‑14] Before the flight of Castañeda Las Casas visited
Española whither he was summoned to negotiate a treaty with
the powerful chief Enrique. He returned once more to Realejo,
and soon afterward attempted a second voyage to Peru, but was
driven back to port by stress of weather.

[X‑15] See the lengthy deposition taken in Leon by request of
the governor before Bishop Osorio, and concluded after the
prelate's death, before the lieutenant-governor and alcalde
mayor licenciado Gregorio de Zeballos and the notary Martin
Mimbreño. Many witnesses here testify to the persistent
opposition of Las Casas, who was requested to accompany the
expedition, but refused, though he offered to go in command
of 50 soldiers, to explore and make a peaceful conquest of
the territory in question. _Las Casas_, _Informacion_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 116-46.

[X‑16] 'El Gouernador recibia informaciones, para prouar que
el padre escandalizaua la gente, y alteraua la Prouincia.'
_Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[X‑17] Notwithstanding the controversy with Las Casas, the
people of Leon, and even Contreras himself, were unwilling
to see their convent deserted. In the depositions already
mentioned witnesses testify on the 23d of August 1536 that
'dos meses, poco mas ó menos tiempo, que fue antes que los
dichos frailes dominicos se fuesen del monasterio de Sant
Francisco desta cibdad.' Las Casas and his companions were
asked to remain by the regidores 'e otras muchas personas
desta cibdad,' who made their request on behalf of the
governor. They refused, however, and departed the same day.
_Las Casas_, _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, vii. 116-46. It is evident that this event occurred
about the month of June 1536. Remesal, who is not generally
over-exact in dates, says that Las Casas arrived in Guatemala
'casi al fin del año de treynta y cinco.' _Hist. Chyapa_, 111.
Why Helps, in his _Life of Las Casas_, 185, without venturing
to give a correct date himself, should boldly assert 'Herrera
makes him go to Spain, and though he gives a wrong date (1536)
for this, yet the main statement may be true,' I am at a loss
to explain.

[X‑18] 'En medio dessa laguna ó metal saltan ó revientan
dos borbollones ó manaderos muy grandes de aquel metal
continuamente, sin ningun punto cessar, é siempre está el
metal ó licor allí colorado é descubierto, sin escorias.'
On one occasion the lava rose to the top, creating such
intense heat that within a league or more of the volcano all
vegetation was destroyed. _Oviedo_, iv. 81-2.

[X‑19] Oviedo was of the opinion that she must have been the
devil; but whether the consort of his Satanic Majesty or the
devil himself in female form he does not say. 'É segund en
sus pinturas usan pintar al diablo, ques tan feo é tan lleno
de colas é cuernos é bocas é otras visages, como nuestros
pintores lo suelen pintar á los piés del arcángel Sanct Miguel
ó del apóstol Sanct Bartolomé.' _Oviedo_, iv. 75.

[X‑20] 'É que antes ó despues un dia ó dos que aquesto se
hiçiesse, echaban allí en sacrifiçio un hombre ó dos ó más é
algunas mugeres é muchachos é muchachas; é aquellos que assi
sacrificaban, yban de grado á tal suplicio.' _Oviedo_, iv. 74.

[X‑21] 'Callad, padre: que por ventura Dios no quiere que
lo descubran capitanes ni personas ricas, sino pobres é
humillados.' _Oviedo_, iv. 77.

[X‑22] 'É porque faltaba un cabrestante é no lo mandaban
haçer por no ser descubiertos, el frayle lo hiço por su mano
en el lugar ques dicho que estaban todos los otros aparejos.'
_Oviedo_, iv. 78.

[X‑23] Two unsuccessful attempts were made before this
date, and some of the friar's associates, terrified by their
first glimpse of the burning lake, abandoned the enterprise.
_Oviedo_, iv. 78.

[X‑24] In 1529, during his residence in Nicaragua, Oviedo was
the guest of Machuca, and speaks favorably of his conduct. In
company with his host and the cacique Lenderi the chronicler
explored a volcano, near the Masaya, in the crater of which
was a warm-water lake, at about the same level as the lava
which excited the cupidity of Fray Blas. The descent was
difficult, but Indian women managed to pass up and down in
obtaining water. With regard to the depth of the lake Oviedo
remarks: 'Este lago, á mi paresçer (é assi lo juzgan otros)
está en el pesso é hondura que está el fuego que dixe en el
poço del monte de Massaya ... no le hallan suelo por su mucha
hondura.' Machuca, assisted by his friends, furnished the
funds needed for exploring the Desaguadero.

[X‑25] The principal rapids in the stream still bear the name
of Machuca. _Squier's Nicaragua_ (ed. 1856), i. 82.

[X‑26] Mention is made of this expedition by Estrada Rávago,
whose narrative of the affairs of the province, written in
1572, appears in _Squier's MSS._, xiii. 4.

[X‑27] According to Oviedo, Garavito must have made friends
with Contreras, for speaking of the former he says that one
day, while engaged in a game of 'cañas' in the city of Leon,
he suddenly fell dead from his horse. He was one of those
who took part in the enterprise which cost Vasco Nuñez de
Balboa his life, and betrayed him to Pedrarias, for which
act of treachery his own life was spared. _Oviedo_, iv. 58-9.
According to Rávago, Garavito's men, after the death of their
commander, sailed for Peru on their own responsibility.

[X‑28] He held office for eleven years as treasurer, and
during all that time it is said that he put nothing into the
treasury. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 144, 149. It may be remarked,
on the other hand, that the affairs of the province were in
such a condition that little or no revenue could be collected.
There is no evidence that Rios was related to his namesake,
the former governor of Castilla del Oro.

[X‑29] It is somewhat remarkable that the dean of a church
could imprison a royal treasurer, but such is the fact. 'Le
vino a prender ... pidió favor a la Ciudad de Granada donde
el estava (Rios), lo prendió i metió en el monasterio de la
Merced por ser casa de piedra.' ... _Squier's MSS._, xxii.
144.

[X‑30] On May 20, 1545, he wrote from his prison to the
emperor: 'Dos años que estoi preso, i mis bienes sin cuenta
en manos de mis adversarios. Ha 6 meses que me pusieron en
esta carcel arzobispal,' and asked to be tried at once, and
punished or acquitted as the case might be. _Squier's MSS._,
xxii. 148.

[X‑31] It is probable that Rios continued to govern until the
return of Contreras. Soon after the events just described
he lost his life, probably during some expedition into the
interior, as nothing is said of him until July 15, 1545, when
bishop Valdivieso in one of his letters to the king, says: 'I
asi han muerto Po. de los Rios, Luis de Guevara, i otros de menos
cuenta.' In a subsequent report this prelate again refers to 'al
difto. Teso. Po. de los Rios,' stating that the tithes collected,
and still due by him at his death, had not been recovered.
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 109-10.

[X‑32] One Pedro García, in a communication to the
emperor, dated Leon, January 10, 1545, complains that
'la ra de Contreras, Rios i su teniente Luis de Guevara
hecha por el Lic. Herrera, ha sido sepultada i sin
fruto.' _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 145; and when certain
malecontents afterward demanded that Herrera be sent back
to Leon to finish his investigation, the answer came from
the audiencia 'que no habia lugar quel dicho Licenciado
volviese á esta tierra.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, vii. 571.

[X‑33] _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 235. Valdivieso was a
native of Villahermosa, and the son of Antonio de Valdivieso
and Catalina Álvarez Calvento. He became a Dominican in the
convent of San Pablo, Búrgos, of which he was an inmate when
the emperor called him to the bishopric of Nicaragua. _Datos
Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 857, and _Col. Doc. Inéd._,
i. 117; _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vi., states
that he was made bishop 'por muerte del obispo Mendauia,'
referring to dean Mendavia, but Rios would not have dared to
send him a prisoner to Spain had he been a bishop. To whom
Valdivieso refers when, while speaking of himself as being
the second bishop concentrated in Nicaragua, he remarks: 'Fue
el lo. antecesor que murió a 40 dias que llegó a la tierra,'
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 125, it is impossible to determine.
The first bishop, Osorio, was appointed in 1531, and died in
1536. That another prelate was chosen before Valdivieso is
nowhere recorded. It is probable, however, that he alludes to
Fray Juan de Arteaga, bishop elect for Chiapas, who, when Las
Casas first refused that appointment, left Spain on February
15, 1541, and died at Puebla the same year, soon after his
arrival. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 202.

[X‑34] 'Inquisicion no se ha de mentar en esta tierra, i
en entrando en ella me embiaron a decir que si entendia en
cosa de Inquisicion o lo pensava, me darian de puñaladas.'
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 146. On another occasion, when
President Maldonado and the oidor Ramirez were at Granada
preparing an expedition to Peru, the bishop refused to
officiate in church because a person was present whom he had
excommunicated. Hereupon Ramirez used insulting language,
causing him to retire from the church. Valdivieso's conduct
caused such ill-feeling that a mob afterward assembled in the
street and threatened to hang him.

[X‑35] The following quotation is from a report of the
audiencia at Gracias á Dios, dated December 30, 1545. 'Los
Dominicos de Nicaragua tenian un pueblo que se les mando
quitar por las Ordenanzas. Representaronnos que sin el no
podrian estar, i porque no se ausentasen se lo dejamos. Tendrá
el pueblo 20 Indios.' _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 131.

[X‑36] 'Y el Fiscal auia puesto acusacion contra Rodrigo de
Contreras, porque siendo gouernador de aquella provincia,
salio diuersas vezes de su Gouernacion con gente de pie y de
cauallo, y fue a la parte de Costa rica, y al desaguadero, y
otras tierras comarcanas, adonde hizo grandes excessos, assi
contra Castellanos, como contra Indios.' _Herrera_, dec. vii.
lib. vi. cap. vi.

[X‑37] Dated at Gracias á Dios, December 24, 1545. _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 126.

[X‑38] Herrera was actuated merely by selfish motives. He
desired for himself the office of ruler, and it was fortunate
for the province that he did not obtain it; for when in 1548
his residencia was taken by the licentiate Cerrato he was
proved to have been the most rapacious of all his colleagues.

[X‑39] Report, dated Granada, April 23, 1547. _Squier's MSS._,
xxii. 46.

[X‑40] The laws were published in Nicaragua in 1545.

[X‑41] This report was dated Leon, February 10, 1548. The
principal accusations contained therein are mere repetitions
of those already mentioned. See _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 98-100.

[X‑42] He probably remained in Spain till 1554, as nothing
further is recorded of him until that year, when we hear
of him as serving in Peru. He finally appears in the act of
swearing allegiance to Philip II. in Lima on the 25th of July
1557. _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 742.

[X‑43] This convent was subsequently occupied by Dominicans,
as the Flemish friars abandoned it in 1531, travelling in
company with Fray Marcos de Niza to Costa Rica, Peru, Tierra
Firme, Española, and Mexico. _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 21-2.
Juan de Gandabo, a Franciscan friar, and one of the first that
came to Nicaragua, was still in Granada in 1536, where he
labored in company with Fray Francisco de Aragon. The place
and date of his death are unknown. _Notas, Datos Biog._, in
_Cartas de Indias_, 762.

[X‑44] _Gonzalez Dávila_, in _Teatro Ecles._, i. 233.

[X‑45] In the province of Oxomorio Bobadilla baptized 85;
in Diria, 5,018; in Mombacho, 3,241; in Masaya, 937; in
Malapalte, 154; in Marinalte, 409; in Lenderi, 2,917; in
Managua, 1,116; in Matiari, 421; in Mavitiatomo, 75; in
Nagrando, Ariat, Mabitra, and Mahometombo, 585; in Maribio,
6,346; in Zecoteaga, 2,169. 'É assi paresceme á mí que para
esta creencia desta gente nuevamente allegada á la iglesia,
que es más menester de baptiçarlos é dexarlos, pues que sin
creer, como lo dice la mesma verdad evangélica, no se pueden
salvar, sino condenar.' _Oviedo_, iv. 59-60.

[X‑46] During their journey they discovered a river which they
named Nuestra Señora. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
iii. 511-13.

[X‑47] The time of their arrival is given as 1550.
_Bienvenida_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série
i. tom. x. 308.

[X‑48] Named Tabizgalpa by Arias Gonzalo Dávila, who
accompanied the expedition.

[X‑49] In this chapter there have been consulted various
documents in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, i. 556,
563; iii. 84-8, 511-13; vii. 116-46; _Cartas de Indias_, 710,
762, 775; _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 36, 742, 857;
_Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxvi. 238; xlix. 21-3; l. 116; _Squier's
MSS._, xiii. 3, 4; xxii. 34-149; _Oviedo_, iii. 176-9; iv.
76-92, 112-15; _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. ix.; lib.
ix. cap. xv.; lib. x. cap. v.; dec. v. lib. vii. cap. ii.;
dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.; dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. v.; dec.
viii. lib. i. cap. ix.; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 105-7,
193-9, 203-6; _Andagoya_, _Nar._, 39; _Vega_, _Hist. Descub.
Am._, ii. 244-6; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 234-5;
_Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 345; _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._,
252; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 49; _Morelli_, _Fasti Novi Orbis_,
112; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 105; _Pelaez_, _Mem.
Guat._, i. 135; _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, iii. 347;
_Kerr's Col. Voy._, v. 175; _Levy's Nic._, 67-73; _Squier's
States Cent. Am._, i. 82.

[XI‑1] It is claimed by some chroniclers that, in the time
of Columbus, this portion of the mainland was already known
by the name of Costa Rica on account of the fine specimens
of gold discovered, principally in the Talamanca district,
where it abounded in streams and was obtained with little
labor. _Molina_, _Bosquejo Costa R._, 79; this author follows
Navarrete. See also _Bejarano_, _Informe_, MS. Morel de Sta.
Cruz, _Visita Apost._, MS., 14, on the other hand attributes
the name to the rich pearl-fisheries which were found on
the coast and to the quality of the fruits, woods, and other
products of the territory.

[XI‑2] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 484-5, this series.

[XI‑3] I am inclined to believe that the original founders of
Cartago were settlers from the colony established by Francisco
Hernandez de Córdoba at Brusélas, on the gulf of Nicoya in
1524, and abandoned three years later by order of Salcedo (see
_Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 512, this series); more particularly
as its first site was known to have been close to the harbor
of Caldera, and therefore not far from the landing-place of
Córdoba. It was next removed to a spot near the Rio Taras,
and thence to its present location. It is even claimed by
some that Cartago was the first city established in what was
formerly called the kingdom of Guatemala. Juarros makes this
statement, basing his assertion on a report made in 1744 by
José de Mier y Ceballos to the engineer Luis Diez Navarro.
Referring to the same document he continues: 'It appears by an
edict preserved among the records, that the first governor and
captain general of Costa Rica was Diego de Astieda Chirinos.'
_Hist. Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 75, 341-2. These statements
are repeated in _Mosquito_, _Doc._, 27, where the governor
is called Ostiega. See also _Salv._, _Diar. Ofic._, 30 Mar.
1876, 168. Molina, the modern historian of Costa Rica, follows
Juarros and goes even further when he says: 'Mais il est
probable que sa fondation eut lieu pendant le quatrième voyage
de Colomb, en 1502 ... en 1522, Cartago, l'ancienne capitale
espagnole de la province, était une ville d'assez d'importance
pour demander qu'on voulût bien y fixer la résidence d'un
gouverneur avec son secrétaire. Diego de Astieda Chirinos
paraît avoir été son premier gouverneur.' ... _Coup d'Oeil
de Costa R._ (ed. Paris, 1849), 4. That the above authors are
in error is proved by the fact that Diego de Artiega Cherino
(as his name should properly be written) was not appointed
governor and captain general of Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and
Nicoya till 51 years later, namely, in 1575. _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 559-65. Molina, in a subsequent
work, also inclines to the belief that Cartago was founded by
those who abandoned the earlier settlements, and corrects his
former statement in regard to Columbus, merely saying: 'El
immortal Colon mismo en su cuarto viaje en el año de 1502,
tocó en varios puntos de su costa en el Atlántico.' _Bosquejo
Costa R._, 10. It is singular that Molina, in his treatise on
the boundary question between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, should
not have referred to the document mentioned by Juarros, and
that he should have failed to use it in his _Mem. Costa R.
and Nic._ In _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xvii., the
date of the founding of Cartago is even removed to the time
of Gutierrez, which may be correct, inasmuch as he first gave
to the province the name of Nueva Cartago.

[XI‑4] The first boundaries appointed for the province are
those mentioned in the charter granted to Gutierrez, dated
Madrid, November 29, 1540, wherein they are described as
'extending from sea to sea, and from the frontier of Veragua,
running to the westward to the great river (Rio Grande),
provided that the coast adjoining said river on the side of
Honduras should remain under the government of Honduras, with
power to Gutierrez to conquer and settle any island in said
river which should not be previously located by Spaniards; and
the right to the navigation, fisheries, and other advantages
of said river; and provided that he (Gutierrez) should not
approach to within 15 leagues of the Lake of Nicaragua,
because this territory of 15 leagues being reserved, as
well as said lake, were to remain in the possession of the
government of Nicaragua; but the navigation and fisheries
both in that part of the river granted to Gutierrez and in
the 15 leagues reserved, and in the lake, should be possessed
in common, conjointly with the inhabitants of Nicaragua.'
_Molina_, _Costa R. and Nic._, 7. The author claims to possess
a certified copy of unpublished documents stored in the
archives of Spain, in which he states the conditions of the
charter granted to Gutierrez. See also _Oviedo_, iii. 179,
and _Levy's Nic._, 67-73.

[XI‑5] It is stated by some chroniclers that Contreras
promised to furnish men and provisions on condition that he
be allowed a share of the spoils.

[XI‑6] 'A queste parole, rispose Diego Gottieres, che
l'Imperatore gli haueua dato quella Gouernatione perche
la populasse, e non perche la rubasse, e se à gli altri la
fortuna era stata contraria, che haueua speranza in Dio che
à lui gli saria propitia, e che in modo alcuno no voleua
lasciare la impresa, né manco voleua compagnia alcuna.'
_Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 83.

[XI‑7] Spelled also Suere. _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 85.

[XI‑8] 'E despues que allí estuvo un año ó más, porque
faltaron los bastimentos, se le amotinó la gente é se le
tornaron á Nicaragua; é este gobernador se quedó con seys
hombres solos.... Pero aunque este gobernador estaba solo é
con tan pocos chripstianos ... no dexaban los indios naturales
de les dar de comer é oro, sin haçer mal ni daño á ninguno de
los nuestros.' _Oviedo_, iii. 180.

[XI‑9] 'E cosi fece vintisette soldati, e trouandomi io in
questa Città volsi esser vno di que gli, ancora ch'io fussi
ripreso da vno Spagnuolo antiano, ilquale era andato nella
prouincia di Cartagena, e santa Marta, e altri luoghi, per
ispatio di quindici anni, dicendomi, che in modo alcuno, mi
lasciassi vincere di andare à tale impresa, e che non volesse
dar credito alcuno alle parole del Capitano. _Benzoni_, _Mondo
Nvovo_, 84-5.

[XI‑10] Oviedo names the two caciques Cama and Coco: 'E cada
dia traian oro al gobernador, el qual, como hombre de ninguna
espiriençia, prendió á uno de aquellos caçiques, que estaban
de paz, que se deçia el Cama (el qual era muy rico), porque
no le daba tanto oro como este gobernador le pedia.' iii. 180.

[XI‑11] 'Ia Gottierez dreigde Camachiren te verbranden; hoewel
nu bereeds verscheiden stukken gouds, met allerlei beesten,
tijgers, visschen, vogelen konstig geboetseert, die de prijs
van twee tonnen gouds ophaelden, door de selve begiftigt was.
Sulk een schenkaedje scheen te gering. Hy bragt den gevangene
by een kist: en swoer, hy soude hem langsaem braeden, ten zy
binnen vier dagen ses mael meer goud verschafte als de kist
laeden konde.' _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 87.

[XI‑12] 'Et cosi partissimo, e à pena che fussimo saliti
dalle case, io indiuinai quello c'haueua da essere di noi
altri, dicendo à vno Spagnuolo, noi andiamo alla beccheria;
e rispondendomi lui queste parole disse. Tu sei vno di
quegli, che gli vogliamo far guadagnare vn Prencipato al suo
dispetto.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 89.

[XI‑13] This degradation so affected Cocori that he shed tears
and promised, if he were liberated, to bring the governor a
quantity of gold. 'Et essendo poi tutti noi altri in punto
per marciare, e vedendo il Cacique come il Gouernatore per
dispregio lo voleua menare con lui carico, e con altri suoi
Indiani, con parte delle sue bagaglie; si attristò in tal
maniera, che si messe à piangere, come vn putto; e gli disse,
che se voleua dargli libertà, che in termine di quattro
giorni, gli darebbe vna buona somma d'oro.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo
Nvovo_, 89. But his promise availed him nothing.

[XI‑14] Benzoni relates that being unable to eat his portion
of dog-meat which was full of worms, he went to the governor
and demanded food. Diego told him to go and eat of the
roots of trees, whereupon a Spaniard who was standing near
exclaimed, 'Sir governor, since you will not share the good
and the bad with us, go and make war by yourself.' A piece
of cheese weighing three pounds was then divided among the
men, who were thus pacified for that night. The chronicler
was on sentry during the early morning-watch, and hearing
the governor give orders to his cook to boil a piece of pork
for his breakfast paced to and fro near the fire till every
one was asleep, when, sharpening a piece of wood to a point,
he speared the pork and secured the prize in his knapsack,
'feeling better pleased,' he tells us, 'than if he had secured
a treasure.' _Hist. New World_, in _Hakluyt_, _Divers Voy._,
132.

[XI‑15] The Rio Grande.

[XI‑16] 'Et hauendo combattuto dall' vna parte, e dall'
altra per ispatio di mezo quarto d'hora, e hauendo noi altri
ammazzato, e ferito molti Indiani, e alla fine fattogli
voltare le spalle.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 91.
Montanus states that the entire battle lasted half an hour.
'Na een half uur vechten, deinsden d'aenvallers; doch, met
versche benden gestijft, hervatten den torn: braeken tuschen
de Spaensche slag-orde in: sloegen met palm-houte swaerden
en knodsen harsenen en beenen te pletteren.' _Die Nieuwe
Weereld_, 88.

[XI‑17] Oviedo says the governor was sick with gout at the
time. 'Y el gobernador en essa saçon mandaba mal su persona,
porque andaba tullido de gota é quatro negros le traian echado
en una hamaca, lo qual le debiera bastar para ser mas paçiente
con los indios.' His statements differ materially from those
of Benzoni. He relates that the Spaniards were surprised in
their camp and that Gutierrez and 72 of his men were slain,
seven only making their escape, but it is not probable that
he had so large a force under his command. iii. 181. Rávago,
in _Squier's MSS._, xiii. 3, says that only 44 or 45 days
elapsed between the landing of Gutierrez and his death, but
his report concerning the early history of the province is
somewhat vague and unreliable.

[XI‑18] There is little doubt that Benzoni's narrative of the
expedition of Gutierrez is somewhat colored in consequence
of a rupture between himself and the governor. 'The first day
that we entered the port,' he says, 'the governor graciously
placed me at his table, and took pleasure in conversing with
me. The greater part of his conversation was about gold and
silver, and the wars, and the cruelties inflicted on wretched
Italy, and especially on Milan. But when he perceived that
such subjects were disagreeable to me, he took a dislike to me
and never would bear the sight of me after.' It is, however,
the only complete record of that event, and I can but give his
version of it. Oviedo's information as to the early history
of Costa Rica is taken from Juan de Espinosa, who accompanied
Alonso de Pisa to Cartago in one of his return voyages. iii.
184. He was well acquainted with Gutierrez, and thus tries to
palliate his faults: 'Desalmados ó pláticos que por acá han
andado, que á los noviçios ó nuevamente venidos á gobernar los
enseñen á robar;' and in consequence thereof 'por enriquesçer,
presto vuelven la hoja, é trocado el intento con que partieron
de España, si bueno era, ó afirmado en el cauteloso que en su
pecho estaba callado, en poco tiempo manifiestan las obras el
contrario de las palabras.' iii. 178.

Other authorities quoted in this chapter are _Herrera_, dec.
vii. lib. iv. cap. xvii.; _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, lib. ii.
83-92; _Bejarano_, _Informe_; _Haya_, _Informe_; _Squier's
MSS._, xiii. 1-3; _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. London, 1823),
73-6, 341-5; _Molina_, _Coup d'Oeil de Costa R._, 4; _Molina_,
_Bosquejo Costa R._, 10, 83-92; _Molina_, _Costa R. and Nic._,
6-8, 36-8; _Mosquito Doc. 27_, in 77-229; _Morel de Sta Cruz_,
_Visita Apost._, MS., 14; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 111, 112;
_Salv._, _Diar. Ofic. 30 Mar. 1876_, 618.

The time of Diego Gutierrez' fight with the Indians and
death, as given by Oviedo, is contradicted in an official
manuscript extant that places it in December 1544. It is the
investigation made in Leon, Nicaragua, on the 25th of June,
1545, and the writer assures us he has an authenticated copy
of it. Peralta's autograph note in _Peralta_, _Rio San Juan_,
9.

[XII‑1] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 13. The law was
soon modified by decrees of Feb. 12, 1538, and of June
29 and November 8, 1539, by which prelates and governors
were directed to induce all eligible unmarried men holding
encomiendas to marry within three years. This, however, was
to be accomplished by persuasive means, or by distinguishing
in favor of the married men in the distribution of Indians,
and not by coercive measures, _Recop. de Indias_, ii. 271-2.

[XII‑2] 'Y otros que aunque haya mugeres en la tierra, y ellos
estén en edad que todavia se sufra casarse, no las querrán por
las enfermedades contagiosas que de la tierra se han pegado.'
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 14.

[XII‑3] _Commentarios Reales_, ii. 58.

[XII‑4] _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 158-9; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 235; _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x.

[XII‑5] 'Y que asimismo descubriese, por la costa de esta
Nueva España que llaman de la mar del Sur á la parte del
norte, con dos navios.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
iii. 507. See also _Oviedo_, iv. 23.

[XII‑6] _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 158-9.

[XII‑7] No greater proof could exist of the high favor in
which Alvarado stood at court than the arrangement of this
second marriage. The lady being the sister of his former
wife, a special dispensation of the pope was required to
legalize the marriage; and through the influence of Cobos
and the power of the emperor a bull was granted. Such an
authorization was rarely obtained. _Oviedo_, iii. 214-15;
_Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 179;
_Gavarrete_, _Copias de Doc._, MS., 43-4; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Ind._, 269; _Torquemada_, i. 323. Remesal, who is in error as
to the date of this marriage, has this remark respecting the
dispensation. 'Licencia que se dà raras vezes.... Y entonces
parecio mayor liberalidad del Sumo Pontifice, por auer sido
el primer matrimonio consumado.' _Hist. Chyapa_, 17. See also
_Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 155.

[XII‑8] _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
179; _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. ii. cap. x. Oviedo says Alvarado
brought 400 men; that he touched at Española and took in
supplies, staying there 17 days and leaving on March 12th.
iii. 214-15. In _Datos Biog._ the number of men is given as
250, including hijosdalgo and men-at-arms. The cargo included
300 arquebuses, 400 pikes, 200 ballestas, much artillery, and
rich merchandise, valued at over 30,000 ducats. _Cartas de
Indias_, 709. The date of his arrival is obtained from his own
letter to the cabildo of Santiago above quoted. Remesal states
that there existed in the archives of San Salvador a letter of
exactly the same tenor, but dated April 3d, and as he quotes
the commencement, which is the same as that of the letter
preserved by Arévalo, it was either a duplicate, or Remesal
commits one of his careless errors. Gavarrete, in _Copias de
Doc._, MS., 43-4, gives the date as the 1st of April.

[XII‑9] Here, as will be hereafter related, Montejo
surrendered to Alvarado his claim to the provinces of Honduras
and Higueras.

[XII‑10] While at Santo Domingo on his return voyage Alvarado
told Oviedo that he had on the coast of the South Sea seven
or eight ships built for his proposed voyage to China and to
the Spice and Molucca Islands. _Oviedo_, iii. 215.

[XII‑11] His expenses were enormous. Bernal Diaz says, 'fueron
tantos los gastos que hizo que no le bastó la riqueza que
traxo del Piru, ni el oro que le sacavan de las minas ...
ni los tributos de sus pueblos, ni lo que le presentaron sus
deudos y amigos, y lo que tomó fiado de mercaderes.' _Hist.
Verdad._, 235. His will, in which he made Bishop Marroquin
his executor, shows that he had numerous creditors, who had
furnished ships, provisions, supplies, and money. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 185-6. Vazquez says the cost was over 200,000
pesos de oro.

[XII‑12] _Niza_, _Descub._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, iii. 325 et seq.

[XII‑13] The claimants to this presumed right besides Alvarado
were Viceroy Mendoza, Cortés, Nuño de Guzman, Hernando de
Soto, and the city of Compostela in Nueva Galicia. _Id._, xv.
300 et seq. For further particulars, see _Hist. Mex._, vol.
ii., this series.

[XII‑14] Mendoza states that he fitted out as best he could 12
ships. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii.
507; Herrera, 12 deep-sea vessels, including one of 13 and
one of 20 benches of oars. Beaumont, 12 ships. _Crón. Mich._,
ii. 252; Tello, _Hist. N. Gal._, 382, a fleet of ships; Bernal
Diaz, 13 good sized ships, including a galley and a patache.
_Hist. Verdad._, 235; Vazquez, 13 ships. _Chronica de Gvat._,
159; Remesal, 10 or 12 large ships, a galley, and fustas with
oars. _Hist. Chyapa_, 161; so also, Gomara, _Hist. Ind._,
268-9, and Torquemada, i. 323; Oviedo states that there were
13 ships, including large and small; 3 galleons over 200 tons
each, a fine galley and two fustas; the other ships being of
100 tons burden and over, iv. 19, 20, 23; Juarros, 12 deep-sea
vessels and 2 smaller ones. _Gvat._, i. 255, and Benzoni,
_Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 154, 10 vessels and 4 brigantines. Bernal
Diaz asserts that the fleet was fitted out in Acajutla, and
Tello at Realejo. Lastly Oviedo represents Alvarado as sailing
from Iztapa, when 8 ships were built, to Acajutla. There is
even more discrepancy with regard to the number of his men.
Viceroy Mendoza states that the force consisted of 400 men
and 60 horses. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, iii. 507; Oviedo of 1,000 men, some of whom he brought
from Spain, and others had seen service in the Indies; Herrera
that there were more than 800 soldiers and 50 horses; Bernal
Diaz, 650 soldiers besides officers, and many horses; Tello,
300 Spaniards; Beaumont, 800, and 150 horses, and Benzoni,
700 soldiers.

[XII‑15] Herrera states that Alvarado despatched his
expedition to the coast of Jalisco, there to wait for him, and
went overland to Mexico, and Oviedo, iv. 26, also entertains
this view; but Mendoza and Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, 268-9,
distinctly states that he sailed with his fleet, and the
former's testimony is conclusive. Oviedo gives the additional
information that Alvarado sent a messenger to the emperor with
an account of his expedition and drawings of his fleet. Oviedo
had an interview with the messenger and saw the drawings.
Vazquez wrongly asserts that on his voyage the adelantado
discovered Acajutla. _Chronica de Gvat._, 159. He had already
done so as early as 1524. See _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 670, this
series. Bernal Diaz wrongly gives 1538 as the date of his
sailing. _Hist. Verdad._, 236. The time of his departure was
about the middle of 1540, for on the 19th of May of that year
the cabildo requested him when on the point of departing with
his fleets to take with him the imprisoned princes Sinacam
and Sequechul. _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 30.

[XII‑16] In _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii.
351-62, is a copy of the agreement between Alvarado and
the viceroy. Oviedo gives the copy of a letter addressed by
Mendoza to himself, in which the viceroy states that the king,
in his contract with Alvarado, was pleased to give him a share
in the discoveries without his knowledge or solicitation,
iii. 540. Mendoza states that this share was one half.
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 507. Article 20
of Alvarado's capitulation with the crown authorized him to
give Mendoza one third interest in his armament. _Vazquez_,
_Chronica de Gvat._, 159.

[XII‑17] 'Acordamos despachar dos armadas; una para descubrir
la costa desta Nueva España, é otra que fuesse al Poniente
en demanda de los Lequios y Catayo.' _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in
_Oviedo_, iii. 540.

[XII‑18] _Hist. Mex._, ii. 498 et seq., this series.

[XII‑19] When asked where he suffered, 'echando sangre por la
boca decia: "Aquí y el alma;"' and when the priest arrived
to confess him he exclaimed: 'Señor, sea bien llegado para
remedio de una alma tan pecadora.' _Tello_, _Hist. N. Gal._,
393.

[XII‑20] His injunctions with regard to the disposal of his
remains were but tardily carried out. _Datos Biograficos_,
in _Cartas de Indias_, 709-10, 745; _Tello_, _Hist. N.
Gal._, 395; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mich._, iv. 276-7. Bernal
Diaz erroneously states that he was buried at Purificacion.
_Hist. Verdad._, 236. According to a clause in the will of
Bishop Marroquin, made in 1563, Alvarado's remains were still
at Tiripitío, 'donde està enterrado, que es en Tyrepati.'
The former left 200 ducats to the convent where Alvarado was
buried. He also left 1,000 pesos de oro de minas to found a
chaplaincy in the church at Guatemala, that masses might be
there said for his soul. Some years after the death of the
bishop the daughter of the adelantado had her father's remains
transferred from Tiripitío to Guatemala, where they were
interred with great solemnity in the cathedral. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 190. Gonzalez Dávila says, 'En el año 1542 el
Obispo comẽçó à executar el testamento del Gouernador D. Pedro
de Aluarado,' and erroneously adds ... 'y el Obispo trasladó
su cuerpo de Mexico à Santiago.' _Teatro Ecles._, li. 148.

[XII‑21] _Tello_, _Hist. N. Gal._, 394-5; _Beaumont_, _Crón.
Mich._, iv. 274-6; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 161-2; this
last author, page 187, states that Marroquin in carrying out
the intentions of Alvarado's will, ordered the payment to be
made for a set of clerical vestments which the friar Betanzos
ordered him to furnish as a penance in 1528. Bernal Diaz
remarks, 'Some say a will was made, but none has appeared.'
_Hist. Verdad._, 236.

[XII‑22] The viceroy states that Alvarado's debts amounted
to 50,000 pesos de minas, to which must be added 15,000 more
expended by himself on his account. _Carta_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, 253-4, and fac-simile R. Bishop Marroquin, August
1541, says that he left at his death debts to the amount of
50,000 pesos. _Id._, 429, fac-simile V.

[XII‑23] _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, iii. 507-8.

[XII‑24] In the valley near Santiago Alvarado had a large
plantation with many married slaves, collected in the
following manner: Soon after the conquest he summoned the
principal lords and demanded from each so many families,
with their head, who without more ado were branded and
placed on his plantation. These the bishop declared should
thenceforth be free, and possess and dwell on the lands they
had previously tilled, with the sole obligation of supporting
two chaplaincies, founded by this same instrument, for the
purpose of saying daily mass for the repose of the souls of
Alvarado and his wife. An altar in the cathedral dedicated
to St Peter was also ordered to be founded, before which
the aforesaid masses were to be said. The slaves in the
gold-mines are next declared set free, and are to reside on
his plantation; not, however, until the debts of Alvarado
shall have been paid, during which time their needs of soul
and body were to receive careful attention. The will concludes
with an enumeration of Alvarado's property, in which ships,
artillery, lands, negroes, houses, live-stock, etc., figure.
It was apparently never executed, for the audiencia of Mexico
ordered that the encomiendas of Alvarado which were the best
and most numerous of the provinces of Guatemala should not
be given to any one, but that one or two competent persons
be appointed to take charge of and manage them, and that
the proceeds be devoted to the public works of the city and
cathedral and the opening of roads, building of bridges,
and the assisting of poor people to rebuild their homes. On
the 10th of October 1542 a royal decree was issued declaring
that all the Indians and towns belonging to Alvarado were the
property of the crown. This decree was not published, however,
until Jan. 8, 1544. A protest was entered against it by the
city as being detrimental to the public interest, but it seems
to have had no effect, as the royal factor was instructed to
collect the tribute of the said towns, and take charge of the
Indians. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 181-90. Bishop Marroquin,
in a letter to the emperor, dated March 15, 1545, recommends
that his debts be paid, as many needy persons will thereby be
benefited. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 138. And again in June of
the same year, he states that Alvarado having left no legal
heirs, the estate reverted to the crown, and repeats his
previous recommendation that the debts be paid, adding that
the creditors were suffering, many of them being in prison for
debt. _Cartas de Indias_, 441-2. Consult also _Testimonio_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 268-70.

[XII‑25] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 172.

[XII‑26] 'Fue mejor soldado, que Gouernador.' _Gomara_, _Hist.
Ind._, 269.

[XII‑27] In a letter to the council of the Indies he says:
'Pues todo lo que yo estubiere sin ocuparme en algo en que
sirba á Su Mag. lo tengo por muy mal gastado.' _Carta_, in
_Squier's MSS._, xix. 31.

[XII‑28] He wrote to the emperor requesting that no change
be made in his commission, as he had learned that Cortés was
soliciting permission to undertake the conquest he meditated.
_Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x.; _Beaumont_, _Crón.
Mich._, iv. 252-3.

[XII‑29] I give herewith a copy of Alvarado's epitaph:

'El que Augusto le tuvo merecido
En este angosto monumento yace
Y Fenis de sus glorias hoy renace
Burlando su memoria del olvido
Mexico intime en eco repetido
Alabanzas qe. el tiempo las enlace
Qe. si tanto valor se satisface
Lo qe. a Romulo Roma le ha debido
Conquista fundacion y poblasiones
Y haber la idolatria disipado
Deshaciendo las nieblas de opiniones
Obrando bien con ser adelantado
Si hay sujeto capas de estos blazones
Todo cabe en D. Pedro de Alvarado.
Requiescat in pace.'

It is copied literally from _Gavarrete_, _Copias de Doc._,
MS., 53. Gonzalez Dávila, in 1649, makes this extraordinary
statement: 'Murio en Mexico, y yaze en el Convento de Santo
Domingo.' He also says that Ivan Diaz de la Calle, 'Oficial
Mayor de la Secretaria de Nueua-España,' dedicated to Alvarado
the following epitaph, which was to serve until one was
written such as the memory of his feats and actions deserved:

[XII‑30] _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 347.

[XII‑31] Doña Leonor married Pedro Puertocarrero and afterward
Francisco de la Cueva, brother of Alvarado's wife. Pedro was
legitimized by the emperor. This was, according to Bernal
Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 237, the natural son, mentioned also
by Saavedra, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii.
247-50, who went to the court of Spain to claim moneys due
to his father, and whom Saavedra recommended urgently to Las
Casas the councillor of state. Diego was slain in 1554 by
Indians at the defeat at Chuquinga. Marroquin informs the
emperor that Alvarado left six sons and daughters 'desnudos
syn abrigo alguno.' _Cartas de Indias_, 429, 432-3, 709-10;
_Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 269. Another son named Gomez, by an
Indian girl in Guatemala, is mentioned in the will afterward
framed by Bishop Marroquin. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 185.
For an account of the presentation of Xicotencatl's daughter
to Alvarado, see _Hist. Mex._, i. 227-30, this series.

[XIII‑1] Originally written Giapa, as appears from several
original cédulas and other documents bearing dates as late as
1579. _Guat._, _Col. de Cédulas Reales_, passim. The meaning
of the word is differently explained, Chiapan signifying
'locality of the chia' (oil-seed), also 'sweet water.' _Native
Races_, ii. 126. According to Mazariegos it is derived from
'Tepetchia,' 'Battle hill,' the name of the stronghold where
the Chiapanecs fortified themselves against the Mexicans.
_Mem. Chiapa_, 12.

[XIII‑2] See _Native Races_, v. 231, this series.

[XIII‑3] _Id._, i. 681-2; v. 603-4.

[XIII‑4] For the aboriginal history of these people I would
refer the reader to my _Native Races of the Pacific States_,
vol. v., passim.

[XIII‑5] _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Chiapa_, 5, 6; _Cortés_,
_Diario_, xix. 390; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 10; _Id._ (ed.
London, 1823), 210; _Larrainzar_, _Soconusco_, 16; _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 264.

[XIII‑6] Mazariegos states that harsh treatment drove the
Indians to revolt, citing as instances that youths of 20 years
and under were sold as slaves at the rate of no more than
three pesos fuertes; that fugitives were hunted down with
bloodhounds, and that any one found warming himself at a fire
after eight o'clock at night was hanged. _Mem. Chiapa_, 6,
7. In these statements he is guilty of anachronism. The law
regarding the extinguishing of fires was passed on the 15th
of August 1528, and that arranging the price of slaves in
October of the same year, the former being almost immediately
annulled with regard to the punishment of hanging; but both
were enacted after the subjugation of the Indians. Consult
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 276, 278-9.

[XIII‑7] Called also Chiapan. This river takes its rise in the
Chuchumatan mountains. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 574. It and its affluents form the head-waters of
the Tabasco or Grijalva. The Spaniards were moving up the left
bank, the town of Chiapas being on the opposite side somewhat
higher.

[XIII‑8] This force is less than that given by Gomara
and others. Bernal Diaz states that there were five other
horsemen, who, however, could not be counted as fighting men.
The artilleryman he describes as 'muy cobarde,' and informs
us that the natives of Cachula, 'Ibã tẽblando de miedo, y
por halagos los llevamos q̃ nos ayudassen á abrir Camino, y
llevar el fardaje.' He also asserts that the levy was held in
lent, 1524, adding 'Esto de los años no me acuerdo bien.' His
memory was correct, however, as is proved by Godoy's despatch
to Cortés, which will be frequently quoted later.

[XIII‑9] The Indians of Chiapas and its district were the
terror of surrounding towns, and were incessantly at war with
those of Cinacantlan and of the towns about Lake Quilenayas,
robbing, killing, reducing to slavery, and sacrificing
captives. They even waylaid merchant trains on the roads
between Tehuantepec and other provinces. Bernal Diaz states
that without exception they were the greatest warriors of all
New Spain, superior even to the Tlascaltecs and Mexicans.

[XIII‑10] The number of natives killed as related by Bernal
Diaz is so disproportionately small that some error must have
crept into his text. He says, 'Hallamos quinze dellos muertos,
y otros muchos heridos q̃ no se pudierõ ir.' _Hist. Verdad._,
178.