Chapter VIII (2)

These events being preceded by the great Arian war, and being accompanied and perpetually reinforced by those physical phenomena which I have indicated as tending in the same direction, worked with such combined and accumulative energy, that in Spain the theological element became not so much a component of the national character, but rather the character itself. The ablest and most ambitious of the Spanish kings were compelled to follow in the general wake; and, despots though they were, they succumbed to that pressure of opinions which they believed they were controlling. The war with Granada, late in the fifteenth century, was theological far more than temporal; and Isabella, who made the greatest sacrifices in order to conduct it, and who in capacity as well as in honesty was superior to Ferdinand, had for her object not so much the acquisition of territory as the propagation of the Christian faith.[1199] Indeed, any doubts which could be entertained respecting the purpose of the contest must have been dissipated by subsequent events. For, scarcely was the war brought to a close, when Ferdinand and Isabella issued a decree expelling from the country every Jew who refused to deny his faith; so that the soil of Spain might be no longer polluted by the presence of unbelievers.[1200] To make them Christians, or, failing in that, to exterminate them, was the business of the Inquisition, which was established in the same reign, and which before the end of the fifteenth century was in full operation.[1201] During the sixteenth century, the throne was occupied by two princes of eminent ability, who pursued a similar course. Charles V., who succeeded Ferdinand in 1516, governed Spain for forty years, and the general character of his administration was the same as that of his predecessors. In regard to his foreign policy, his three principal wars were against France, against the German princes, and against Turkey. Of these, the first was secular; but the two last were essentially religious. In the German war, he defended the church against innovation; and at the battle of Muhlberg, he so completely humbled the Protestant princes, as to retard for some time the progress of the Reformation.[1202] In his other great war, he, as the champion of Christianity against Mohammedanism, consummated what his grandfather Ferdinand had begun. Charles defeated and dislodged the Mohammedans in the east, just as Ferdinand had done in the west; the repulse of the Turks before Vienna being to the sixteenth century what the conquest of the Arabs of Granada was to the fifteenth.[1203] It was, therefore, with reason that Charles, at the close of his career, could boast that he had always preferred his creed to his country, and that the first object of his ambition had been to maintain the interests of Christianity.[1204] The zeal with which he struggled for the faith, also appears in his exertions against heresy in the Low Countries. According to contemporary and competent authorities, from fifty thousand to a hundred thousand persons were put to death in the Netherlands during his reign on account of their religious opinions.[1205] Later inquirers have doubted the accuracy of this statement,[1206] which is probably exaggerated; but we know that, between 1520 and 1550, he published a series of laws, to the effect that those who were convicted of heresy should be beheaded, or burned alive, or buried alive. The penalties were thus various, to meet the circumstances of each case. Capital punishment, however, was always to be inflicted on whoever bought an heretical book, or sold it, or even copied it for his own use.[1207] His last advice to his son, well accorded with these measures. Only a few days before his death, he signed a codicil to his will, recommending that no favour should ever be shown to heretics; that they should all be put to death; and that care should be taken to uphold the Inquisition, as the best means of accomplishing so desirable an end.[1208]

[1199] 'Isabella may be regarded as the soul of this war. She engaged in
it with the most exalted views, less to acquire territory than
to reëstablish the empire of the Cross over the ancient domain
of Christendom.' _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_,
vol. i. p. 392. Compare _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_,
vol. xxiii. p. 583, 'bannir de toute l'Espagne la secte de
Mahomet;' and _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_,
vol. ii. pp. 99, 109, 'pour elle une seule chose avait de
l'importance; extirper de ses royaumes le nom et la secte de
Mahomet.' ... 'Sa vie fut presque exclusivement consacrée à
faire triompher la croix sur le croissant.' Mariana (_Historia
de España_, vol. v. p. 344, and vol. vii. pp. 51, 52) has warmly
eulogized her character, which indeed, from the Spanish point of
view, was perfect. See also _Florez_, _Reynas Catholicas_,
vol. ii. pp. 774, 788, 829.

[1200] 'En España los Reyes Don Fernando y Doña Isabel luego que se
viéron desembarazados de la guerra de los Moros, acordáron de
echar de todo su reyno á los Judíos.' _Mariana_, _Historia de
España_, vol. vi. p. 303. A Spanish historian, writing less than
seventy years ago, expresses his approbation in the following
terms: 'Arrancado de nuestra peninsula el imperio Mahometano,
quedaba todavía la secta Judayca, peste acaso mas perniciosa, y
sin duda mas peligrosa y extendida, por estar los Judíos
establecidos en todos los pueblos de ella. Pero los Catolicos
Monarcas, cuyo mayor afan era desarraigar de sus reynos toda
planta y raiz infecta y contraria á la fé de Jesu-Cristo, dieron
decreto en Granada dia 30 de Marzo del año mismo de 1492,
mandando saliesen de sus dominios los Judíos que no se
bautizasen dentro de 4 meses.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, Madrid,
1798, vol. v. p. 564. The importance of knowing how these and
similar events are judged by Spaniards, induces me to give their
own words at a length which otherwise would be needlessly
prolix. Historians, generally, are too apt to pay more attention
to public transactions than to the opinions which those
transactions evoke; though, in point of fact, the opinions form
the most valuable part of history, since they are the result of
more general causes, while political actions are often due to
the peculiarities of powerful individuals.

Of the number of Jews actually expelled, I can find no
trustworthy account. They are differently estimated at from
160,000 to 800,000. _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and
Isabella_, vol. ii. p. 148. _Mariana_, _Historia de España_,
vol. vi. p. 304. _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. v. p. 564.
_Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. ix. pp. 412, 413.
_Llorente_, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, Paris, 1817, vol. i. p.
261. _Mata_, _Dos Discursos_, Madrid, 1794, pp. 64, 65.
_Castro_, _Decadencia de España_, Cadiz, 1852, p. 19.

[1201] It had been introduced into Aragon in 1242; but, according to M.
Tapia, 'sin embargo la persecucion se limitó entónces á la secta
de los albigenses; y como de ellos hubo tan pocos en Castilla,
no se consideró sin duda necesario en ella el establecimiento de
aquel tribunal.' _Tapia_, _Historia de la Civilizacion
Española_, Madrid, 1840, vol. ii. p. 302. Indeed, Llorente says
(_Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne_, Paris, 1817, vol. i. p.
88), 'Il est incertain si au commencement du 15^e siècle
l'Inquisition existait en Castille.' In the recent work by M.
Lafuente, 1232 is given as its earliest date; but, 'á fines del
siglos xiv. y principios del xv. apenas puede saberse si existia
tribunal de Inquisicion en Castilla.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
España_, vol. ix. pp. 204-206, Madrid, 1852. It seems therefore
with good reason that Mariana (_Historia_, vol. vi. p. 171)
terms the Inquisition of Ferdinand and Isabella 'un _nuevo_ y
santo tribunal.' See also _Florez_, _Memorias de las Reynas
Catholicas_, vol. ii. p. 799.

[1202] _Prescott's History of Philip II._, vol. i. p. 23, London, 1857.
_Davies' History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 447, London, 1841. On
the religious character of his German policy, compare _Mariana_,
_Historia de España_, vol. vii. p. 330; _Ortiz_, _Compendio_,
vol. vi. pp. 195, 196.

[1203] _Prescott's Philip II._, vol. i. p. 3; and the continuation of
_Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. xxvii. p. 280.
Robertson, though praising Charles V. for this achievement,
seems rather inclined to underrate its magnitude; _History of
Charles V._, p. 246.

[1204] In the speech he made at his abdication, he said that 'he had
been ever mindful of the interests of the dear land of his
birth, but above all of the great interests of Christianity. His
first object had been to maintain these inviolate against the
infidel.' _Prescott's Philip II._, vol. i. p. 8. Miñana boasts
that 'el César con piadoso y noble ánimo exponia su vida á los
peligros para extender los limites del Imperio Christiano.'
_Continuación de Mariana_, vol. viii. p. 352. Compare the
continuation of _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. xxxi.
p. 19.

[1205] Grotius says, 100,000; Bor, Meteren, and Paul say 50,000.
_Watson's History of Philip II._, London, 1839, pp. 45, 51.
_Davies' History of Holland_, London, 1841, vol. i. pp. 498,
499. _Motley's Dutch Republic_, London, 1858, vol. i. pp. 103,
104.

[1206] It is doubted, if I rightly remember, by Mr. Prescott. But the
opinion of that able historian is entitled to less weight from
his want of acquaintance with Dutch literature, where the
principal evidence must be sought for. On this, as on many other
matters, the valuable work of Mr. Motley leaves little to
desire.

[1207] _Prescott's Philip II._, vol. i. pp. 196, 197. In 1523, the first
persons were burned. _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. p. 69.
The mode of burying alive is described in _Davies' History of
Holland_, vol. i. p. 383, vol. ii. pp. 311, 312.

[1208] He died on the 21st September; and on the 9th he signed a
codicil, in which he 'enjoined upon his son to follow up and
bring to justice every heretic in his dominions, and this
without exception, and without favour or mercy to any one. He
conjured Philip to cherish the holy inquisition as the best
means of accomplishing this good work.' _Prescott's Additions to
Robertson's Charles V._, p. 576. See also his instructions to
Philip in _Raumer's History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
Centuries_, vol. i. p. 91; and on his opinion of the
Inquisition, see his conversation with Sir Thomas Wyatt, printed
from the State Papers in _Froude's History of England_, vol.
iii. p. 456, London, 1858. This may have been mere declamation;
but in _Tapia's Civilizacion Española_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iii.
pp. 76, 77, will be found a deliberate and official letter, in
which Charles does not hesitate to say, 'La santa inquisicion
como oficio santo y puesto por los reyes católicos, nuestros
señores y abuelos á honra de Dios nuestro señor y de nuestra
santa fé católica, tengo firme é entrañablemente asentado y
fijado en mi corazon, para la mandar favorecer y honrar, como
principe justo y temeroso de Dios es obligado y debe hacer.'

The codicil to the will of Charles still exists, or did very
recently, among the archives at Simancas. _Ford's Spain_, 1847,
p. 334. In M. Lafuente's great work, _Historia de España_, vol.
xii. pp. 494, 495, Madrid, 1853, it is referred to in language
which, in more senses than one, is perfectly Spanish: 'Su
testamento y codicilo respiran las ideas cristianas y religiosas
en que habia vivido y la piedad que señaló su muerte.' ... 'Es
muy de notar en primera cláusula [i.e.] of the codicil por la
cual deja muy encarecidamente recomendado al rey Don Felipe que
use de todo rigor en el castigo de los hereges luteranos que
habian sido presos y se hubieren de prender en España.' ...
'"Sin escepcion de persona alguna, ni admitir ruegos, ni tener
respeto á persona alguna; porque para el efecto de ello
favorezca y mande favorecer al Santo Oficio de la
Inquisición,"' &c.

This barbarous policy is to be ascribed, not to the vices, nor to the temperament of the individual ruler, but to the operation of large general causes, which acted upon the individual, and impelled him to the course he pursued. Charles was by no means a vindictive man; his natural disposition was to mercy rather than to rigour; his sincerity is unquestionable; he performed what he believed to be his duty; and he was so kind a friend, that those who knew him best were precisely those who loved him most.[1209] Little, however, could all that avail in shaping his public conduct. He was obliged to obey the tendencies of the age and country in which he lived. And what those tendencies were, appeared still more clearly after his death, when the throne of Spain was occupied upwards of forty years by a prince who inherited it in the prime of life, and whose reign is particularly interesting as a symptom and a consequence of the disposition of the people over whom he ruled.

[1209] Native testimony may perhaps be accused of being partial; but, on
the other hand, Raumer, in his valuable _History of the
Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, vol. i. p. 22, justly
observes, that his character has been misrepresented 'by reason
that historians have availed themselves by preference of the
inimical narratives of French and Protestant writers.' To steer
between these extremes, I will transcribe the summing up of
Charles's reign as it is given by a learned and singularly
unprejudiced writer. 'Tortuous as was sometimes the policy of
the emperor, he never, like Francis, acted with treachery; his
mind had too much of native grandeur for such baseness. Sincere
in religion and friendship, faithful to his word, clement beyond
example, liberal towards his servants, indefatigable in his
regal duties, anxious for the welfare of his subjects, and
generally blameless in private life, his character will not
suffer by a comparison with that of any monarch of his times.'
_Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 41. 'Clemency was the
basis of his character.' p. 30.

Philip II., who succeeded Charles V. in 1555, was indeed eminently a creature of the time, and the ablest of his biographers aptly terms him the most perfect type of the national character.[1210] His favourite maxim, which forms the key to his policy, was, 'That it is better not to reign at all than to reign over heretics.'[1211] Armed with supreme power, he bent all his energies towards carrying this principle into effect. Directly that he heard that the Protestants were making converts in Spain, he strained every nerve to stifle the heresy;[1212] and so admirably was he seconded by the general temper of the people, that he was able without risk to suppress opinions which convulsed every other part of Europe. In Spain, the Reformation, after a short struggle, died completely away, and in about ten years the last vestige of it disappeared.[1213] The Dutch wished to adopt, and in many instances did adopt, the reformed doctrine; therefore Philip waged against them a cruel war, which lasted thirty years, and which he continued till his death, because he was resolved to extirpate the new creed.[1214] He ordered that every heretic who refused to recant should be burned. If the heretic did recant, some indulgence was granted; but having once been tainted, he must die. Instead of being burned, he was therefore to be executed.[1215] Of the number of those who actually suffered in the Low Countries, we have no precise information;[1216] but Alva triumphantly boasted that, in the five or six years of his administration, he had put to death in cold blood more than eighteen thousand, besides a still greater number whom he had slain on the field of battle.[1217] This, even during his short tenure of power, would make about forty thousand victims; an estimate probably not far from the truth, since we know, from other sources, that in one year more than eight thousand were either executed or burned.[1218] Such measures were the result of instructions issued by Philip, and formed a necessary part of his general scheme.[1219] The desire paramount in his mind, and to which he sacrificed all other considerations, was to put down the new creed, and to reinstate the old one. To this, even his immense ambition and his inordinate love of power were subordinate. He aimed at the empire of Europe, because he longed to restore the authority of the Church.[1220] All his policy, all his negotiations, all his wars, pointed to this one end. Soon after his accession, he concluded an ignominious treaty with the Pope, that it might not be said that he bore arms against the head of the Christian world.[1221] And his last great enterprise, in some respects the most important of all, was to fit out, at an incredible cost, that famous Armada with which he hoped to humble England, and to nip the heresy of Europe in its bud, by depriving the Protestants of their principal support, and of the only asylum where they were sure to find safe and honourable refuge.[1222]

[1210] 'The Spaniards, as he grew in years, beheld, with pride and
satisfaction, in their future sovereign, the most perfect type
of the national character.' _Prescott's History of Philip II._
vol. i. p. 39. So, too, in _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. p.
128, 'he was entirely a Spaniard;' and in _Lafuente_, _Historia
de España_, vol. i. p. 155, 'pero el reinado de Felipe fué todo
Español.'

[1211] _Prescott's Philip II._ vol. i. pp. 68, 210, vol. ii. p. 26.
_Watson's Philip II._ p. 55. Compare _Fleury_, _Histoire
Ecclésiastique_, vol. xxxiv. p. 273.

[1212] 'Como era tan zeloso en la extirpación de la heregía, uno de sus
primeros cuidados fué el castigo de los Luteranos; y á presencia
suya, se executó en Valladolid el dia ocho de Octubre el
suplicio de muchos reos de este delito.' _Miñana_, _Continuacion
de Mariana_, vol. ix. p. 212.

[1213] 'The contest with Protestantism in Spain, under such auspices,
was short. It began in earnest and in blood about 1559, and was
substantially ended in 1570.' _Ticknor's History of Spanish
Literature_, vol. i. p. 425. See also _M'Crie's History of the
Reformation in Spain_, pp. 336, 346. Thus it was that 'España se
preservó del contagio. Hizolo con las armas Carlos V., y con las
hogueras los inquisidores. España se aisló del movimiento
europeo.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. i. p. 144,
Madrid, 1850. M. Lafuente adds, that, in his opinion, all
Christendom is about to follow the good example set by Spain of
rejecting Protestantism. 'Si no nos equivocamos, en nuestra
misma edad se notan sintomas de ir marchando este problema hácia
su resolucion. El catolicismo gana prosélitos; los protestantes
de hoy no son lo que antes fueron, y creemos que la unidad
católica se realizará.'

[1214] Before the arrival of Alva, 'Philip's commands to Margaret were
imperative, to use her utmost efforts to extirpate the
heretics.' _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 551; and in
1563 he wrote, 'The example and calamities of France prove how
wholesome it is to punish heretics with rigour.' _Raumer's
History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, vol. i. p.
171. The Spaniards deemed the Dutch guilty of a double crime;
being rebels against God and the king: 'Rebeldes á Dios por la
heregía, y á su Principe á quien debian obedecer.' _Mariana_,
_Historia de España_, vol. vii. p. 410. 'Tratauan de secreto de
quitar la obediencia á Dios y á su Principe.' _Vanderhammen's
Don Filipe el Prudente Segundo deste Nombre_, Madrid, 1632, p.
44 rev. Or, as Miñana phrases it, Philip 'tenia los mismos
enemigos que Dios.' _Continuacion de Mariana_, vol. x. p. 139.

[1215] _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. p. 229. _Watson's Philip II._
pp. 51, 52, 177.

[1216] Mr. Motley, under the year 1566, says, 'The Prince of Orange
estimated that up to this period fifty thousand persons in the
provinces had been put to death in obedience to the edicts. He
was a moderate man, and accustomed to weigh his words.'
_Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. pp. 424, 425.

[1217] _Watson's Philip II._ pp. 248, 249. Tapia (_Civilizacion
Española_, vol. iii. p. 95) says, 'quitó la vida á mas de diez y
ocho mil protestantes con diversos géneros de suplicios.'
Compare _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. ii. p. 423, and _Davies'
History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 608.

[1218] _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 567. Vanderhammen (_Don
Filipe el Prudente_, Madrid, 1632, p. 52 rev.), with tranquil
pleasure, assures us that 'muriessen mil y setecientas personas
en pocos dias con fuego, cordel y cuchillo en diuersos lugares.'

[1219] 'El duque de Alba, obrando en conformidad á las instrucciones de
su soberano, y apoyado en la aprobacion que merecian al rey
todas sus medidas.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. xiii.
p. 221.

[1220] 'It was to restore the Catholic Church that he desired to obtain
the empire of Europe.' _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. ii. p.
329. 'El protestó siempre "que sus desinios en la guerra, y sus
exercitos no se encaminauan á otra cosa, que el ensalçamiento de
la Religion Christiana."' _Vanderhammen's Don Filipe el
Prudente_, p. 125. 'El que aspiraba á someter todas las naciones
de la tierra á su credo religioso.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
España_, vol. xv. p. 203. The bishop of Salamanca in 1563 openly
boasted 'que son roi ne s'étoit marié avec la reine d'Angleterre
que pour ramener cette isle à l'obéissance de l'église.'
_Continuation de Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol.
xxxiii. p. 331. Compare _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vi. p. 204.
'Este casamiento no debió de tener otras miras que el de la
religion.'

[1221] On this treaty, the only humiliating one which he ever concluded,
see _Prescott's Philip II._ vol. i. p. 104. His dying advice to
his son was, 'Siempre estareis en la obediencia de la Santa
Iglesia Romana, y del Sumo Pontifice, teniendole por vuestro
Padre espiritual.' _Davila_, _Historia de la Vida de Felipe
Tercero_, Madrid, 1771, folio, lib. i. p. 29. According to
another writer, 'La ultima palabra que le salió con el espiritu,
fue: "Yo muero como Catolico Christiano en la Fe y obediencia de
la Iglesia Romana, y respeto al Papa, como á quien trae en sus
manos las llaues del Cielo, como á Principe de la Iglesia, y
Teniente de Dios sobre el imperio de las almas."'
_Vanderhammen_, _Don Filipe el Prudente_, p. 124.

[1222] Elizabeth, uniting the three terrible qualities of heresy, power,
and ability, was obnoxious to the Spaniards to an almost
incredible degree, and there never was a more thoroughly
national enterprise than the fitting out of the Armada against
her. One or two passages from a grave historian, will illustrate
the feelings with which she was regarded even after her death,
and will assist the reader in forming an opinion respecting the
state of the Spanish mind. 'Isabel, ó Jezabel, Reyna de
Inglaterra, heretica Calvinista, y la mayor perseguidora que ha
tenido la sangre de Jesu-Christo y los hijos de la Iglesia.'
_Davila_, _Historia de Felipe Tercero_, p. 74. 'Los sucesos de
fuera causaron admiracion; y el mayor y muy esperado de toda la
Christiandad fue la muerte de Isabela, Reyna de Inglaterra,
heretica Calvinista, que hizo su nombre famoso con la infamia de
su vida, y perseguir á la Iglesia, derramando la sangre de los
Santos, que defendian la verdadera Religion Catolica, dexando
registradas sus maldades en las historias públicas del mundo,
pasando su alma á coger el desdichado fruto de su obstinada
soberbia en las penas del Infierno, donde conoce con el castigo
perpetuo el engaño de su vida.' pp. 83, 84.

While Philip, following the course of his predecessors, was wasting the blood and treasure of Spain in order to propagate religious opinions,[1223] the people, instead of rebelling against so monstrous a system, acquiesced in it, and cordially sanctioned it. Indeed, they not only sanctioned it, but they almost worshipped the man by whom it was enforced. There probably never lived a prince who, during so long a period, and amid so many vicissitudes of fortune, was adored by his subjects as Philip II. was. In evil report, and in good report, the Spaniards clung to him with unshaken loyalty. Their affection was not lessened, either by his reverses, or by his forbidding deportment, or by his cruelty, or by his grievous exactions. In spite of all, they loved him to the last. Such was his absurd arrogance, that he allowed none, not even the most powerful nobles, to address him, except on their knees, and, in return, he only spoke in half sentences, leaving them to guess the rest, and to fulfil his commands as best they might.[1224] And ready enough they were to obey his slightest wishes. A contemporary of Philip, struck by the universal homage which he received, says that the Spanish did 'not merely love, not merely reverence, but absolutely adore him, and deem his commands so sacred, that they could not be violated without offence to God.'[1225]

[1223] One of the most eminent of living historians well says, 'It was
Philip's enthusiasm to embody the wrath of God against
heretics.' _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. ii. p. 155. 'Philip
lived but to enforce what he chose to consider the will of God.'
p. 285.

[1224] 'Personne vivante ne parloit à lui qu'à genoux, et disoit pour
son excuse à cela qu'estant petit de corps, chacun eust paru
plus eslevé que lui, outre qu'il sçavoit que les Espagnols
estoient d'humeur si altiere et hautaine, qu'il estoit besoin
qu'il les traittast de cette façon; et pour ce mesme ne se
laissoit voir que peu souvent du peuple, n'y mesme des grands,
sinon aux jours solemnels, et action necessaire, en cette façon?
il faisoit ses commandemens à demy mot, et falloit que l'on
devinast le reste, et que l'on ne manquast à bien accomplir
toutes ses intentions; mesmes les gentilshommes de sa chambre,
et autres qui approchoient plus près de sa personne, n'eussent
osé parler devant luy s'il ne leur eust commandé, se tenant un
tout seul à la fois près de la porte du lieu où il estoit, et
demeurant nud teste incessamment, et appuyé contra une
tapisserie, pour attendre et recevoir ses commandemens.'
_Mémoires de Cheverny_, pp. 352, 353, in _Petitot's Collection
des Mémoires_, vol. xxxvi. Paris, 1823.

[1225] These are the words of Contarini, as given in _Ranke's Ottoman
and Spanish Empires_, London, 1843, p. 33. Sismondi, though
unacquainted with this passage, observes in his _Literature of
the South of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 273, London, 1846, that
Philip, though 'little entitled to praise, has yet been always
regarded with enthusiasm by the Spaniards.' About half a century
after his death, Sommerdyck visited Spain, and in his curious
account of that country he tells us that Philip was called 'le
Salomon de son siècle.' _Aarsens de Sommerdyck_, _Voyage
d'Espagne_, Paris, 1665, 4to, pp. 63, 95. See also _Yañez_,
_Memorias para la Historia de Felipe III._, Madrid, 1723, p.
294. 'El gran Felipe, aquel Sabio Salomon.' Another writer
likens him to Numa. 'Hacia grandes progresos la piedad, á la
qual se dedicaba tanto el Rey Don Felipe, que parecia su reynado
en España lo que en Roma el de Numa, despues de Rómulo.' _Miñana
Continuacion de Mariana_, vol. ix. p. 241. When he died,
'celebradas sus exêquias entre lágrimas y gemidos.' vol. x. pp.
259, 260. We further learn from _Vanderhammen's Filipe Segundo_,
Madrid, 1632, p. 120 rev., that the people ascribed to him 'una
grandeza adorable, y alguna cosa mas que las ordinarias á los
demas hombres.'

That a man like Philip II., who never possessed a friend, and whose usual demeanour was of the most repulsive kind, a harsh master, a brutal parent, a bloody and remorseless ruler,--that he should be thus reverenced by a nation among whom he lived, and who had their eyes constantly on his actions; that this should have happened, is surely one of the most surprising, and, at first sight, one of the most inexplicable facts in modern history. Here we have a king who, though afflicted by every quality most calculated to excite terror and disgust, is loved far more than he is feared, and is the idol of a very great people during a very long reign. This is so remarkable as to deserve our serious attention; and in order to clear up the difficulty, it will be necessary to inquire into the causes of that spirit of loyalty which, during several centuries, has distinguished the Spaniards above every other European people.

One of the leading causes was undoubtedly the immense influence possessed by the clergy. For the maxims inculcated by that powerful body have a natural tendency to make the people reverence their princes more than they would otherwise do. And that there is a real and practical connexion between loyalty and superstition, appears from the historical fact that the two feelings have nearly always flourished together and decayed together. Indeed, this is what we should expect on mere speculative grounds, seeing that both feelings are the product of those habits of veneration which make men submissive in their conduct and credulous in their belief.[1226] Experience, therefore, as well as reason, points to this as a general law of the mind, which, in its operation, may be occasionally disturbed, but which holds good in a large majority of cases. Probably the only instance in which the principle fails is, when a despotic government so misunderstands its own interests as to offend the clergy, and separate itself from them. Whenever this is done, a struggle will arise between loyalty and superstition; the first being upheld by the political classes, the other by the spiritual classes. Such a warfare was exhibited in Scotland; but history does not afford many examples of it, and certainly it never took place in Spain, where, on the contrary, several circumstances occurred to cement the union between the Crown and the Church, and to accustom the people to look up to both with almost equal reverence.

[1226] 'Habits of reverence, which, if carried into religion, cause
superstition, and if carried into politics, cause despotism.'
_Buckle's Hist. of Civilization_, vol. ii. p. 117.

By far the most important of these circumstances was the great Arab invasion, which drove the Christians into a corner of Spain, and reduced them to such extremities, that nothing but the strictest discipline, and the most unhesitating obedience to their leaders, could have enabled them to make head against their enemies. Loyalty to their princes became not merely expedient, but necessary; for if the Spaniards had been disunited, they would, in the face of the fearful odds against which they fought, have had no chance of preserving their national existence. The long war which ensued, being both political and religious, caused an intimate alliance between the political and religious classes, since the kings and the clergy had an equal interest in driving the Mohammedans from Spain. During nearly eight centuries, this compact between Church and State was a necessity forced upon the Spaniards by the peculiarities of their position; and, after the necessity had subsided, it naturally happened that the association of ideas survived the original danger, and that an impression had been made upon the popular mind which it was hardly possible to efface.

Evidence of this impression, and of the unrivalled loyalty it produced, crowds upon us at every turn. In no other country are the old ballads so numerous and so intimately connected with the national history. It has, however, been observed, that their leading characteristic is the zeal with which they inculcate obedience and devotion to princes, and that from this source, even more than from military achievements, they draw their most favourite examples of virtue.[1227] In literature the first great manifestation of the Spanish mind was the poem of _The Cid_, written at the end of the twelfth century, in which we find fresh proof of that extraordinary loyalty which circumstances had forced upon the people.[1228] The ecclesiastical councils display a similar tendency; for, notwithstanding a few exceptions, no other church has been equally eager in upholding the rights of kings.[1229] In civil legislation, we see the same principle at work; it being asserted, on high authority, that in no system of laws is loyalty carried to such extreme height as in the Spanish codes.[1230] Even their dramatic writers were unwilling to represent an act of rebellion on the stage, lest they should appear to countenance what, in the eyes of every good Spaniard, was one of the most heinous of all offences.[1231] Whatever the king came in contact with, was in some degree hallowed by his touch. No one might mount a horse which he had ridden;[1232] no one might marry a mistress whom he had deserted.[1233] Horse and mistress alike were sacred, and it would have been impious for any subject to meddle with what had been honoured by the Lord's anointed. Nor were such rules confined to the prince actually reigning. On the contrary, they survived him, and, working with a sort of posthumous force, forbade any woman whom he had taken as a wife, to marry, even after he was dead. She had been chosen by the king; such choice had already raised her above the rest of mortals; and the least she could do was to retire to a convent, and spend her life mourning over her irreparable loss. These regulations were enforced by custom rather than by law.[1234] They were upheld by the popular will, and were the result of the excessive loyalty of the Spanish nation. Of that loyalty their writers often boast, and with good reason, since it was certainly matchless, and nothing seemed able to shake it. To bad kings and to good kings it equally applied. It was in full strength amid the glory of Spain in the sixteenth century; it was conspicuous when the nation was decaying in the seventeenth century; and it survived the shock of civil wars early in the eighteenth.[1235] Indeed, the feeling had so worked itself into the traditions of the country, as to become not only a national passion, but almost an article of national faith. Clarendon, in his History of that great English Rebellion, the like of which, as he well knew, could never have happened in Spain, makes on this subject a just and pertinent remark. He says that a want of respect for kings is regarded by the Spaniards as a 'monstrous crime;' 'submissive reverence to their princes being a vital part of their religion.'[1236]

[1227] 'More ballads are connected with Spanish history than with any
other, and, in general, they are better. The most striking
peculiarity of the whole mass is, perhaps, to be found in the
degree in which it expresses the national character. Loyalty is
constantly prominent. The Lord of Butrago sacrifices his own
life to save that of his sovereign,' &c. _Ticknor's History of
Spanish Literature_, vol. i. p. 133. 'In the implicit obedience
of the old Spanish knight, the order of the king was paramount
to every consideration, even in the case of friendship and love.
This code of obedience has passed into a proverb--"mas pesa el
Rey que la sangre,"' _Ford's Spain_, p. 183. Compare the
admirable little work of Mr. Lewes, _The Spanish Drama_, London,
1846, p. 120, 'ballads full of war, loyalty, and love.'

[1228] See some interesting remarks in M. Tapia's _Civilizacion
Española_, vol. i. He observes that, though cruelly persecuted
by Alfonso, the first thing done by the Cid, after gaining a
great victory, was to order one of his captains 'para que lleve
al rey Alfonso treinta caballos árabes bien ensillados, con
sendas espadas pendientes de los arzones en señal de homenage, á
_pesar del agravio que habia recibido_.' p. 274. And at p. 280,
'comedido y obediente súbdito á un rey que tan mal le habia
tratado.' Southey (_Chronicle of the Cid_, p. 268) notices with
surprise that the Cid is represented in the old chronicles as
'offering to kiss the feet of the king.'

[1229] 'Le xvi^e Concile de Tolède appelait les rois "vicaires de Dieu
et du Christ;" et rien n'est plus fréquent dans les conciles de
cette époque que leurs exhortations aux peuples pour
l'observation du serment de fidélité á leur roi, et leurs
anathêmes contre les séditieux.' _Sempere_, _Monarchie
Espagnole_, vol. i. p. 41. 'Aparte de los asuntos de derecho
civil y canonico y de otros varios que dicen relacion al
gobierno de la iglesia, sobre los cuales se contienen en todos
ellos disposiciones muy útiles y acertadas, la mayor parte de
las leyes dictadas en estas asambleas tuvieron por objeto dar
fuerza y estabilidad al poder real, proclamando su
inviolabilidad y estableciendo graves penas contra los
infractores; condenar las heregías,' &c. _Antequera_, _Historia
de la Legislacion Española_, p. 47.

[1230] 'Loyalty to a superior is carried to a more atrocious length by
the Spanish law than I have seen it elsewhere.' ... 'The
_Partidas_ (P. 2, T. 13, L. 1) speaks of an old law whereby any
man who openly wished to see the King dead, was condemned to
death, and the loss of all that he had. The utmost mercy to be
shown him was to spare his life and pluck out his eyes, that he
might never see with them what he had desired. To defame the
King is declared as great a crime as to kill him, and in like
manner to be punished. The utmost mercy that could be allowed
was to cut out the offender's tongue. P. 2, T. 13, L. 4.'
_Southey's Chronicle of the Cid_, p. 442. Compare _Johnston's
Civil Law of Spain_, London, 1825, p. 269, on 'Blasphemers of
the King.'

[1231] Thus, Montalvan, the eminent poet and dramatist, who was born in
1602, 'avoided, we are told, representing rebellion on the
stage, lest he should seem to encourage it.' _Ticknor's History
of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii. p. 283. A similar spirit is
exhibited in the plays of Calderon and of Lope de Vega. On the
'Castilian loyalty' evinced in one of Calderon's comedies, see
_Hallam's Literature of Europe_, 2d edit. London, 1843, vol.
iii. p. 63; and as to Lope, see _Lewes on the Spanish Drama_,
p. 78.

[1232] 'His Majesty's horses could never be used by any other person.
One day, while Philip IV. was going in procession to the church
of Our Lady of Atocha, the Duke of Medina-de-las-Torres offered
to present him with a beautiful steed which belonged to him, and
which was accounted the finest in Madrid; but the King declined
the gift, because he should regret to render so noble an animal
ever after useless.' _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 372. Madame
d'Aulnoy, who travelled in Spain in 1679, and who, from her
position, had access to the best sources of information, was
told of this piece of etiquette. 'L'on m'a dit que lors que le
Roy s'est servy d'un cheval, personne par respect ne le monte
jamais.' _D'Aulnoy_, _Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693,
vol. ii. p. 40. In the middle of the eighteenth century, I find
another notice of this loyal custom, which, likely enough, is
still a tradition in the Spanish stables. 'If the king has once
honoured a Pad so much as to cross his back, it is never to be
used again by anybody else.' _A Tour through Spain_, _by Udal ap
Rhys_, 2d edit. London, 1760, p. 15.

[1233] Madame d'Aulnoy, who was very inquisitive respecting these
matters, says (_Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 411),
'Il y a une autre étiquette, c'est qu'après que le Roi a eu une
Maitresse, s'il vient à la quitter, il faut qu'elle se fasse
Religieuse, comme je vous l'ai déjà écrit; et l'on m'a conté que
le feu Roi s'estant amoureux d'une Dame du Palais, il fut un
soir fraper doucement à la porte de sa chambre. Comme elle
comprit que c'estoit lui, elle ne voulut pas lui ouvrir, et elle
se contenta de lui dire au travers de la porte, _Baya, baya, con
Dios, no quiero ser monja_; c'est à dire, "Allez allez, Dieu
vous conduise, je n'ai pas envie d'estre Religieuse."' So too
Henry IV. of Castile, who came to the throne in the year 1454,
made one of his mistresses 'abbess of a convent in Toledo;' in
this case to the general scandal, because, says Mr. Prescott, he
first expelled 'her predecessor, a lady of noble rank and
irreproachable character.' _Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella_,
vol. i. p. 68.

[1234] There is, however, one very remarkable old law, in the form of a
canon enacted by the third Council of Saragossa, which orders
that the royal widows 'seront obligées à prendre l'habit de
religieuses, et à s'enfermer dans un monastère pour le reste de
leur vie.' _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. ix. p. 104.
In 1065 Ferdinand I. died; and, says the biographer of the
Spanish Queens, 'La Reyna sobrevivió: y parece, que muerto su
marido, entró en algun Monasterio; lo que expressamos no tanto
por _la costumbre antigua_, quanto por constar en la Memoria
referida de la Iglesia de Leon, el dictado de 'Consagrada á
Dios,' frasse que denota estado Religioso.' _Florez_, _Memorias
de las Reynas Catholicas_, Madrid, 1761, 4to, vol. i. p. 148. In
1667 it was a settled principle that 'les reines d'Espagne n'en
sortent point. Le couvent de _las Señoras descalças reales_ est
fondé afin que les reines veuves s'y enferment.' _Discours du
Comte de Castrillo à la Reine d'Espagne_, in _Mignet's
Négociations relatives à la Succession d'Espagne_, vol. ii. p.
604, Paris, 1835, 4to. This valuable work consists for the most
part of documents previously unpublished, many of which are
taken from the archives at Simancas. To the critical historian,
it would have been more useful if the original Spanish had been
given.

[1235] See some good remarks on San Phelipe, in _Ticknor's History of
Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. pp. 213, 214, which might easily
be corroborated by other testimony; as, for instance, Lafuente
under the year 1710: 'Ni el abandono de la Francia, ni la
prolongacion y los azares de la guerra, ni los sacrificios
pecuniarios y personales de tantos años, nada bastaba á entibiar
el amor de los castellanos á su rey Felipe V.' (_Historia de
España_, vol. xviii. p. 258); and Berwick (_Mémoires_, vol. ii.
p. 114, edit. Paris, 1778): 'La fidélité inouie des Espagnols;'
and, nine years earlier, a letter from Louville to Torcy: 'Le
mot révolte, pris dans une acception rigoureuse, n'a pas de sens
en Espagne.' _Louville_, _Mémoires sur l'établissement de la
Maison de Bourbon en Espagne_, edit. Paris, 1818, vol. i. p.
128. See also _Memoirs of Ripperda_, London, 1740, p. 58; and
_Mémoires de Gramont_, vol. ii. p. 77, edit. Petitot, Paris,
1827. All these passages illustrate Spanish loyalty in the
eighteenth century, except the reference to Gramont, which
concerns the seventeenth, and which should be compared with the
following observations of Madame D'Aulnoy, who writes from
Madrid in 1679: 'Quelques richesses qu'ayent les grands
Seigneurs, quelque grande que soit leur fierté ou leur
présomption, ils obéïssent aux moindres ordres du Roy, avec une
exactitude et un respect que l'on ne peut assez loüer. Sur le
premier ordre ils partent, ils reviennent, ils vont en prison,
ou en exil, sans se plaindre. Il ne se peut trouver une
soûmission, et une obéïssance plus parfaite, ni un amour plus
sincère, que celui des Espagnols pour leur Roi. Ce nom leur est
sacré, et pour réduire le peuple à tout ce que l'on souhaite, il
suffit de dire, "Le Roi le veut."' _D'Aulnoy_, _Voyage_,
vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.

[1236] 'And Olivarez had been heard to censure very severely the duke's
(Buckingham's) familiarity and want of respect towards the
prince, a crime monstrous to the Spaniard.' ... 'Their
submissive reverence to their princes being a vital part of
their religion.' _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, ed.
Oxford, 1843, p. 15. For the religion of loyalty, in an earlier
period, see _Florez_, _Reynas Catholicas_, vol. i. p. 421: 'La
persona del Rey fue mirada de sus fieles vassallos con respeto
tan sagrado,' that resistance was 'una especie de sacrilegio.'

These, then, were the two great elements of which the Spanish character was compounded. Loyalty and superstition; reverence for their kings and reverence for their clergy were the leading principles which influenced the Spanish mind, and governed the march of Spanish history. The peculiar and unexampled circumstances under which they arose, have been just indicated; and having seen their origin, we will now endeavour to trace their consequences. Such an examination of results will be the more important, not only because nowhere else in Europe have these feelings been so strong, so permanent, and so unmixed, but also because Spain, being seated at the further extremity of the Continent, from which it is cut off by the Pyrenees, has, from physical causes, as well as from moral ones, come little into contact with other nations.[1237] The course of affairs being, therefore, undisturbed by foreign habits, it becomes easier to discover the pure and natural consequences of superstition and loyalty, two of the most powerful and disinterested feelings which have ever occupied the human heart, and to whose united action we may clearly trace the leading events in the history of Spain.

[1237] These impediments to intercourse were once deemed almost
invincible. Fontenay-Mareuil, who visited Spain in 1612, and was
not a little proud of the achievement, says, 'Au reste,
parcequ'on ne va pas aussy ordinairement en Espagne qu'en
France, en Italie et ailleurs; et qu'estant comme en un coin, et
séparée du reste du monde par la mer ou par les Pyrénées, on
n'en a, ce me semble, guere de connoissance, j'ay pense que je
devois faire icy une petite digression pour dire ce que j'en ay
appris dans ce voyage et despuis.' _Mémoires de
Fontenay-Mareuil_, in _Collection des Mémoires par Petitot_,
vol. i. p. 169, 1^e Série, Paris, 1826. Seventy years later,
another writer on Spain says of the Pyrenees, 'Ces montagnes
sont à nos voyageurs modernes, ce qu'étoit aux anciens mariniers
le _Non plus ultra_ et les colomnes du grand Hercule.' _L'Estat
de l'Espagne_, Geneve, 1681 Epistre, p. ii. This work, little
known and not much worth knowing, forms the third volume of _Le
Prudent Voyageur_.

The results of this combination were, during a considerable period, apparently beneficial, and certainly magnificent. For, the church and the crown making common cause with each other, and being inspirited by the cordial support of the people, threw their whole soul into their enterprises, and displayed an ardour which could hardly fail to insure success. Gradually advancing from the north of Spain, the Christians, fighting their way inch by inch, pressed on till they reached the southern extremity, completely subdued the Mohammedans, and brought the whole country under one rule and one creed. This great result was achieved late in the fifteenth century, and it cast an extraordinary lustre on the Spanish name.[1238] Spain, long occupied by her own religious wars, had hitherto been little noticed by foreign powers, and had possessed little leisure to notice them. Now, however, she formed a compact and undivided monarchy, and at once assumed an important position in European affairs.[1239] During the next hundred years, her power advanced with a speed of which the world had seen no example since the days of the Roman Empire. So late as 1478 Spain was still broken up into independent and often hostile states; Granada was possessed by the Mohammedans; the throne of Castile was occupied by one prince, the throne of Aragon by another. Before the year 1590, not only were these fragments firmly consolidated into one kingdom, but acquisitions were made abroad so rapidly as to endanger the independence of Europe. The history of Spain, during this period, is the history of one long and uninterrupted success. That country, recently torn by civil wars, and distracted by hostile creeds, was able in three generations to annex to her territory the whole of Portugal, Navarre, and Roussillon. By diplomacy, or by force of arms, she acquired Artois and Franche Comté, and the Netherlands; also the Milanese, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, the Balearic Islands, and the Canaries. One of her kings was emperor of Germany; while his son influenced the councils of England, whose queen he married. The Turkish power, then one of the most formidable in the world, was broken and beaten back on every side. The French monarchy was humbled. French armies were constantly worsted; Paris was once in imminent jeopardy; and a king of France, after being defeated on the field, was taken captive, and led prisoner to Madrid. Out of Europe, the deeds of Spain were equally wonderful. In America, the Spaniards became possessed of territories which covered sixty degrees of latitude, and included both the tropics. Besides Mexico, Central America, Venezuela, New Granada, Peru, and Chili, they conquered Cuba, San Domingo, Jamaica, and other islands. In Africa, they obtained Ceuta, Melilla, Oran, Bougiah, and Tunis, and overawed the whole coast of Barbary. In Asia, they had settlements on each side of the Deccan; they held part of Malacca; and they established themselves in the Spice Islands. Finally, by the conquest of the noble archipelago of the Philippines, they connected their most distant acquisitions, and secured a communication between every part of that enormous empire which girdled the world.

[1238] 'Con razon se miró la conquista de Granada, no como un
acontecimiento puramente español, sino como un suceso que
interesaba al mundo. Con razon tambien se regocijó toda la
cristiandad. Hacia medio siglo que otros mahometanos se habian
apoderado de Constantinopla; la caida de la capital y del
imperio bizantino en poder de los turcos habia llenado de terror
á la Europa; pero la Europa se consoló al saber que en España
habia concluido la dominacion de los musulmanes.' _Lafuente_,
_Historia de España_, vol. xi. p. 15.

[1239] 'L'Espagne, long-temps partagée en plusieurs états, et comme
étrangère au reste de l'Europe, devint tout-à-coup une puissance
redoutable, faisant pencher pour elle la balance de la
politique.' _Koch_, _Tableau des Révolutions de l'Europe_,
Paris, 1823, vol. i. p. 362. On the relation between this and
some changes in literature which corresponded to it, see
_Bouterwek's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. pp.
148-152, where there are some ingenious, though perhaps scarcely
tenable, speculations.

In connexion with this, a great military spirit arose, such as no other modern nation has ever exhibited. All the intellect of the country which was not employed in the service of the Church was devoted to the profession of arms. Indeed, the two pursuits were often united; and it is said that the custom of ecclesiastics going to war was practised in Spain long after it was abandoned in other parts of Europe.[1240] At all events, the general tendency is obvious. A mere list of successful battles and sieges in the sixteenth and part of the fifteenth century, would prove the vast superiority of the Spaniards, in this respect, over their contemporaries, and would show how much genius they had expended in maturing the arts of destruction. Another illustration, if another were required, might be drawn from the singular fact that since the time of ancient Greece, no country has produced so many eminent literary men who were also soldiers. Calderon, Cervantes, and Lope de Vega risked their lives in fighting for their country. The military profession was also adopted by many other celebrated authors, among whom may be mentioned, Argote de Molina, Acuña, Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Boscan, Carrillo, Cetina, Ercilla, Espinel, Francisco de Figueroa, Garcilasso de la Vega, Guillen de Castro, Hita, Hurtado de Mendoza, Marmol Carvajal, Perez de Guzman, Pulgar, Rebolledo, Roxas, and Virues; all of whom bore, in this manner, unconscious testimony to the spirit by which Spain was universally pervaded.

[1240] 'The holy war with the infidels' (Mohammedans) 'perpetuated the
unbecoming spectacle of militant ecclesiastics among the
Spaniards, to a still later period, and long after it had
disappeared from the rest of civilized Europe.' _Prescott's
History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i. p. 162.