Chapter XXXVII: Guatemala and Chiapas (12)

[XXXI‑25] _Id._, 108. In _Douglas' Summary Hist. and Pol._
(London, 1755), 46, it is stated that Vernon seized the
Spanish factory and carried off goods to the value of £70,000.
March y Labores, in _Hist. Marina Española_, ii. 662, says;
'No encontró allí el vencedor la riqueza que se prometia.'

[XXXI‑26] Soon after Anson left England the Spanish government
despatched under Admiral Pizarro a squadron of six vessels to
defeat Anson's purpose. The two armaments sighted each other
near the straits of Magellan, but during the storm mentioned
in the text three of the Spanish vessels were wrecked, two of
the others reaching the mouth of La Plata with a loss of half
their crew, and the remaining ship arriving there with a loss
of 300 out of 450 men.

[XXXII‑1] For physical, social, and moral description of the
Mosquitos, see _Native Races_, i. 711, this series; and of
their language, _Id._, iii. 571-2, 782-90.

[XXXII‑2] Using the word navel somewhat in the sense it is
applied to a portion of a shield, that is a projecting part.

[XXXII‑3] _The Mosqueto Kingdom_, written about 1699, by M.
W. in _Churchill's Coll. Voy._, vi. 309 et seq., London, 1757.
It is not improbable that M. W. was a buccaneer, one of those
who crossed through Honduras.

[XXXII‑4] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 294 et seq., this series.

[XXXII‑5] There is a copy of this cédula and of another one
dated the same year authorizing the audiencia of Guatemala to
allow such a contract. _Calvo_, _Traités_, xi. 196-203.

[XXXII‑6] _Mosquitolandes_, 25. 'Since 1670 the Mosquitos have
solicited the protection and sovereignty of Great Britain.'
_Museo Mexicano_, 2da ép. 194.

[XXXII‑7] _Mosq. Terr., Offic. Corr._, in _Mosq. Doc._,
60-3. This treaty was ratified by the legislative assembly of
Jamaica.

[XXXII‑8] _Aranz_, _Informe sobre los Mosquitos_, MS. The
report is copied from the archives of the captain-general of
Guatemala.

[XXXII‑9] A council was appointed of which the superintendent
was president, a court of common pleas, and justices of the
peace. _Mosq. Terr._, _Off. Corr._, app. iv.

[XXXII‑10] In January 1775, an embassy consisting of Young
George, son of the Mosquito king, Isaac his brother, and two
Mosquito chiefs, arrived in England. Their main object was
to obtain redress for wrongs inflicted upon natives in the
interior, whence free men were being continually carried off
to the slave markets. On their return voyage they narrowly
escaped capture by Spanish cruisers. After landing the
passengers at Cape Gracias á Dios the vessel proceeded to her
destination at Black River, and was seized while at anchor in
the roadstead. _Id._

[XXXII‑11] In 1777 some of the principal settlers sent to
England two assorted cargoes of sugar, rum, indigo, bark,
sarsaparilla, tortoise-shell, and other articles. The sugar on
board each vessel was refused admission at the customs. _Id._

[XXXII‑12] The English fleet was composed of two
line-of-battle ships, six war frigates, a schooner, and two
brigs. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, iii. 127.

[XXXII‑13] While the treaty was under discussion it was a
vexed question whether the term Spanish or American continent
should be used. It will be remembered that the surrender of
Cornwallis occurred during the preceding year.

[XXXII‑14] The full text of this treaty is given in
_Castellon_, _Mosq. Question_, 52-6.

[XXXII‑15] The number of English settlers, with their slaves,
who left the Mosquito Coast, was 3,550. _Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Bol._, 2da ép., i. 393-400.

[XXXII‑16] Soon after the departure of the English, the
king of the sambos and some of his chieftains proceeded to
Cartagena and signified their desire to be baptized. Their
request was granted, and the ceremony was performed in the
cathedral by the archbishop of New Granada July 8, 1788.
Missionaries were also sent to Mosquitia at their instance,
but their labors were fruitless. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, iii.
151.

[XXXII‑17] After his term of office expired, Loyala went to
Mexico and became a Jesuit. _Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog._, iv.
800.

[XXXII‑18] _Nic._, _Nueva Discusion_, 6-7. He is also in
_Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 177.

[XXXII‑19] _Relacion Punctual_, MS., 18. Pelaez says that the
same name appears in the book of sentences of the audiencia,
June 18, 1765, but his own allusions to the two next named
make his date inadmissible, unless there was a reappointment,
or Lynch was mistaken.

[XXXII‑20] He had previously governed in Comayagua, Florida,
and Yucatan, and was promoted from the governorship of
Nicaragua to the presidency of Guatemala. _Juarros_, _Comp._,
269.

[XXXII‑21] His name occurs as the officer in command in
_Barroeta_, _Relacion sobre Mosquitos_, 5, no. 34.

[XXXII‑22] The number given in a diary of 1780, reprinted in
_Nic._, _Bol. Ofic._, April 27, 1857, p. 7, is 2,500.

[XXXII‑23] Now Bartola.

[XXXII‑24] Four hundred Mosquitos, and the smugglers brought
several pieces of cannon with them. _Nic._, _Bol. Ofic._, 29th
April, 1857, p. 7.

[XXXII‑25] Nelson in his autobiography thus modestly states
his share in the expedition: 'In January 1780 an expedition
was resolved on against San Juan. I was chosen to command
the sea part of it. Major Polson, who commanded, will tell
you of my exertions; how I quitted my ship, carried troops in
boats 100 miles up a river, which none but Spaniards, since
the time of the Buccaneers, have ever ascended. It will then
be told how I boarded (if I may be allowed the expression) an
outpost of the enemy situated on an island in the river; that
I made batteries and afterwards fought them, and that I was
a principal cause of our success.'

[XXXII‑26] In 1803 Nelson writes: 'The fever which destroyed
the army and navy attached to that expedition was invariably
from thirty to forty days before it attacked the new comers,
and I cannot give a stronger instance than that in the
_Hinchinbrook_ [Nelson's ship], with a complement of 200 men,
87 took to their beds in one night.'

[XXXII‑27] Statements differ as to the losses of the British.
'This expedition cost the English 5,000 lives and £1,000,000.'
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 174. Three million dollars and
4,000 men. _Nic. Gac. Sup. Gob._, 92, 'Les Anglais furent
obligés de se retirer honteusement après avoir perdu 4,000
hommes et dépensé plus de trois millions de piastres, selon
le témoignage du colonel Hodgson.' _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 30.

[XXXII‑28] _Nic., Cor. Ist._, in _Cent. Am. Pap._, iii.
322. News of his appointment, was received in Mexico Nov. 2,
1701. _Robles_, _Diario_, iii. 332, 495. It is added that he
resigned the office and no allusion is made to any promotion.

[XXXII‑29] _Alcedo_, _Dic._, iii. 325. It is simply said:
'He did not go to his diocese,' in _N. Esp., Breve Resúmen_,
ii. 387; but in _Nic._, 'He was elected in 1727, and died in
the city of Seville while preparing to embark.' _Correo del
Istmo_, in _Cent. Am. Papers_, iii. 322.

[XXXII‑30] _Castro_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i.
tom. iv. 235-7, 239-41, 253; v. 6-7, 12-13, 39-40, 109; vi.
27. Alcedo, _Dic._, iii. 326, with his usual carelessness,
says he died in 1757. In _Flores y Rivera_, _Elegios_,
in _Pap. Var._, 75, it is said: 'Very warm eulogies were
pronounced upon the deceased at the university of Mexico on
the 29th of October 1756.'

[XXXII‑31] Not mentioning the lesser ones, 10 large volcanoes
came in the following order: Tortuga, Rincon de la Vieja,
Heridenda, Miravalles, Cuecualapa, Thenorio, Pelado,
Buenavista, Chomes, and Aguacate. _Nouv. Annales de Voy._,
cli. 9.

[XXXII‑32] Mr Squier inclines to the belief that the Guatusos
are of the Aztec stock, but little more is known to-day of
their origin than was the case a century ago, as they have
been left almost undisturbed. In the _Cronica de Costa Rica_,
Dec. 9, 1857, appears the following by an officer in the Costa
Rica service: 'It is pretended that the Guatusos are descended
from the colonists who fled from Esparza when that city was
taken by early filibusters. Such as have chanced to see them
affirm that they are white, bearded, and practise a system of
military discipline.... Twice we accompanied the general of
the Rio Frio with the intention of exploring the territory,
but without finding a landing-place.'

[XXXII‑33] He attended a meeting of the Royal Patriotic
Society of Guatemala, held on the 15th of June, 1798, and was
made an honorary member. _Soc. Catálogo_, in _Pap. Var._, no.
45, p. 1.

[XXXII‑34] He was accused Feb. 4, 1704, of carrying on
commerce with foreigners. He was afterward lieutenant of royal
officers of the province, and then maestre de campo by decree
of Aug. 31, 1716. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 172-3.

[XXXII‑35] Father Andrade, in a letter of Nov. 16, 1706, says
that they gathered from Urinama 41, from Cavecar upwards of
700, from San José 336, and 150 others. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist.
Guat._, iii. 30-1.

[XXXII‑36] Similar cédulas were issued Sept. 1, 1713; June
16, 1714; Aug. 6, 1717; Dec. 20, 1737; May 21, 1738, and
afterward, showing the importance attached to the matter.
_Bejarano_, _Informe sobre la Talamanca_.

[XXXII‑37] Many of them fled, others died, and the rest
remained in the service of the Spaniards at and near Cartago.
_Haya_, _Informe al Rey_, 15.

[XXXII‑38] Diego de la Haya Fernandez is mentioned as governor
of Costa Rica on Nov. 10, 1718, and again on July 7, 1722,
when his predecessors are named. There is a discrepancy even
in the report of Haya himself—in the beginning it is written
out in full that he took possession of the government at
Cartago in 1718: 'El año pasado de mil setecientos diez y ocho
tomé posesion.'

[XXXII‑39] So the governor appoints lieutenant-generals for
the two cities, four judges for the neighboring valleys,
and a teniente in Matina, Boruca, and Barba. There is not an
escribano in all the province. _Haya_, _Informe al Rey_, 9.

[XXXII‑40] This governor's reports, and his encouragement
of trade and agriculture, went far to avert the worst
consequences. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 54.

[XXXII‑41] Even this poverty-stricken country was not poor
enough to escape despoiling by sambos and corsairs.

[XXXII‑42] 'During my sojourn, 1752, two notorious prisoners,
after sending threats of punishment to their captors, freed
themselves and disappeared. No steps were taken for their
recapture, even the governor expressing relief when no more
mischief was done.' _Morel de Sta. Cruz._ See also _Nic. and
Costa Rica_, MS., 3-4.

[XXXII‑43] He is referred to in the _Cuaderno Historial de
Misiones_. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 173. According
to the same authority Navarro was governor in 1748, but
according to Lynch, _Relacion Punctual_ (1757), MS., 3,
Pastora was governor until he lost his life in 1756, being
slain by Mosquito Indians at the mouth of the river Maya. In
the reports on missions in Talamanca, brigadier Luis Diez
Navarro is mentioned as the governor of Costa Rica in 1748
and Manuel Soler in 1759.

[XXXIII‑1] An account of the abandonment of this town has been
given in _Hist. Mex._, this series.

[XXXIII‑2] _Peniche_, _Belice_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 217-9; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._,
iii. 136, 140; _Stout's Nic._, 258. Squier, _Stat. Cent. Am._,
575-6, states that the name was also said to be derived 'from
the French _balise_, a beacon.' This he is disposed to accept
as correct, 'since no doubt some signal or beacon was raised
here to guide the freebooters to the common rendezvous.'

[XXXIII‑3] _Peniche_, _Belice_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 220-2. According to Martin, _Hist.
West Indies_, i. 138, and Pelaez, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii.
140, a large force from Peten attempted to dispossess the
wood-cutters of the Belize River, but intimidated by the bold
front of the English, they contented themselves with building
a fort on its north-west branch, which, however, was abandoned
after four years' possession.

[XXXIII‑4] A portion of the colony had already arrived in
1736. _Salcedo, Carta_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da
ép., i. 225.

[XXXIII‑5] The date of this expedition is uncertain. Sierra,
_Ojeada sobre Belice_, places it in 1727, but cites no
document in support of his assertion. Ancona, _Hist. Yuc._,
ii. 416, who follows him closely, is doubtful as to its
correctness, although this latter's opinion that it occurred
before the visit of Figueroa to Bacalar and caused the
occupation of this place is apparently founded on conjecture.

[XXXIII‑6] Sierra, _Efemérides_, says Belize was attacked
February 22, 1733, and in his _Ojeada sobre Belice_ the same
author states that the expedition was formed and carried
out between 1726 and 1730. Lara, _Apuntes Históricos_, gives
no date. Peniche, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da ép.,
i. 223-5, follows Sierra, but gives a copy of a letter from
Governor Salcedo to the king of August 7, 1736, in which 1733
is given as the date of Figueroa's expedition. Ancona, _Hist.
Yuc._, has accepted the date given by this letter.

[XXXIII‑7] Sierra, _Ojeada Sobre Belice_; Lara, _Apuntes
Históricos_, and Peniche, cited above, say that on his way to
Bacalar Figueroa was joined by the colonists from the Canary
Islands; in which statement they are followed by Ancona,
_Hist. Yuc._, ii. 415-17. This is evidently a mistake, as the
letter of Salcedo already cited shows that even in 1736 but
a portion of them had arrived.

[XXXIII‑8] _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 140-1.

[XXXIII‑9] _Salcedo_, _Carta_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 225-6. I reproduce here '_A Map of a
part of Yucatan, or of that part of the Eastern shore within
the Bay of Honduras allotted to Great Britain for the Cutting
of Log-wood, in consequence of the Convention_. _Signed with
Spain on the 14th July 1786. By a Bay-Man._'

[XXXIII‑10] On his way to Mérida from Bacalar Figueroa was
seized with illness and died. On the 10th of August 1733 Lara,
_Apunt. Hist._, affirms that at the demands of the English
government Figueroa was reprehended by the crown for this
attack, which so mortified him as to cause his death. This
version is accepted by Sierra in his _Ojeada sobre Belice_,
and also by Peniche, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da ép.,
i. 226-7, but as these statements are mentioned by no other
authority and are discredited by Ancona, _Hist. Yuc._, ii.
419-21, I am disposed to reject them.

[XXXIII‑11] _Peniche_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da
ép., i. 222-7; _Salcedo_, _Carta_, in _Id._, 225-6; _Ancona_,
_Hist. Yuc._, ii. 413-22.

[XXXIII‑12] _Peniche_ in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da
ép., i. 228-31.

[XXXIII‑13] _Squier's States Cent. Am._, 576-7.

[XXXIII‑14] _Peniche_ in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da ép.,
i. 231-4.

[XXXIII‑15] 'Y Su Magestad Católica no permitirá que los
vasallos de Su Magestad Británica ó sus trabajadores sean
inquietados ó molestados con cualquiera pretexto que sea
en dichos parajes, en su occupacion de cortar, cargar y
trasportar el palo de tinte ó de campeche; y para este efecto
podrán fabricar sin impedimento y occupar sin interrupcion las
casas y almacenes que necesitaren para sí y para sus familias
y efectos.' _Calvo_, _Recueil Traités_, ii. 371.

[XXXIII‑16] _Peniche_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da ép.,
i. 235-6.

[XXXIII‑17] Anderson, _Hist. Commerce_, iv. 47, quotes the
London _Gazette_ of this date, in which it is stated that
the English government had received a duplicate of an order
censuring the government of Yucatan.

[XXXIII‑18] _Peniche_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da
ép., i. 240-3; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, ii. 269-73. Squier,
_States Cent. Am._, 577-8, erroneously attributes this attack
to the prevalence of 'smuggling and other illicit practices'
among the wood-cutters, making no mention of the fact that
England and Spain were then at war.

[XXXIII‑19] _Castellon_, _Doc. Nic. Hond._, 51-2; _Peniche_,
in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 243-50; _Squier's
States Cent. Am._, 578-80; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, ii. 472-77.

[XXXIII‑20] Full text of treaty may be found in _Castellon_,
_Doc. Nic. Hond._, 52-6. See also _Peniche_, in _Soc. Mex.
Geog., Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 251-6; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._,
477-82.

[XXXIII‑21] _Grimarest_, _Informe_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 394-402.

[XXXIII‑22] _Henderson's Hond._, 9; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._,
ii. 503-8; _Peniche_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da
ép., i. 380; _Squier's States Cent. Am._, 581; _London Soc.
Geog._, xi. 81.

[XXXIII‑23] _Squier's States Cent. Am._, 581; _London Soc.
Geog._, xi. 81.

[XXXIV‑1] Page 294, this vol.

[XXXIV‑2] John Twitt, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 568-9.

[XXXIV‑3] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 194-6.

[XXXIV‑4] _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 601. In _Ogilby's Amer._,
231, the year 1576 is given as the date of this expedition;
and it is there stated that soon afterward Trujillo was
captured by Van Horn, a Hollander, and two thirds of the town
destroyed by an accidental fire, the spoils of the raid being
insignificant.

[XXXIV‑5] The date of this transfer is variously given as
1558, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xv. 468; 1561,
_Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, 333, and _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._,
127; 1562, in _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 306; and
1588 in _Ogilby's Amer._, 230.

[XXXIV‑6] See p. 303 et seq. this vol.

[XXXIV‑7] Cerda was promoted to Las Charcas in 1577. _Gonzalez
Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 306.

[XXXIV‑8] His administration was one of great benefit to the
diocese. Soon after his arrival he wrote the king concerning
its urgent necessities, and his Majesty sent him 50 pictures
and 50 missals, and instructed him to found a professorship,
which was done Sept. 29, 1602. The bishop made many gifts to
the principal chapel of the Merced convent, and was buried
there. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 307.

[XXXIV‑9] _Id._, 305. The total number of these Indians is
stated at 8,000 in _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 126.

[XXXIV‑10] In 1629 Galdo solicited the padre-general of
the Jesuits to send a few of his order to Honduras; but the
experience of the Jesuits in Granada and Realejo a few years
before led to a refusal. _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, ii.
176.

[XXXIV‑11] See p. 446 et seq., this vol.

[XXXIV‑12] The name of the prelate who was in charge at
the time is a matter of doubt. In 1651 Doctor Juan de Merlo
was consecrated bishop of Honduras in Mexico, but did not
proceed to his diocese until December of the following year.
_Guijo_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i. tom. i.
190, 228. How long he held office is not known. In 1671 the
see was offered to Pedro de Angulo, who declined the mitre.
_Robles_, _Diario_, in _Id._, série i. tom. ii. 114. The next
appointment mentioned is that of Martin de Espinosa, who died
suddenly in 1675, while in the act of dispensing alms after
mass. He was a centenarian, but apparently in good health.
_Id._, 210. According to Vasquez, he foretold his death eight
days before; its approach being revealed to him in a vision.
_Chron. de Gvat._, 215-16. No other reference is made to the
episcopate of Honduras until the close of the century, when
it is stated that Angel Maldonado, who had received the mitre,
was transferred to Oajaca. _Robles_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist.
Mex._, série i. tom. iii. 256-7.

[XXXIV‑13] 'Y aũque se libraron despachos, para que remitiesse
lo actuado el Señor Obispo, ... no los remitio, porque quizas
podian reconocerse falidos ... y _post tot discrimina rerum_,
fuè declarado el Señor Obispo por estraño.' _Chron. de Gvat._,
215.

[XXXIV‑14] The names of the governors of Honduras in the order
of their succession from 1561 to 1781 are given in _Pelaez_,
_Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 177-80.

[XXXIV‑15] Neither Pelaez nor Zamacois makes any mention of
this first attack, but D. Galvez in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Bol._,
ii. ép. 243-5, is so clear and specific in his narrative that
we must consider it an omission on their part.

[XXXIV‑16] _Carta de Galvez_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Bol._,
2da ép. Very different accounts of this affair are given by
Pelaez and Cavo. The first in _Mem. Hist. Guat._, iii. 107,
says that the commander and the rest of his officers made no
resistance, but left as hostages the second in command and
two chaplains; the soldiers and many of the inhabitants were
banished. Cavo, _Tres Siglos_, iii. 35-6, says that on the
last day of the defence, when the drums were about to beat
to quarters in the castle, the British scaled the walls,
and before the guards had recovered from their surprise over
100 Englishmen had already mounted the battlements; at the
sight the negroes fled, leaving the English masters of the
fortress. He adds that the castellan forseeing such a disaster
had carried off 40,000 pesos and other valuables by a road
unknown to the enemy, and would have saved all else had he
been permitted to do so.

[XXXIV‑17] The three merchant ships taken had on board
3,000,000 pesos, belonging to merchants of Guatemala.
_Zamacois_, _Hist. Méjico_, v. 628.

[XXXIV‑18] In _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 631-4, it is stated
that 500,000 pesos were sent from Mexico for war purposes.
Cavo, in _Tres Siglos_, iii. 37, says that the viceroy sent
200,000 pesos, though 1,000,000 were asked for, but that
he had quite recently expended 600,000 pesos on the other
provinces.

[XXXV‑1] Page 383 this vol. Juarros says, 'Gobernó con toda
equidad.' _Guat._, i. 262.

[XXXV‑2] They claimed the right of direct address and
petition to the king, which was restricted in every way
by the audiencia; and on April 19, 1601, petitioned his
Majesty to issue a cédula to the effect that they might
send a procurador to the court without the necessity of the
audiencia's approval. They, moreover, complained that the
alcaldes ordinarios were constantly opposed in matters of
jurisdiction by the corregidor del Valle, who was always a
relative or friend of the president. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 90, 100-3. This office of corregidor del Valle de
Guatemala had been previously suppressed. By royal order
of July 7, 1607, his duties were assigned to the alcaldes
ordinarios of Guatemala in rotation. _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._,
118. The leading citizens had always been in the habit of
taking cushions to kneel upon in church, whether oidores were
present or not. This the audiencia had forbidden. _Arévalo_,
_Col. Doc. Antig._, 93. The president was also accused of
having appropriated the principal apartments of the cárcel
de corte and entertaining there the oidores by night and day.
_Id._, 95.

[XXXV‑3] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 728; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
316.

[XXXV‑4] So called from an Indian village of that name. The
inhabitants were of the Toquepa nation. _Id._, 314.

[XXXV‑5] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 728; _Squier's MSS._,
xvii. 1-11; _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 119.

[XXXV‑6] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 100-1.

[XXXV‑7] Remesal, ubi sup., gives the number of vessels
as 12, and states that hostilities lasted 11 days. Juarros
says 9 days. But a more reliable version of the affair is to
be seen in a letter of the cabildo to the king: 'This year
at the new port of Santo Tomás two or three small fragatas
manned by 35 or 40 men with very little artillery defended
themselves against eight Dutch ships of the Conde Mauricio,
most of them vessels of from 400 to 500 tons, well supplied
with artillery, and having over 1,000 men. Our people did
the enemy much damage, sinking one of his ships and driving
him off, themselves receiving but little hurt, for they were
sheltered by a great rock near the shore, on which rock part
of the artillery was placed.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
106-7.

[XXXV‑8] 'Fué sepultado en la Iglesia Catedral.' _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 262.

[XXXV‑9] Thomas Gage states that when he retired from office
he was 'worth Millions of Duckats.' _New Survey_, 282.

[XXXV‑10] He enlarged and beautified the plaza de la
Candelaria so extensively that it acquired the name of plaza
del Conde. This president was the first to whom was given the
title of 'Muy Ilustre Señor' instead of 'Magnífico Señor.'
_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 262-3. According to Escamilla, _Not.
de Guat._, 3, he held office till 1627, when he returned to
Spain.

[XXXV‑11] Gage, who was in Guatemala at the time, in _New
Survey_, 267-8, 282-4, is specific in his statement concerning
Guzman as the immediate successor of Gomera and is minute in
other references to his conduct. By Juarros the name of Guzman
is not mentioned, but 'Diego de Acuña, formerly president of
San Domingo,' is named as succeeding Gomara, _Guat._, 263;
and as also in _Escamilla_, _Not. Guat._, 3, without any
additional particulars however. These authors evidently refer
to the same person.

[XXXV‑12] Called by Gage, ubi sup., 'Gonzalo de Paz y
Lorençana.' According to Juarros, he entered office in 1634,
the year after the retirement of Guzman, who, Juarros states,
was president for seven years. loc. cit.

[XXXV‑13] _Gage_, _New Survey_, 282. An incident of his
administration was the founding of San Vicente de Austria.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 263.

[XXXV‑14] Gage remarks that 'the city of Guatemala was so
well supplied with provisions and they were so cheap that a
mendicant was not easily found.'

[XXXV‑15] Gage states that there was in his time 'a Grazier
that reckoned up going in his own Estancia and ground, forty
thousand heads of Beasts.' _New Survey_, 278-9.

[XXXV‑16] _New Survey_, 278, 280-81.

[XXXV‑17] In 1604 the city contained 890 principal families,
comprising encomenderos, merchants, traders, machinists,
agriculturists, and others. The tax-list aggregated 4,500
_tostones_. The amount fell less than 2,000 tostones during
1607 to 1612, inclusive; and increased to 5,195 in 1613. In
1614 the amount was 7,180 tostones, and in 1626 it reached
15,980 tostones. The mode of assessing the people was so
offensive that in 1625 dissensions became rife and the
complaints against the assessors were so bitter that one of
them, Márcos Estopiñan, alcalde ordinario, was thrown into
prison. The excessive taxation ceased soon after; for in a
cédula dated August 3, 1629, the alcabalas were rented for
eight years to the cabildo for 10,000 tostones annually.
_Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 226-9.

[XXXV‑18] The president's salary was 5,000 ducats yearly; that
of each of the oidores 2,000 ducats. _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._,
117. Gage says 12,000 ducats was the president's salary. _New
Survey_, 282.

[XXXV‑19] The salary of each of these officers was 300,000
maravedís. _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 118.

[XXXV‑20] Each corregidor received 200 pesos de mina a year.
_Id._

[XXXV‑21] In 1617 the office of alguacil mayor was sold
for 18,000 tostones, and in 1643 for 49,000 reales. In 1645
the receivership of fines and court fees was sold for 6,000
pesos, while the offices of the escribanos de camara were
regularly sold for 20,000 pesos each. Other offices commanded
corresponding prices. _Id._, 119.

[XXXV‑22] Selecting a few instances to illustrate these sales,
I find that in 1636 the office of alférez real sold for 3,998
ducats; that of escribano publico was sold in the same year
for 11,000 pesos; of the receiver-general of fines and fees in
1616 for 28,500 tostones, and in 1642 for 6,000 pesos. _Id._

[XXXV‑23] They were the following: 'Procurador Sindico ...
Mayordomo, Fiel Executor, Correduria, Portero, con 30,000
marauedis de salario. Mojoneria, Pregoneria.' _Id._

[XXXV‑24] _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, 136, 448; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, 150.

[XXXV‑25] The provincial of the Dominicans, writing in 1724,
says that to repair the damage to their convent and church
at Guatemala by the late earthquake cost the order more than
25,000 pesos; that the loss of yearly income has been at least
9,000 pesos; and that it took a considerable sum to repair
the mills and put in order the estate belonging to the order.
_Guat._, _Sto Domingo, en 1724_, 10

[XXXV‑26] _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, 4. His
appointment was made in 1653 for eight years; he arrived
at Vera Cruz Sept. 30th; and on Jan. 15, 1654, left for
Guatemala. _Guijo_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i.
tom. i. 261, 274.

[XXXV‑27] 'He espoused the party of the "Mazariegos,"' says
Juarros, _Guat._, i. 264, meaning probably one of the active
participants.

[XXXV‑28] The right to bear the city flag on public occasions
belonged to the officers of the cabildo, but the audiencia
usurped the momentous prerogative and gave it to the alguacil
mayor. The king was requested to interfere. _Arévalo_, _Col.
Doc. Antig._, 126-7.

[XXXV‑29] These cédulas bear date Nov. 6, 1604; Nov. 6, 1606;
July 7, 1607; May 23, 1673; and Dec. 10, 1687. Philip II. had
named the city 'most noble and most loyal,' and styled the
corporation 'Muy Noble Ayuntamiento,' and Felipe III. gave the
city the privilege of having mace-bearers on all occasions of
public ceremony. _Juarros_, _Guat._ (London, 1823), 129-30.

[XXXV‑30] In a letter dated Jan. 30, 1667, from Guatemala, it
is said that Caldas arrived and took possession of the office
Jan. 18th in that year. _Caldas_, _Carta sobre el Lacandon_,
1. In _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, 4, 1668 is
given as the year in which he became president.

[XXXV‑31] Caldas in his letter to the king suggests that his
Majesty should order the viceroy of Mexico and the governor
of Campeche to gather together all vagabonds and evil-doers,
and send them to Caldas, as also the lesser criminals, that
they might serve in the conquest; moreover, negro slaves and
mulattoes, whose owners desired it, would be enrolled. He
also states that Guatemala and Campeche are the most directly
interested, as their commerce could be conducted by a direct
road of 80 leagues instead of 600, the length of the existing
route. _Caldas_, _Carta sobre el Lacandon_, 5-6. Briefly
confirmed by _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 297; _Ximenes_, lib.
v. cap. xx.

[XXXV‑32] It was the first official document printed in
Guatemala. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 261.

[XXXV‑33] The cabildo in a letter to the king dated April 1,
1669, speak of Caldas as 'gobernador tan atento y cristiano.'
About Santillan they remark, 'semejante Ministro como el
suspenso, nunca serà conveniencia, Señor, lo sea en esta
Ciudad.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 128.

[XXXV‑34] He died in 1673 and was buried in the cathedral.
_Escamilla_, _Not. Cur. de Guat._, 4.

[XXXV‑35] The government was now composed of the following
officers: The president, governor, captain-general, and
five oidores, to be at the same time criminal judges, a
treasurer, alguacil mayor, and other necessary ministers
and officers. To the jurisdiction of the audiencia belonged
Guatemala, Nicaragua, Chiapa, Higueras, Cape Honduras, Vera
Paz, Soconusco, and the islands on the coast. The limits in
the east were Tierra Firme; on the west, Nueva Galicia; on
the north and south, the oceans. _Recop. de Ind._, i. 325-6.

[XXXV‑36] During the interval between the death of Caldas and
the installation of Barrios, the presidency had been held by
the bishop of Guatemala, Fray Fernando Francisco de Escobedo,
and Enrique de Guzman. Escobedo's administration gave great
dissatisfaction, and he underwent a residencia; but before
it was completed he was called to Spain as grand prior of
Castille. Later Escobedo became a member of the council of
the Indies, and as such, favored the petition of Guatemala
for free trade with Peru and like measures. _Pelaez_, _Mem.
Guat._, ii. 209. In _Robles_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._,
série i. tom. ii. 416, it is said that Escobedo was made grand
prior de San Juan, and was mulcted in the sum of 32,000 pesos
as the result of his residencia.

[XXXV‑37] _Gavarette_, _Cop. Doc._, MS., 46; _Pelaez_, _Mem.
Guat._, ii. 259.

[XXXV‑38] Especially as to the performance of rites in the new
districts of Ocotenango and Chimaltenango. Several parishes
were taken from the Mercenarios and Dominicans, it being
alleged that there were none among them acquainted with the
native speech. _Ayetta_, _Informe_, in _Prov. del Sto Evang._,
MS.

[XXXV‑39] May 28, 1688, a shot was fired at the oidor Pedro
de Selva, and while the audiencia was in session discussing
the matter, the bishop called on the president and informed
him that under the seal of confession it had been revealed to
him that the carabine had been loaded with blank cartridge
only. The shot was meant as a warning to the oidor to amend
his views regarding a case then pending, wherein many innocent
persons were interested. When the president endeavored to show
that the oidor had acted throughout with fairness, the bishop
gave way to anger and left the palace, exclaiming with a loud
voice: 'The country is being ruined by the iniquity of its
rulers!' _Gavarette_, _Cop. Doc._, 55.

[XXXV‑40] In _Gavarette_, loc. cit., it is said that the
bishop was removed, but all other authorities describe his
proceedings as bishop of Guatemala until his death in 1701,
or 1702.

[XXXV‑41] Scals requested that an order be issued to the
effect that Venegas 'en sus peticiones y escritos trate
con decencia al señor presidente,' and states that Venegas
repeatedly asserted that he, Scals, had usurped the
presidency. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 209-10.

[XXXV‑42] One expedient was to plead ignorance concerning
matters discussed, and refusing therefore to vote. This the
president met by ordering that the oidores be notified of
motions about to be made. Another was the pretence of illness,
and consequent inability to attend; to obviate this he
directed that votes should be accepted in writing. _Pelaez_,
_Mem. Guat._, ii. 269-70.

[XXXV‑43] Oviedo brought his claims before the council, but
notwithstanding his appointment was dated first in order of
time, they decided against him. _Diego Oviedo y Baños_, _sobre
Presidencia_. This pamphlet, the date of which is not given,
was probably published in or about 1705, and seems to be part
of a larger work containing the full case of Oviedo, edited
by the licentiate Baltasar de Aseredo.

[XXXV‑44] _Robles_, _Diario_, iii. 252.

[XXXV‑45] According to _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur. de Guat._, MS.,
5, he was restored to office in 1700 and returned to Spain in
1701. Juarros, _Guat._, i. 268, says 'el Señor Berrospe murió,
antes que se serenase la borrasca.'

[XXXV‑46] See p. 380, this vol.

[XXXV‑47] In a session of the cabildo during 1607, his
Majesty is informed that Bishop Ramirez has for some time
past kept the chapter in great excitement by his conversation
and sermons in which he uses harsh and terrible language.
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 112. Compare _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 279-80; _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 116.

[XXXV‑48] The date given by Pelaez is 1607. _Mem._, i. 295;
_Morelli_, _Fast. Nov. Orb._, 348; and _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._,
116. In _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii. 46, the
year 1608 is named; and Squier in _Cent. Am._, 561, states
1609. Remesal suggests a later date.

[XXXV‑49] _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Hist. Ecles._, 164.

[XXXV‑50] Gonzalez Dávila, _Teatro Ecles._, 168, says he was
appointed July 5, 1645, and arrived in Guatemala September
16th of the same year. In _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 283, the
date given for the king's appointment is 1641, which is the
year Dávila gives for the transfer of Saravia. According to
Escamilla, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, 9, Bishop Soltero
entered Guatemala at the end of the year 1644 or the beginning
of 1645. He agrees with Dávila in stating that he took
possession of the office Sept. 16, 1645. We may conclude that
there was an interval between the administrations of Saravia
and Soltero of some three or four years.

[XXXV‑51] On the 31st of May 1647 the Santiago cabildo in a
letter to the king stated that during the recent pestilence
he rose from a sick-bed to visit all parts of the province
and care for the people, dispensing alms, and by his example
inciting others to good works. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
119-120.

[XXXV‑52] In 1608 the king released this hospital from an
indebtedness of 17,411 tostones which had been loaned to it
by the crown. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 152.

[XXXV‑53] A mine of silver was made over to it in 1633; its
income was at that time at least 30,000 ducats a year. _Gage_,
_New Survey_, 283.

[XXXV‑54] Obtained entirely from contribution. President
Escobedo was especially liberal and donated more than 55,000
pesos toward the expense of the new buildings. He also secured
to the order a revenue of 300 dollars: 'pues dexò situados
de renta segura mas de trecientos pesos.' _García_, _Hist.
Beth._, ii. 28-31; also _Medina_, _Chron. San Diego Mex._, 37.

[XXXV‑55] The bishop Saenz Mañosca having endeavored to soften
'the severe rules of the order against the wishes of Fray
Rodrigo, the latter resolved to prevent any alteration by
obtaining the pope's ratification of the rules. One of the
Bethlehemite brothers, at that time in Spain, was ordered
to proceed with that object to Rome, where he succeeded,
according to the bull signed by Pope Clement X. on May 2,
1672.' _García_, _Hist. Beth._, ii. 60-70.

[XXXV‑56] The bishop's rejoinder is very voluminous and
controverts most of the statements made by his adversary.
_Ribera_, _El Maestro_, no. i. 1-42; no. ii. 28; no. iii.
1-56.

[XXXV‑57] In _Medina_, _Chron. S. Diego Mex._, 241, it is
said he died in Guatemala on the date given in the text,
and Juarros, _Guat._, i. 285, adds that he was buried in the
cathedral there. Escamilla, _Not. Cur. de Guat._, 4, states
that he had left for La Puebla before his decease. The author
last cited gives his name as Mallorca y Murillo, and Juarros
as Mañosca y Murillo.

[XXXV‑58] 'I may say it,' Chiapas, 'exceedeth most Provinces
in the greatness and beauty of fair Towns, and yieldeth to
none except it be to Guatemala.' _Gage's New Survey_, 219.

[XXXV‑59] According to an official census taken in 1611 the
population of Chiapas amounted to a little over 100,000.
_Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol._, iii. 400-35.

[XXXV‑60] Speaking of the inhabitants of the town of Chiapas,
Gage says 'they are as dexterous at baiting of Bulls, at
_juego de Cannas_, at Horse-races, at arming a Camp, at all
manner of _Spanish_ dances, instruments, and musick, as the
best _Spaniards_.' _New Survey_, 234.

[XXXV‑61] Consisting of not more than 400 Spanish householders
and about 100 Indian houses. _Id._, 221.

[XXXV‑62] The poison was administered in a cup of chocolate or
some sweetmeat; hence arose the proverb, 'Beware of Chocolatte
of Chiapa.' While Gage was in Ciudad Real—called by him Chiapa
Real—the bishop Bernardino de Salazar died with every symptom
of having been poisoned. The ladies of the capital were
accustomed to have chocolate served to them in the cathedral
during mass. This habit the bishop attempted to suppress, and
even proceeded to excommunication, but without effect. Then
a disgraceful tumult occurred in the cathedral, and shortly
afterward the bishop was taken ill, and the physicians agreed
that he had been poisoned, which opinion he fully believed
in at his death. Gage calls Ciudad Real 'that poisoning and
wicked city.' _Id._, 229-33.

[XXXV‑63] For a list of the governors of Chiapas who ruled
from 1590 to 1713, see _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 183.

[XXXV‑64] 'He,' the governor, 'tradeth much in Cacao and
Cochinil, and domineers over both _Spaniards_ and _Indians_
at his will and pleasure.' _Gage's New Survey_, 228.

[XXXV‑65] Gage estimated the bishop's stipend, derived chiefly
from offerings received from the great Indian towns, at 8,000
ducats a year. The account of one month's offerings was kept
by Gage; they amounted to 1,000 ducats, besides fees due from
sodalities and confraternities. _Id._, 229.

[XXXVI‑1] San Miguel Manche contained about 100 houses;
Asuncion Chocahaoc the same number; the other villages less.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, 270.

[XXXVI‑2] The meaning of Peten is island. 'La palabra
_Petenes_, que es lo mismo que _Islas_.' There were five
petenes in the lake, one large and four smaller ones. When
finally subdued the population of these islands was estimated
at 24,000 or 25,000 persons. _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq.
Itza_, 279, 401-2.

[XXXVI‑3] Situated on the large island.

[XXXVI‑4] 'Tziminchac, q̃ quiere dezir, _Cavallo del Trueno,
ò Rayo._' _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 100. For an
account of the origin of this idol see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
561, this series.

[XXXVI‑5] The canek does not seem to have regarded the action
of Orbita with anger, having merely told them that the time
for their work had not yet come, permitting them meanwhile to
depart in peace. An Itza chieftain, however, pursued them,
and they would have been slain but for the intercession of
the Tipu cacique, to whom the Itza leader replied 'con grande
enojo: Pues no traygas mas acá otra vez à estos Xolopes, que
assi llaman à los Españoles, à desde que vieron à los primeros
comer Anonas.' _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 107.

[XXXVI‑6] 'Mitotes, ò bailes, y borracheras.' _Id._, 121.
Consult also my _Native Races_, ii. 289.

[XXXVI‑7] _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yuc._, 505-6, 'Llevaronlos
... como arrastrando ... al Embarcadero: Embarcaron el
primero al Padre Orbita tirandole en la Canoa por muerto.'
_Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 123.

[XXXVI‑8] Villagutierre says: 'Esto dizen las Historias que
seria, porque debian de estar sin Armas;' but he does not
believe it credible that Spanish soldiers would go unarmed.
_Id._, 136. Compare _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yuc._, 544.

[XXXVI‑9] Squier's account of this expedition is quite at
variance with that of Villagutierre. He says that the priests,
who accompanied it, alone crossed over to the island. Mirones
then retreated; and being pursued, the whole Spanish force
was destroyed. He, moreover, gives the date as 1662. _Cent.
Am._, 548. Consult _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yuc._, 544.

[XXXVI‑10] _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yuc._, 547.

[XXXVI‑11] 'Cerrando los Caminos, poniendo en ellos Estatuas,
à traza de Españoles ridiculos, y delante de ellas otras de
Idolos formidables, diziendo, eran los Dioses de los Caminos,
y que se los estorvavan à los Españoles, para que no passassen
à sus Tierras.' _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 144-5.
Pinelo, _Rel._, 4-5, gives a brief though incorrect account
of Mirones' expedition.

[XXXVI‑12] 'Otras mercedes para despues de conseguida la
pacificacion de aquellos naturales.' _Cogollvdo_, _Hist.
Yuc._, 684.

[XXXVI‑13] The proceeds of his encomienda were deposited in
the royal treasury of Guatemala, 'como en deposito, para el
gasto que se auia de hazer en ella,' that is the expedition.
_Id._, 685.

[XXXVI‑14] This messenger was a Spaniard, whom Vilvao almost
succeeded in poisoning: 'teniendo modo como echar veneno en
el pinole, que auia de beber por el camino, con que despues
estuuo muy cercano à morir.' _Id._, 689.

[XXXVI‑15] 'Y viẽdo los Soldados que tenia, quan remiso
estaba, se le huyeron en aquel tiempo, que solos cinco
quedaron en su compañia.' _Id._, 696.

[XXXVI‑16] Infante and Gabaldá had some time previously been
submitted to much ill-treatment by the Indians of Nohhaa,
who after an idolatrous debauch compelled them to leave the
town and betake themselves to the woods, whither the natives
presently brought them their robes and the church ornaments.
_Id._ Fancourt, _Hist. Yuc._, 232, erroneously states that
the father was despoiled of his effects.

[XXXVI‑17] 'Que es tambien del Beneficio de Vçumaçintla,
y distante de èl veinte y dos leguas.' _Cogollvdo_, _Hist.
Yuc._, 698.

[XXXVI‑18] 'Natural de la Imperial Ciudad de Toledo, y
Cauallero de la Orden de Calatraua.' _Id._, 684.

[XXXVI‑19] Villagutierre states that one of the chief
difficulties the missionaries had to contend with was the
opposition of native pseudo-christians who monopolized a
profitable trade with the more remote nations, whom they
prejudiced against the Spaniards, that their gains might not
be impaired. _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 161-2. Chico states that in
consequence of the extortions practised on the christianized
natives, they abandoned their settlements and relapsed into
idolatry. _Restitucion de los Chamelcos_, in _Doc. Orig.
Chiap._, 7.

[XXXVI‑20] The most outlying town of Vera Paz.

[XXXVI‑21] 'Y estando dormidos, bolvieron los Choles, y les
dieron de palos, y aun debieron de matar al Indio Christoval,
su Amigo, que nunca mas pareciò; y entonçes, solo vno bolvió.'
_Id._, 171. Juarros states that the messengers were severely
beaten with clubs and dismissed without reply. _Guat._, 278.

[XXXVI‑22] Fancourt conjectures that it 'was most probably
the Selegua, known nearer its junction with the sea ... as the
river Grijalva or Tabasco.' _Hist. Yuc._, 243. For map of the
Lacandon territory see p. 362, this vol.

[XXXVI‑23] For copies of these orders and particulars, see
_Id._, 192-9. Consult also _Elorza y Rada_, _Nobil._, 216.

[XXXVI‑24] The entire force was divided into 9 companies—5
Spanish and 4 Indian; 3 Spanish and 2 Indian companies made
up the command of the president, and one of each, those of
the other divisions. _Juarros_, _Guat._, 280.

[XXXVI‑25] According to Villagutierre the command of the
Huehuetenango division was first given to Captain Tomás de
Mendoza y Guzman, but later Guzman was put in command of
one of the president's companies, and Mazariegos, who had
volunteered to serve without pay, was placed in charge of the
above named force. _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 229, 234, 245.

[XXXVI‑26] _Id._, 268. Fancourt states that 'there was nothing
to fix its identity, not even a hut.' _Hist. Yuc._, 253.

[XXXVI‑27] 'Dexando doze Soldados, con algunos Indios de
Guerra, en el Sitio de San Juan de Dios.' _Villagvtierre_,
_Hist. Conq. Itza_, 270.

[XXXVI‑28] 'Con solo vna grande Viga, ù Madero por Puente.'
_Id._, 272. Fancourt thus regards this sentence: 'where had
formerly been a wooden bridge, in all probability one of those
constructed by Cortés, but of which only a single beam or
plank remained.' _Hist. Yuc._, 254.

[XXXVI‑29] This village had been named by Fray Diego de Rivas,
San Pedro Nolasco.

[XXXVI‑30] The appointment of Amézqueta was strongly
opposed by the fiscal, but ratified by the council on full
deliberation. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 301, apparently from
_Ximenez_, série v. tom. lxxvi.

[XXXVI‑31] Villagutierre, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 361, says 140
leagues.

[XXXVI‑32] The men began to sicken and provisions to fall
short, and the rainy weather having begun they returned.
_Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 301.

[XXXVI‑33] Velasco and his company are supposed to have been
induced by proffers of friendship to cross over to the island
in small canoes. They were then either drowned in the lake or
massacred as they landed. _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_,
370-1. Another account states that hearing signal shots fired
by some of their party, 15 Spaniards rushed to arms, believing
that an engagement had opened. They were assailed and slain.
_Id._, 433. Fancourt accepts this story as probable. Still
another statement is that the Itzas, 'avian muerto, ... à los
de Guatemala, cogidos durmiendo en la Sabana, y que se los
comieron, y las Cavalgaduras.' _Id._, 456. Their bones were
afterward found and buried. _Id._, 485-6.

[XXXVI‑34] 'Y à aquel Parage de Chuntùqui, se le puso por
Nombre, y por Patrona à Santa Clara.' _Id._, 319.

[XXXVI‑35] 'Y aora te remito vn Machete, muy lindo, con
su Bayna, y su Cuchillo, y su Cinta ancha, y tres varas de
Tafetàn encarnado, para que te põgas en mi Nombre.' _Id._,
336.

[XXXVI‑36] 'En cuya señal diò el Rey Canek dos Coronas, y vn
Abanico.' _Id._, 394.

[XXXVI‑37] 'Se hallaron con mas diez mil Indios Infieles, que
salian flechandolos; de las Canoas que estavan escondidas en
los Manglares de la Laguna.' _Id._; 405.

[XXXVI‑38] A private letter of Count Adanero, then president
of the council, to Ursua, is exceedingly courteous and
complimentary. _Elorza y Rada_, _Nob._, 243-7. Copies of the
cédulas are given in _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_,
438-9.

[XXXVI‑39] 'Que ningun Cabo ... ni otra Persona alguna, de
qualquiera Calidad que fuesse, pena de la Vida, ... fuesse
ossado à romper la Guerra contra Indio alguno, aunque le
diesse motivo para ello, hasta tener nueva orden de su
General.' _Id._, 473.

[XXXVI‑40] A picture of Saint Paul also miraculously floated
on the waves down upon the galliot. 'Y por este Prodigio, se
le puso à la Galeota el Nombre de San Pablo.' _Id._, 474.

[XXXVI‑41] 'Desde el Rey, hasta la mas pequeña Criatura, que
era capàz de executarlo, para ir à ganar la Tierra firme.'
_Id._, 479.

[XXXVI‑42] 'Y se echavan al Agua; de tal suerte, que no
se veìa otra cosa por la Laguna, desde la Isla, à Tierra
firme, que no fuesse cabeças de Indios, Varones, Mugeres, y
Muchachos, que iban nadando, como à porfia.' _Id._

[XXXVI‑43] Copies can be found in _Villagvtierre_, _Hist.
Conq. Itza_, 532-63.

[XXXVI‑44] The king says: 'Hè resuelto daros muy particulares
gracias, por el desvelo, aplicacion, y cuidado con que
vuestro valor, y constancia se dedica à conseguir Obra tan
del servicio de Dios.' _Villagvtierre_, 556.

[XXXVI‑45] Eight missionaries and 25 Indian families, to be
settled in the islands, with more than 1,200 head of cattle
and horses, accompanied the expedition. A great quantity of
tools, seed, and grain, as well as pay for the soldiers, was
also sent. _Id._, 592.

[XXXVI‑46] _Id._, 591-658. Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi, conde
de Lizarraga-Vengoa, was a member of one of the most noble
houses of Navarre, and a native of Olariz in the district
of the Valle de la Valdorba. He was knight of the order of
Santiago, conquistador of Itza, and perpetual governor and
captain-general of its provinces. _Elorza y Roda_, _Nobiliario
de el Valle de la Valdorba_, 210-11.

[XXXVI‑47] After the conquest of the Itzas in 1697, the
Spanish settlement in Peten was for half a century only
a military outpost, with a small garrison from Guatemala.
Afterward it became a criminal colony. Berendt in _Smithsonian
Report_, 1867, 424. The conquest seems to have been completed,
however, for in 1759 there were in the Peten district 7
villages, besides the principal settlement. _Juarros_, _Guat._
(Lond. ed.), 299.

[XXXVII‑1] See _Native Races_, i. 645; v. 603-4.

[XXXVII‑2] Cosío entered upon the presidency in 1706, having
been preceded by Alonso de Ceballos y Villagutierre, who was
president after Berrospe from 1702 to 1703, and by José Osorio
Espinosa de los Monteros. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 268.

[XXXVII‑3] _Garcia_, _Sublevac. Zend._, 47-8.

[XXXVII‑4] 'Que fueron al pueblo de Cancuc á remover á la
Virgen Sma en la cruz en que habia muerto su hijo Jesus
porque ya los Indios salian de Ciudad Real á matarla, y que
fuesen á defenderla, y que supiesen que ya no habia tributo
ni ley, ni Padres ni Obispo que alla los tomara á cargo para
defenderlos.' _Id._, 61-3.

[XXXVII‑5] At Cancuc they had erected 34 whipping-posts, and
the Spaniards were given 50 blows at each post, provided
they held out so long against death. Some of the captives
with their hands tied behind them were suspended with the
neck in the fork of a whipping-post and scourged to death.
Others again were simply hanged. Such as had been friendly
to Spaniards were suspended over a slow fire until their
feet were roasted. The fiscal of Oxchuc and friars Jorge and
Marcos, together with other Spaniards, were thrown by the
Indians into pits and stoned to death. _Id._, 65-7.

[XXXVII‑6] The proclamation said: God was angry with the
world because he was not venerated and feared as he ought
to be, old customs being abandoned and new ones introduced.
As murmurs had been heard because tribute, the order of Sto
Domingo, the king, and the dominion of the Jews had not been
done away with, San Pedro had ordered priests to be ordained
for all the pueblos who should be responsible to God for their
parishes. But for the masses celebrated by these priests the
world would come to an end, and through them only would God's
anger be removed. Children must be sent to the church to be
instructed in God's law. The vicar-general would presently
visit each pueblo in order to see if this order were obeyed.
He who refused obedience should be brought to Cancuc and given
200 blows, after which he should be hanged. _García_, _Sub.
Zend._, 74-5.

[XXXVII‑7] Secular distinctions were also conferred. Titles
of 'Don' were given, the patents being signed by the priestess
thus: 'Doña María Angel, Procuradora de la Vírgen Santisima.'
_Id._, 77.

[XXXVII‑8] At a later date the rebel Tzendales considered that
it was necessary to form their government on the plan of that
of the Spaniards. They determined to found an audiencia with
president and oidores at a place called Hueiteupan, to which
they gave the name of Guatemala. _Id._, 82-3.

[XXXVII‑9] The Tzendales buried the silver belonging to the
churches, and it has never been found. _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex.
Geog._, _Bol._, iii. 350.

[XXXVII‑10] 'The Tzendales, 15,000 strong, encamped at
Huistlan with the further intention of marching on Ciudad
Real.' _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Bol._, iii. 349.
This estimate probably includes the other force which was to
have started simultaneously against Ciudad Real, as mentioned
later.

[XXXVII‑11] They had about 30 escopetas taken at Chilun. Their
other weapons were long spears, the heads of which were made
of tools taken at Ococingo, and other arms of ancient usage.
Each Tzendale, moreover, carried a basket of stones. _García_,
_Sublevac. Zend._, MS., 85-6.

[XXXVII‑12] The Spaniards lost nine killed and about the same
number wounded. _Id._, 91-3.

[XXXVII‑13] Four of the Sinacantlan ringleaders were afterward
hanged by Gutierrez. _Id._, 95-6.

[XXXVII‑14] When his force reached San Pedro Chimalco it
consisted of 400 men; 150 of whom were arquebusiers, and
the rest Chiapanec and Mexican Indian lancers, residents of
Guatemala City. _Id._, 100-3.

[XXXVII‑15] These forces were sent by Gutierrez, who, after a
small body of his troops had been repulsed by the enemy, had
called a council of war, at which it was decided to return to
Ciudad Real and send aid to Segovia.

[XXXVII‑16] The Dominican prior of Tecpatlan, Fray Franco
Montoya, happened to be at Ciudad Real during Segovia's
preparations for the campaign. He had never seen artillery
other than that which was on the ship that brought him from
Spain, but he offered to construct either a mortar or a
cannon. He made a mortar which was of much service, chiefly
because of the horror it caused among the Indians, who called
it the _madre de escopetas_. _Id._, 99.

[XXXVII‑17] The president, who with the auditor de guerra,
Diego de Oviedo, had arrived at Ciudad Real, sent to thank
Segovia and his force at Occhuc and the Dominican padres with
him for their success there. He also requested that Segovia
and the padres would come to Ciudad Real as he wished to
consult them.