Chapter VIII (8)

They who believe that a government can civilize a nation, and that legislators are the cause of social progress, will naturally expect that Spain reaped permanent benefit from those liberal maxims, which now, for the first time, were put into execution. The fact, however, is, that such a policy, wise as it appeared, was of no avail, simply because it ran counter to the whole train of preceding circumstances. It was opposed to the habits of the national mind, and was introduced into a state of society not yet ripe for it. No reform can produce real good, unless it is the work of public opinion, and unless the people themselves take the initiative. In Spain, during the eighteenth century, foreign influence, and the complications of foreign politics, bestowed enlightened rulers upon an unenlightened country.[1483] The consequence was, that, for a time, great things were done. Evils were removed, grievances were redressed, many important improvements were introduced; and a spirit of toleration was exhibited, such as had never before been seen in that priest-ridden and superstitious land. But the mind of Spain was untouched. While the surface, and as it were the symptoms, of affairs were ameliorated, affairs themselves remained unchanged. Below that surface, and far out of reach of any political remedy, large general causes were at work, which had been operating for many centuries, and which were sure, sooner or later, to force politicians to retrace their steps, and compel them to inaugurate a policy which would suit the traditions of the country, and harmonize with the circumstances under which those traditions had been formed.

[1483] It is important to observe, that the Cortes, where alone the
voice of the people had a chance of being heard, was assembled
but three times during the whole of the eighteenth century, and
then merely for the sake of form. 'Les Cortès ne se réunirent
que trois fois pendant le dix-huitième siècle, et plutôt encore
comme des solennités formulaires pour la prestation du serment
aux princes héritiers de la couronne, que comme étant
nécessaires pour de nouvelles lois et des contributions.'
_Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne_, Bordeaux, 1815,
p. 270.

At length the reaction came. In 1788, Charles III. died; and was succeeded by Charles IV., a king of the true Spanish breed, devout, orthodox, and ignorant.[1484] It was now seen how insecure everything was, and how little reliance can be placed on reforms, which, instead of being suggested by the people, are bestowed on them by the political classes. Charles IV., though a weak and contemptible prince,[1485] was so supported in his general views by the feelings of the Spanish nation, that, in less than five years, he was able completely to reverse that liberal policy which it had taken three generations of statesmen to build up. In less than five years everything was changed. The power of the Church was restored; the slightest approach towards free discussion was forbidden; old and arbitrary principles, which had not been heard of since the seventeenth century, were revived; the priests re-assumed their former importance; literary men were intimidated, and literature was discouraged; while the Inquisition, suddenly starting up afresh, displayed an energy, which caused its enemies to tremble, and proved that all the attempts which had been made to weaken it, had been unable to impair its vigour, or to daunt its ancient spirit.

[1484] By combining these three qualities, he has deserved and received
the cordial approbation of the present Bishop of Barcelona, who,
in his recent work on the Spanish Church, styles him 'un monarca
tan piadoso.' _Observaciones sobre El Presente y El Porvenir de
la Iglesia en España_, _por Domingo Costa y Borras_, Barcelona,
1857, p. 80.

[1485] Even in _Alison's History of Europe_, where men of his character
are usually made much of, he is treated with moderate disdain.
'Charles IV. was not destitute of good qualities, but he was a
weak, incapable prince.' Vol. viii. p. 382, Edinburgh, 1849.

The ministers of Charles III., and the authors of those great reforms which signalized his reign, were dismissed, to make way for other advisers, better suited to this new state of things. Charles IV. loved the Church too well to tolerate the presence of enlightened statesmen. Aranda and Florida Blanca were both removed from office, and both were placed in confinement.[1486] Jovellanos was banished from court, and Cabarrus was thrown into prison.[1487] For, now, work had to be done, to which these eminent men would not put their hands. A policy which had been followed with undeviating consistency for nearly ninety years, was about to be rescinded, in order that the old empire of the seventeenth century, which was the empire of ignorance, of tyranny, and of superstition, might be resuscitated, and, if possible, restored to its pristine vigour.

[1486] _Sempere_, _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 167. I need hardly
say, that not the slightest credit is to be attached to the
account given in Godoy's Memoirs. Every one tolerably acquainted
with Spanish history, will see that his book is an attempt to
raise his own reputation, by defaming the character of some of
the ablest and most high-minded of his contemporaries.

[1487] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. pp. 277,
278.

Once more was Spain covered with darkness; once more did the shadows of night overtake that wretched land. The worst forms of oppression, says a distinguished writer, seemed to be settling on the country with a new and portentous weight.[1488] At the same time, and indeed as a natural part of the scheme, every investigation likely to stimulate the mind, was prohibited, and an order was actually sent to all the universities, forbidding the study of moral philosophy; the minister, who issued the order, justly observing, that the king did not want to have philosophers.[1489] There was, however, little fear of Spain producing anything so dangerous. The nation not daring, and, what was still worse, not wishing, to resist, gave way, and let the king do as he liked. Within a very few years, he neutralized the most valuable reforms which his predecessors had introduced. Having discarded the able advisers of his father, he conferred the highest posts upon men as narrow and incompetent as himself; he reduced the country to the verge of bankruptcy; and, according to the remark of a Spanish historian, he exhausted all the resources of the state.[1490]

[1488] 'In all its worst forms, therefore, oppression, civil, political,
and religious, appeared to be settling down, with a new and
portentous weight, on the whole country.' _Ticknor's History of
Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 318.

[1489] 'Caballero, fearing the progress of all learning, which might
disturb the peace of the Court, sent, not long since, a circular
order to the universities, forbidding the study of moral
philosophy. "His Majesty," it was said in the order, "was not in
want of philosophers, but of good and obedient subjects."'
_Doblado's Letters from Spain_, p. 358.

[1490] 'Le gouvernement de Charles IV avait épuisé toutes les ressources
de l'État.' _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne_, p. 323.

Such was the condition of Spain, late in the eighteenth century. The French invasion quickly followed; and that unhappy country underwent every form of calamity and of degradation. Herein, however, lies a difference. Calamities may be inflicted by others; but no people can be degraded except by their own acts. The foreign spoiler works mischief; he cannot cause shame. With nations, as with individuals, none are dishonoured if they are true to themselves. Spain, during the present century, has been plundered and oppressed, and the opprobrium lights on the robbers, not on the robbed. She has been overrun by a brutal and licentious soldiery; her fields laid waste, her towns sacked, her villages burned. It is to the criminal, rather than to the victim, that the ignominy of these acts must belong. And, even in a material point of view, such losses are sure to be retrieved, if the people who incur them are inured to those habits of self-government, and to that feeling of self-reliance, which are the spring and the source of all real greatness. With the aid of these, every damage may be repaired, and every evil remedied. Without them, the slightest blow may be fatal. In Spain, they are unknown; and it seems impossible to establish them. In that country, men have so long been accustomed to pay implicit deference to the Crown and the Church, that loyalty and superstition have usurped the place of those nobler emotions, to which all freedom is owing, and in the absence of which, the true idea of independence can never be attained.

More than once, indeed, during the nineteenth century, a spirit has appeared, from which better things might have been augured. In 1812, in 1820, and in 1836, a few ardent and enthusiastic reformers attempted to secure liberty to the Spanish people, by endowing Spain with a free constitution. They succeeded for a moment, and that was all. The forms of constitutional government they could bestow; but they could not find the traditions and the habits, by which the forms are worked. They mimicked the voice of liberty; they copied her institutions; they aped her very gestures. And what then? At the first stroke of adverse fortune, their idol fell to pieces. Their constitutions were broken up, their assemblies dissolved, their enactments rescinded. The inevitable reaction quickly followed. After each disturbance, the hands of the government were strengthened, the principles of despotism were confirmed, and the Spanish liberals were taught to rue the day, in which they vainly endeavoured to impart freedom to their unhappy and ill-starred country.[1491]

[1491] In Spain, the voice of the people has always been opposed to the
liberal party, as many writers have observed, without being
aware of the reason. Mr. Walton (_Revolutions of Spain_, London,
1837, vol. i. pp. 322, 323) says of the Cortes, 'Public
indignation hurled them from their seats in 1814; and in 1823
they were overpowered, not by the arms of France, but by the
displeasure of their own countrymen,' &c. See also p. 290; and
_Quin's Memoirs of Ferdinand the Seventh_, London, 1824, p. 121,
where it is mentioned, that 'in all the towns through which the
King passed, the multitude, excited by the friars and clergy,
overturned the constitutional stone, and uttered the most
atrocious insults against the Constitution, the Cortes, and the
Liberals.' Compare _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès_, p. 335, and
_Bacon's Six Years in Biscay_, p. 40. Indeed, a very intelligent
writer on Spanish affairs in 1855, asserts, with, I believe,
perfect truth, that Spain is 'un pays où les populations sont
toujours, à coup sûr moins libérales que les gouvernemens.'
_Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1854, 1855, Paris, 1855, p. 266.

What makes these failures the more worthy of observation is, that the Spaniards did possess, at a very early period, municipal privileges and franchises, similar to those which we had in England, and to which our greatness is often ascribed. But such institutions, though they preserve freedom, can never create it. Spain had the form of liberty without its spirit; hence the form, promising as it was, soon died away. In England, the spirit preceded the form, and therefore the form was durable. Thus it is, that though the Spaniards could boast of free institutions a century before ourselves, they were unable to retain them, simply because they had the institutions and nothing more. We had no popular representation till 1264;[1492] but in Castile they had it in 1169,[1493] and in Aragon in 1133.[1494] So, too, while the earliest charter was granted to an English town in the twelfth century,[1495] we find, in Spain, a charter conferred on Leon as early as 1020; and in the course of the eleventh century the enfranchisement of towns was as secure as laws could make it.[1496]

[1492] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. ii. p. 117.

[1493] _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i.
p. xlviii.

[1494] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. xcvi.

[1495] _Hallam's Middle Ages_, ninth edition, London, 1846, vol. ii.
pp. 153-157, which must be compared with _Hallam's Supplemental
Notes_, London, 1848, pp. 323-327.

[1496] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 373. _Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella_,
vol. i. pp. xlv. xlvi.

The fact, however, is, that in Spain these institutions, instead of growing out of the wants of the people originated in a stroke of policy on the part of their rulers. They were conceded to the citizens, rather than desired by them. For, during the war with the Mohammedans, the Christian kings of Spain, as they advanced southwards, were naturally anxious to induce their subjects to settle in the frontier towns, where they might face and repel the enemy. With this object they granted charters to the towns, and privileges to the inhabitants.[1497] And as the Mohammedans were gradually beaten back from the Asturias to Granada, the frontiers changed, and the franchises were extended to the new conquests, in order that what was the post of danger, might also be the place of reward. But, meanwhile, those general causes, which I have indicated, were predetermining the nation to habits of loyalty and of superstition, which grew to a height fatal to the spirit of liberty. That being the case the institutions were of no avail. They took no root; and as they were originated by one political combination, they were destroyed by another. Before the close of the fourteenth century, the Spaniards were so firmly seated in the territories they had lately acquired that there was little danger of their being again expelled[1498] while, on the other hand, there was no immediate prospect of their being able to push their conquests further, and drive the Mohammedans from the strongholds of Granada. The circumstances, therefore, which gave rise to the municipal privileges had changed; and as soon as this was apparent, the privileges began to perish. Being unsuited to the habits of the people, they were sure to fall, on the first opportunity.[1499] Late in the fourteenth century, their decline was perceptible; by the close of the fifteenth century, they were almost extinct; and, early in the sixteenth century, they were finally overthrown.[1500]

[1497] 'Ce fut alors que les successeurs de Pélage descendirent de leurs
montagnes dans les plaines, de leurs forteresses perchées sur
des rocs inaccessibles dans les villes populeuses, le long des
fleuves, dans de fertiles vallées et sur les côtes de la mer; ce
fut alors que la ville d'Astorgue revint du pouvoir des Arabes à
celui des Asturiens et chassa toute la partie musulmane de ces
habitants; ce fut alors, enfin, que commencèrent en Espagne ces
concessions de franchises municipales par lesquelles les rois et
les seigneurs chrétiens cherchèrent à attirer des populations
chrétiennes dans les lieux d'où ils avaient chassé les
Musulmans.' _Fauriel_, _Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale_,
Paris, 1836, vol. iii. p. 215. See also _Sempere_, _Monarchie
Espagnole_, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.

[1498] On the increasing confidence of the Spaniards in the middle of
the fourteenth century, see an interesting passage in _Mariana_,
_Historia de España_, vol. iv. pp. 172, 173.

[1499] The deputies of the towns did, in fact, eventually overthrow
their own liberties, as a Spanish historian truly remarks. 'Il
n'est pas étonnant que les monarques espagnols tâchassent
d'affermir leur autorité autant que possible, et encore moins
que leurs conseillers et leurs, ministres coopérassent à leurs
desseins. L'histoire de toutes les nations nous offre de
nombreux exemples de cette politique; mais _ce qu'il y a de plus
remarquable dans celle d'Espagne, c'est que les députés des
villes qui auraient dû être les plus zélés défenseurs de leurs
droits, conspirèrent ouvertement contre le tiers-état_, et
tentèrent d'anéantir les restes de l'ancienne représentation
nationale.' _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne_, p. 213.
It strikes one as singular, that M. Sempere should never have
inquired, why this happened in Spain, and not elsewhere. A later
writer, reflecting on the destruction of the municipal element
by the royal authority, gives a solution, which, like many other
so-called solutions, is merely a statement of the same fact in
different words. 'Al fin la autoridad real logró alcanzar un
gran predominio en el gobierno municipal de los pueblos,
_porque_ los corregidores y alcaldes mayores llegaron á eclipsar
la influencia de los adelantados y alcaldes elegidos por los
pueblos.' _Antequera_, _Historia de la Legislacion Española_,
Madrid, 1849, p. 287. This, instead of explaining the event, is
simply narrating it afresh.

[1500] The final destruction of popular liberty is ascribed by many
writers to the battle of Villalar, in 1521; though it is quite
certain that, if the royalists had lost that battle, instead of
gaining it, the ultimate result would have been the same. At one
time, I had purposed tracing the history of the municipal and
representative elements during the fifteenth century; and the
materials which I then collected, convinced me that the spirit
of freedom never really existed in Spain, and that therefore the
marks and forms of freedom were sure, sooner or later, to be
effaced.

It is thus that general causes eventually triumph over every obstacle. In the average of affairs, and on a comparison of long periods, they are irresistible. Their operation is often attacked, and occasionally, for a little time, stopped by politicians, who are always ready with their empirical and short-sighted remedies. But when the spirit of the age is against those remedies, they can at best only succeed for a moment; and after that moment has passed, a reaction sets in, and the penalty for violence has to be paid. Evidence of this will be found in the annals of every civilized country, by whoever will confront the history of legislation with the history of opinion. The fate of the Spanish towns has afforded us one good proof; the fate of the Spanish Church will supply us with another. For more than eighty years after the death of Charles II. the rulers of Spain attempted to weaken the ecclesiastical power; and the end of all their efforts was, that even such an insignificant and incompetent king as Charles IV. was able, with the greatest ease, rapidly to undo what they had done. This is because, during the eighteenth century, while the clergy were assailed by law, they were favoured by opinion. The opinions of a people invariably depend on large general causes, which influence the whole country; but their laws are too often the work of a few powerful individuals, in opposition to the national will. When the legislators die, or lose office, there is always a chance of their successors holding opposite views, and subverting their plans. In the midst, however, of this play and fluctuation of political life, the general causes remain steady, though they are often kept out of sight, and do not become visible, until politicians, inclining to their side, bring them to the surface, and invest them with open and public authority.

This is what Charles IV. did in Spain; and when he took measures to favour the Church, and to discourage free inquiry, he merely sanctioned those national habits which his predecessors had disregarded. The hold which the hierarchy of that country possess over public opinion has always been proverbial; but it is even greater than is commonly supposed. What it was in the seventeenth century, we have already seen; and in the eighteenth century, there were no signs of its diminution, except among a few bold men, who could effect nothing, while the popular voice was so strong against them. Early in the reign of Philip V., Labat, who travelled in Spain, informs us, that when a priest performed mass, nobles of the highest rank deemed it an honour to help him to dress, and that they would go down on their knees to him, and kiss his hands.[1501] When this was done by the proudest aristocracy in Europe, we may suppose what the general feeling must have been. Indeed, Labat assures us, that a Spaniard would hardly be considered of sound faith, if he did not leave some portion of his property to the Church; so completely had respect for the hierarchy become an essential part of the national character.[1502]

[1501] 'Ceux qui servent la Messe en Espagne, soit Religieux, ou
Séculiers, ne manquent jamais d'aider le Prêtre à s'habiller, et
le font avec beaucoup de respect. Les plus grande Seigneurs s'en
font honneur, et à mesure qu'ils présentent au Prêtre quelque
partie des ornemens, ils lui baisent la main. On se met à genoux
pour donner à laver au Prêtre pendant la Messe, et après qu'il a
essuyé ses doigts, celui qui lui a donné l'eau demeurant à
genoux lui présente le bassin retourné, sur lequel le Prêtre met
sa main pour la lui laisser baiser. Au retour à la Sacristie, il
ne manque pas d'aider le Prêtre à se déshabiller, après quoi il
se met à genoux pour recevoir sa bénédiction et baiser sa main.'
_Labat_, _Voyages en Espagne et en Italie_, Paris, 1730, vol. i.
p. 36.

[1502] 'Telle est la coûtume du Païs, on s'exposeroit à laisser douter
de sa foi, et passer au moins pour Maran, ou Chrétien nouveau,
si on ne laissoit pas le tiers de ses biens mobiliers à
l'Eglise.' _Labat_, _Voyages en Espagne_, vol. i. p. 268.

A still more curious instance was exhibited on the occasion of the expulsion of the Jesuits. That once useful, but now troublesome, body was, during the eighteenth century, what it is in the nineteenth--the obstinate enemy of progress and of toleration. The rulers of Spain, observing that it opposed all their schemes of reform, resolved to get rid of an obstacle, which met them at every turn. In France, the Jesuits had just been treated as a public nuisance, and suppressed at a blow, and without difficulty. The advisers of Charles III. saw no reason why so salutary a measure should not be imitated in their country; and, in 1767, they, following the example which had been set by the French in 1764, abolished this great mainstay of the Church.[1503] Having done this, the government supposed that it had taken a decisive step towards weakening ecclesiastical power, particularly as the sovereign cordially approved of the proceeding. The year after this occurred, Charles III., according to his custom, appeared in the balcony of the palace, on the festival of St. Charles, ready to grant any request which the people might make to him, and which usually consisted of a prayer for the dismissal of a minister, or for the repeal of a tax. On this occasion, however, the citizens of Madrid, instead of occupying themselves with such worldly matters, felt that still dearer interests were in peril; and, to the surprise and terror of the court, they demanded, with one voice, that the Jesuits should be allowed to return, and wear their usual dress, in order that Spain might be gladdened by the sight of these holy men.[1504]

[1503] It was the opinion of the Pope, that Charles, by this act, had
endangered his own soul. 'Dans un bref adressé à Charles III; il
déclara: "Que les actes du Roi contre les Jésuites mettaient
évidemment son salut en danger."' _Crétineau-Joly_, _Histoire de
la Compagnie de Jésus_, Paris, 1845, vol. v. p. 302.

[1504] As this circumstance, which is noticed by Crétineau-Joly
(_Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus_, vol. v. p. 311) and other
writers (_Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 180), has been
much misrepresented, and has even been doubted by one author, I
will transcribe the statement of Coxe, whose information
respecting the reign of Charles III. was derived from
eye-witnesses. 'A remarkable and alarming proof of their
influence was given at Madrid, the year after their expulsion.
At the festival of St. Charles, when the monarch showed himself
to the people from the balcony of the palace, and was accustomed
to grant their general request; to the surprise and confusion of
the whole court, the voice of the immense multitude, with one
accord, demanded the return of the Jesuits, and the permission
for them to wear the habit of the secular clergy. This
unexpected incident alarmed and mortified the King; and, after a
vigilant inquiry, he thought proper to banish the Cardinal
Archbishop of Toledo, and his Grand Vicar, as the secret
instigators of this tumultuary petition.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings
of Spain_, 2nd edit., London, 1815, vol. iv. pp. 368, 369. The
remarks made on this event by M. Rio (_Historia del Reinado de
Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. ii. pp. 197-199) are not very
creditable, either to his criticism or to his candour. It is
uncritical to doubt the statement of a contemporary, when that
statement relates what is probable in itself, and what those who
lived nearest to the period never denied. Indeed, so far from
denying it, M. Muriel, the learned translator of Coxe's work
into Spanish, gave it the sanction of his name. And, it is
surely, to say the least, very uncandid on the part of M. Rio to
impute to Coxe the error of placing this occurrence in 1767, and
then proving that, owing to circumstances connected with the
Archbishop of Toledo, it could not have happened in that year.
For, Coxe distinctly asserts, that it was in 1768; 'the year
_after_ their expulsion.'

What can you do with a nation like this? What is the use of laws when the current of public opinion thus sets in against them? In the face of such obstacles, the government of Charles III., notwithstanding its good intentions, was powerless. Indeed, it was worse than powerless: it did harm; for, by rousing popular sympathy in favour of the Church, it strengthened what it sought to weaken. On that cruel and persecuting Church, stained as it was with every sort of crime, the Spanish nation continued to bestow marks of affection, which, instead of being diminished, were increased. Gifts and legacies flowed in freely and from every side; men being willing to beggar themselves and their families, in order to swell the general contribution. And to such a height was this carried, that, in 1788, Florida Blanca, minister of the crown, stated that, within the last fifty years, the ecclesiastical revenues had increased so rapidly, that many of them had doubled in value.[1505]

[1505] See the statement of Florida Blanca, in Appendix I. to _Coxe's
Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 282. Another Spaniard, the
Prince of the Peace, says, that at the accession of Charles IV.,
in 1788, 'the cloisters were encumbered with an ever-increasing
number of monks of all orders and of all ages.' _Godoy's
Memoirs_, edit. London, 1836, vol. i. p. 126. See also, on the
state of ecclesiastical establishments in the same year, some
interesting remarks in the Letters of Cabarrus; 'con qué
horrible desproporcion superabundan los individuos estériles á
los operarios útiles y preciosos.' _Cartas escritas por el Conde
de Cabarrus_, Madrid, 1813, p. 133.

Even the Inquisition, the most barbarous institution which the wit of man has ever devised, was upheld by public opinion against the attacks of the crown. The Spanish government wished to overthrow it, and did everything to weaken it; but the Spanish people loved it as of old, and cherished it as their best protection against the inroads of heresy.[1506] An illustration of this was exhibited in 1778, when, on occasion of a heretic being sentenced by the Inquisition, several of the leading nobles attended as servants, being glad to have an opportunity of publicly displaying their obedience and docility to the Church.[1507]

[1506] Of it, a celebrated writer in the reign of Philip V. boastfully
says, 'Su exacta vigilancia comprehende igualmente á Naturales y
Estrangeros.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_,
tercera impression, Madrid, 1757, folio, p. 27. When such a man
as Uztariz could pen a sentence like this, we may imagine what
was felt by the people, who were far more ignorant than he, and
far more orthodox. M. Tapia, in a remarkable and unusually bold
passage, frankly admits that it was the pressure of public
opinion which prevented Charles III. from abolishing the
Inquisition. 'Estraño pareceria que habiéndose hecho tanto en
aquel reinado para limitar el poder escesivo del clero, y acabar
con absurdas preocupaciones, no se suprimiese el monstruoso
tribunal de la inquisicion; pero es necesario tener presente que
el rey despues del motin de Madrid procedia con timidez en toda
providencia que pudiese contrariar la opinion pública; y él
creia que los españoles querian la inquisicion, como se lo
manifestó al ministro Roda y al conde de Aranda, añadiendo que
en nada coartaba su autoridad.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
Española_, vol. iv. p. 98, Madrid, 1840. To us, the Inquisition
seems rather a singular object for men to set their affections
on; but of the existence of the passion there can be no doubt.
'L'Inquisition si révérée en Espagne.' _Mémoires de Louville_,
vol. i. p. 36. And Geddes (_Tracts_, London, 1730, vol. i. p.
400) tells us that 'the Inquisition is not only established by
law, but by a wonderful fascination is so fixed in the hearts
and affections of the people, that one that should offer the
least affront to another, for having been an informer or witness
in the Inquisition, would be torn in a thousand pieces.'

[1507] 'The familiars of the Inquisition, Abrantes, Mora, and others,
grandees of Spain, attended as servants, without hats or
swords.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 418, 419.
This was in the great case of Olavide.

All these things were natural, and in order. They were the result of a long train of causes, the operation of which I have endeavoured to trace, during thirteen centuries, since the outbreak of the Arian war. Those causes forced the Spaniards to be superstitious, and it was idle mockery to seek to change their nature by legislation. The only remedy for superstition is knowledge. Nothing else can wipe out that plague-spot of the human mind. Without it, the leper remains unwashed, and the slave unfreed. It is to a knowledge of the laws and relations of things, that European civilization is owing; but it is precisely this in which Spain has always been deficient. And until that deficiency is remedied, until science, with her bold and inquisitive spirit, has established her right to investigate all subjects, after her own fashion, and according to her own method, we may be assured that, in Spain, neither literature, nor universities, nor legislators, nor reformers of any kind, will ever be able to rescue the people from that helpless and benighted condition into which the course of affairs has plunged them.

That no great political improvement, however plausible or attractive it may appear, can be productive of lasting benefit, unless it is preceded by a change in public opinion, and that every change of public opinion is preceded by changes in knowledge, are propositions which all history verifies, but which are particularly obvious in the history of Spain. The Spaniards have had everything except knowledge. They have had immense wealth, and fertile and well-peopled territories, in all parts of the globe. Their own country, washed by the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, and possessed of excellent harbours, is admirably situated for the purposes of trade between Europe and America, being so placed as to command the commerce of both hemispheres.[1508] They had, at a very early period, ample municipal privileges; they had independent parliaments; they had the right of choosing their own magistrates, and managing their own cities. They have had rich and flourishing towns, abundant manufactures, and skilful artizans, whose choice productions could secure a ready sale in every market in the world. They have cultivated the fine arts with eminent success; their noble and exquisite paintings, and their magnificent churches, being justly ranked among the most wonderful efforts of the human hand. They speak a beautiful, sonorous, and flexible language, and their literature is not unworthy of their language. Their soil yields treasures of every kind. It overflows with wine and oil, and produces the choicest fruits in an almost tropical exuberance.[1509] It contains the most valuable minerals, in a profuse variety unexampled in any other part of Europe. No where else do we find such rare and costly marbles, so easily accessible, and in such close communication with the sea, where they might safely be shipped, and sent to countries which require them.[1510] As to the metals, there is hardly one which Spain does not possess in large quantities. Her mines of silver and of quicksilver are well known. She abounds in copper,[1511] and her supply of lead is enormous.[1512] Iron and coal, the two most useful of all the productions of the inorganic world,[1513] are also abundant in that highly favoured country. Iron is said to exist in every part of Spain, and to be of the best quality;[1514] while the coal-mines of Asturias are described as inexhaustible.[1515] In short, nature has been so prodigal of her bounty, that it has been observed, with hardly an hyperbole, that the Spanish nation possesses within itself nearly every natural production which can satisfy either the necessity or the curiosity of mankind.[1516]

[1508] An accomplished modern geographer says: 'From the extent of its
coast-line, its numerous ports, its geographical position, and
natural products, Spain possesses greater commercial advantages
than any other country of Europe.' _Johnston's Dictionary of
Physical, Statistical, and Historical Geography_, London, 1850,
p. 1213.

[1509] 'No quiero hablar de los frutos de España, no obstante que los
produzca tan exquisitos de todas especies. Solo diré que sus
naranjas dulces las traxeron de la China los Portugueses, y que
de Portugal se ha difundido su planta por lo restante de Europa.
En fin, España es celebrada entre otras cosas por sus limones,
por la fragrancia de sus cidras, por sus limas dulces, por sus
granadas, por sus azeytunas, que merecieron ser alabadas hasta
del gran Ciceron, y sus almendras, sus higos, sus uvas, etc.'
_Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_, Madrid, 1789, 4to.
p. 236.

[1510] 'The marbles of Spain are in greater variety and beauty than
those of any country in Europe, and most valuable kinds of them
are in situations of easy access and communication with the sea;
but they have long been entirely neglected, the greater part
being unknown, even to the more intelligent of the natives.'
_Cook's Spain_, London, 1834, vol. ii. p. 51. In the Cabinet of
Natural History at Madrid, 'the specimens of marbles are
splendid, and show what treasures yet remain buried in the
Peninsula.' _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 413.

[1511] 'Hay infinitas minas de cobre en España las quales nunca se han
tocado.' _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_, Discurso
Preliminar, p. 34.

[1512] In 1832, Cook writes, 'The lead-mines of the Sierra de Gador are
in a state of repletion at present from the enormous quantity of
the mineral, and the facility of raising it.' ... 'Lead abounds
in other parts of the same chain, nearer to Almeria.' _Cook's
Spain_, vol. ii. p. 75. 'The most valuable of the existing
Spanish mines are those of lead in Granada; and the supplies
obtained from them during the last twenty years have been so
large, that they have occasioned the abandonment of several less
productive mines in other countries, and a considerable fall in
the price of lead.' _M'Culloch's Geographical and Statistical
Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 705.

[1513] I use the popular language in referring coal to the inorganic
world, despite its cellular tissue and vegetable origin.

[1514] 'The most valuable of the whole mineral riches of Spain will be,
in all probability, in a few years, the iron, which is found
every where, and of the best qualities.' _Cook's Spain_, vol.
ii. p. 78. See also _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_,
pp. 56, 67, 106, 273, 346, 415, and _Ford's Spain_, pp. 565, 618.

[1515] 'The quantity is inexhaustible, the quality excellent, the
working of extraordinary facility, and they possess an easy
communication with the sea; yet they are practically useless,
and afford only a miserable existence to a few labourers and
mules used in conveying the mineral to Gijon.' _Cook's Spain_,
vol. ii. pp. 79, 80. 'In the immediate neighbourhood of Oviedo
are some of the largest coal-fields in Europe.' _Ford's Spain_,
p. 381; compare pp. 392, 606.

[1516] 'La nacion española posee casi quantas producciones naturales
puede apetecer la necesidad, ó curiosidad de los hombres.'
_Campomanes_, _Apendice á la Educacion Popular_, vol. iv. p. vi.
Madrid, 1777.

These are splendid gifts; it is for the historian to tell how they have been used. Certainly, the people who possess them have never been deficient in natural endowments. They have had their full share of great statesmen, great kings, great magistrates, and great legislators. They have had many able and vigorous rulers; and their history is ennobled by the frequent appearance of courageous and disinterested patriots, who have sacrificed their all, that they might help their country. The bravery of the people has never been disputed; while, as to the upper classes, the punctilious honour of a Spanish gentleman has passed into a bye-word, and circulated through the world. Of the nation generally, the best observers pronounce them to be high-minded, generous, truthful, full of integrity, warm and zealous friends, affectionate in all the private relations of life, frank, charitable, and humane.[1517] Their sincerity in religious matters is unquestionable;[1518] they are, moreover, eminently temperate and frugal.[1519] Yet, all these great qualities have availed them nothing, and will avail them nothing, so long as they remain ignorant. What the end of all this will be, and whether in their unhappy country the right path will ever be taken, is impossible for any one to say.[1520] But if it is not taken, no amelioration which can possibly be effected will penetrate below the surface. The sole course is, to weaken the superstition of the people; and this can only be done by that march of physical science, which, familiarizing men with conceptions of order and of regularity, gradually encroaches on the old notions of perturbation, of prodigy, and of miracle, and by this means accustoms the mind to explain the vicissitudes of affairs by natural considerations, instead of, as heretofore, by those which are purely supernatural.

[1517] 'Ils sont fort charitables, tant à cause du mérite que l'on
s'acquiert par les aumônes, que par l'inclination naturelle
qu'ils ont à donner, et la peine effective qu'ils souffrent
lorsqu'ils sont obligés, soit par leur pauvreté, soit par
quelqu'autre raison, de refuser ce qu'on leur demande. Ils ont
encore la bonne qualité de ne point abandonner leurs amis
pendant qu'ils sont malades.' ... 'De manière que des personnes
qui ne se voyent point quatre fois en un an, se voyent tous les
jours deux ou trois fois, dès qu'ils souffrent.' _D'Aulnoy_,
_Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. p. 374.
'They are grave, temperate, and sober; firm and warm in their
friendships, though cautious and slow in contracting them.' _A
Tour through Spain by Udal ap Rhys_, second edition, London,
1760, p. 3. 'When they have once professed it, none are more
faithful friends.' ... 'They have great probity and integrity of
principle.' _Clarke's Letters concerning the Spanish Nation_,
London, 1763, 4to. p. 334. 'To express all that I feel, on the
recollection of their goodness, would appear like adulation; but
I may venture at least to say, that simplicity, sincerity,
generosity, a high sense of dignity, and strong principles of
honour, are the most prominent and striking features of the
Spanish character.' _Townsend's Journey through Spain_, second
edition, London, 1792, vol. iii. p. 353. 'The Spaniards, though
naturally deep and artful politicians, have still something so
nobly frank and honest in their disposition.' _Letters from
Spain by an English Officer_, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 171.
'The Spaniards have fewer bad qualities than any other people
that I have had the opportunity to know.' _Croker's Travels
through Spain_, London, 1799, pp. 237, 238. 'Spanish probity is
proverbial, and it conspicuously shines in commercial
relations.' _Laborde's Spain_, London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 423.
'Certainly, if it be taken in the mass, no people are more
humane than the Spaniards, or more compassionate and kind in
their feelings to others. They probably excel other nations,
rather than fall below them, in this respect.' _Cook's Spain_,
London, 1834, vol. i. p. 189. 'The Spaniards are kind-hearted in
all the relations of life.' _Hoskins' Spain_, London, 1851, vol.
ii. p. 58. Finally, I will adduce the testimony of two
professional politicians, both of whom were well acquainted with
the Spaniards. In 1770 Mr. Harris, afterwards Lord Malmesbury,
writes, 'They are brave, honest, and generous.' _Diaries and
Correspondence of the Earl of Malmesbury_, London, 1844, vol. i.
p. 48. And Lord Holland, according to Moore, deemed 'that the
Spaniards altogether are amongst the best people of Europe.'
_Moore's Memoirs_, _edited by Lord John Russell_, vol. iii.
p. 253, London, 1853.

[1518] This their whole history decisively proves; and as to their more
recent state, the author of _Revelations of Spain in 1845_, vol.
i. p. 340, says: 'But religion is so deeply rooted in the
national character, that the most furious political storms,
which prostrate everything else, blow over this and leave it
unscathed. It is only amongst the educated male population that
any lack of fervour is witnessed.'

[1519] 'The habitual temperance of these people is really astonishing: I
never saw a Spaniard drink a second glass of wine. With the
lower order of people, a piece of bread with an apple, an onion,
or pomegranate, is their usual repast.' _Croker's Travels in
Spain_, London, 1799, p. 116. 'They are temperate, or rather
abstemious, in their living to a great degree: _borracho_ is the
highest term of reproach; and it is rare to see a drunken man,
except it be among the carriers or muleteers.' _Dalrymple's
Travels through Spain_, London, 1777, 4to. p. 174. 'Drunkenness
is a vice almost unknown in Spain among people of a respectable
class, and very uncommon even among the lower orders.'
Esménard's note in _Godoy's Memoirs_, London, 1836, vol. ii. p.
321.

[1520] 'This is the most wonderful country under the sun; for here,
intellect wields no power.' _Inglis' Spain_, London, 1831,
vol. i. p. 101. 'Tandis que l'activité publique, en Espagne, se
porte depuis quelques années dans la sphère des intérêts
pratiques et matériels, il semble, au contraire, qu'il y ait une
sorte de ralentissement dans la vie intellectuelle.' _Annuaire
des Deux Mondes_ for 1850, p. 410. 'La vie intellectuelle n'est
point, malheureusement, la sphère où se manifeste le plus
d'activité en Espagne.' _Ibid._ for 1856-1857, p. 356. Now,
listen to the practical consequences of not giving free and
fearless scope to the intellect. 'It is singular, upon landing
in the Peninsula, and making a short excursion for a few miles
in any direction, to see reproduced the manners of England _five
centuries back_,--to find yourself thrown into the midst of a
society which is a close counterpart of that _extinct
semi-civilization_ of which no trace is to be found in our
history later than the close of the fourteenth century and the
reign of Richard the Second.' _Revelations of Spain in_ 1845 _by
an English Resident_, vol. ii. p. 1.

To this, in the most advanced countries of Europe, every thing has been tending for nearly three centuries. But in Spain, unfortunately, education has always remained, and still remains, in the hands of the clergy, who steadily oppose that progress of knowledge, which they are well aware would be fatal to their own power.[1521] The people, therefore, resting ignorant, and the causes which kept them in ignorance continuing, it avails the country nothing, that, from time to time, enlightened rulers have come forward, and liberal measures been adopted. The Spanish reformers have, with rare exceptions, eagerly attacked the Church, whose authority they clearly saw ought to be diminished. But what they did not see is, that such diminution can be of no real use unless it is the result of public opinion urging on politicians to the work. In Spain, politicians took the initiative, and the people lagged behind. Hence, in Spain, what was done at one time was sure to be undone at another. When the liberals were in power, they suppressed the Inquisition; but Ferdinand VII. easily restored it, because, though it had been destroyed by Spanish legislators, its existence was suited to the habits and traditions of the Spanish nation.[1522] Fresh changes occurring, this odious tribunal was, in 1820, again abolished. Still, though its form is gone, its spirit lives.[1523] The name, the body, and the visible appearance of the Inquisition, are no more; but the spirit which generated the Inquisition is enshrined in the hearts of the people, and, on slight provocation, would burst forth, and reinstate an institution which is the effect, far more than the cause, of the intolerant bigotry of the Spanish nation.

[1521] 'That the Spaniards, as a people, are ignorant, supremely
ignorant, it is impossible to dissemble; but this comes from the
control of education being altogether in the hands of the
clergy, who exert themselves to maintain that ignorance to which
they are indebted for their power.' _Spain by an American_, vol.
ii. p. 360. 'The schools in Madrid are all conducted by Jesuits;
and the education received in them, is such as might be expected
from their heads.' _Inglis' Spain_, vol. i. p. 156. 'Private
education here, is almost entirely in the hands of the clergy.'
_Revelations of Spain in 1845_, vol. ii. p. 27. In Spain, as in
all countries, Catholic or Protestant, the clergy, considered as
a body, inculcate belief instead of inquiry, and, by a sort of
conservative instinct, discourage that boldness of investigation
without which there can be no real knowledge, although there may
be much erudition and mere book-learning. In Spain, the clergy
are stronger than in any other country; therefore in Spain they
display this tendency more fearlessly. A good instance of this
may be seen in a work lately published by the Bishop of
Barcelona, in which a violent attack upon all physical and
philosophical knowledge is concluded in the following terms: 'No
intento recriminar á ningun católico de los que se asocian al
nuevo sistema de filosofar y de extender indefinidamente el
imperio de esta ciencia, pero deseo que fijen toda su atencion
en los puntos que no haré sino indicar. Primero, que las
escuelas de Holanda, Alemania, Inglaterra y Francia desafectas
al Catolicismo, han iniciado y promovido con el mayor empeño
ciertas discusiones filosóficas, presentándolas como un triunfo
de la razon sobre la Religion, de la filosofía sobre la
teología, del materialismo sobre el espiritualismo. Segundo, que
sus máximas no son, en gran parte, mas que reproducciones ó
nuevas evoluciones de errores mil veces refutados y condenados
por la sana filosofía y por la Iglesia; bajo cuyo concepto no
tienen por qué felicitarse en razon de su progreso, sino mas
bien avergonzarse por su retroceso.' _Costa y Borras_, _Iglesia
en España_, Barcelona, 1857, p. 150.

[1522] 'Immediately after his arrival in Madrid, Ferdinand
re-established the Inquisition; and his decree for that purpose
was hailed throughout all Spain with illuminations,
thanksgivings, and other rejoicings. '_Quin's Memoirs of
Ferdinand VII._, London, 1824, pp. 189, 190. This and similar
acts gave such delight to the Church as well as to the people,
that, according to a great divine, the return of Ferdinand to
Spain is to be deemed the immediate act of Divine Providence,
watching over the interests of Spain. 'La divina Providencia
abrevió los dias de prueba, y la católica España respiró ceñida
con los laureles del triunfo, recobrando luego á su tan deseado
monarca, el señor rey don Fernando VII.' _Costa y Borras_,
_Observaciones sobre la Iglesia en España_, Barcelona, 1857,
p. 91.

[1523] 'The spirit of the Inquisition is still alive; for no king,
cortes, or constitution, ever permits in Spain any approach to
any religious toleration.' _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 60.
'Les cortès auraient beau permettre l'exercice du culte
protestant ou juif, il n'est point certain que cela ne suscitât
de périlleux conflits.' _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, _ou Histoire
Générale des Divers Etats_, 1854-1855, vol. v. p. 272, Paris,
1855; a work of considerable ability, planned on the same scheme
as the _Annual Register_, but far superior to it. Respecting the
chance of the Inquisition being again restored, compare two
interesting passages in _Spain by an American_, 1831, vol. ii.
p. 330, and _Inglis' Spain_, 1831, vol. i. p. 85. Since then,
the balance of affairs has, on the whole, been in favour of the
Church, which received a further accession of strength by the
success of the essentially religious war recently waged against
the Moors. Hence, if any fresh political catastrophe were to
occur in Spain, I should not be at all surprised to hear that
the Inquisition was re-established.

In the same way, other and more systematic attacks which were made on the Church, during the present century, succeeded at first, but were sure to be eventually baffled.[1524] Under Joseph, in 1809, the monastic orders were suppressed, and their property was confiscated.[1525] Little, however, did Spain gain by this. The nation was on their side;[1526] and as soon as the storm passed away, they were restored. In 1836, there was another political movement, and the liberals being at the head of affairs, Mendizabal secularized all the Church property, and deprived the clergy of nearly the whole of their enormous and ill-gotten wealth.[1527] He did not know how foolish it is to attack an institution, unless you can first lessen its influence. Overrating the power of legislation, he underrated the power of opinion. This, the result clearly showed. Within a very few years, the reaction began. In 1845, was enacted what was called the law of devolution, by which the first step was taken towards the re-endowment of the clergy.[1528] In 1851, their position was still further improved by the celebrated Concordat, in which the right of acquiring, as well as of possessing, was solemnly confirmed to them.[1529] With all this, the nation heartily concurred.[1530] Such, however, was the madness of the liberal party, that, only four years afterwards, when they for a moment obtained power, they forcibly annulled these arrangements, and revoked concessions which had been made to the Church, and which, unhappily for Spain, public opinion had ratified.[1531] The results might have been easily foreseen. In Aragon and in other parts of Spain, the people flew to arms; a Carlist insurrection broke out, and a cry ran through the country, that religion was in danger.[1532] It is impossible to benefit such a nation as this. The reformers were, of course, overthrown, and by the autumn of 1856 their party was broken up. The political reaction now began, and advanced so rapidly, that, by the spring of 1857, the policy of the two preceding years was completely reversed. Those who idly thought that they could regenerate their country by laws, saw all their hopes confounded. A ministry was formed, whose measures were more in accordance with the national mind. In May 1857, Cortes assembled. The representatives of the people sanctioned the proceedings of the executive government, and, by their united authority, the worst provisions of the Concordat of 1851 were amply confirmed, the sale of Church property was forbidden, and all the limitations which had been set to the power of the bishops were at once removed.[1533]

[1524] Compare some very sensible remarks in _Bacon's Six Years in
Biscay_, London, 1838, pp. 40, 41, 50, with _Quin's Memoirs of
Ferdinand the Seventh_, pp. 192, 193.

[1525] _Walton's Revolutions of Spain_, London, 1837, vol. ii. p. 343.

[1526] Very shortly before the suppression of the monastic orders, 'Le
respect pour le froc en général est poussé si loin, qu'on lui
attribue une vertu préservative, même au-delà de la vie, quelque
peu régulière qu'elle ait été. Aussi n'y a-t-il rien de si
commun que de voir les morts ensevelis en robe de moines, et
conduits ainsi à leur dernière demeure à visage découvert.' ...
'De même que le froc accompagne les Espagnols au tombeau, de
même il en saisit quelques-uns au sortir du berceau. Il n'est
pas rare de rencontrer de petits moines de quatre à cinq ans
polissonnant dans la rue.' _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne_,
Paris, 1808, vol. ii. pp. 330, 331.

[1527] The confiscation took place at different periods between 1835 and
1841. Compare _Ford's Spain_, p. 48. _Revelations of Spain by an
English Resident_, vol. i. p. 366. _Costa y Borras_, _Iglesia en
España_, p. 95. _Annuaire des Deux Mondes for 1850_, Paris,
1851, p. 369. I have sought in vain for any detailed history of
these transactions.

[1528] 'Dès 1845, une loi dite de _dévolution_, en attendant un
règlement définitif, applique à la dotation du clergé une
portion des biens ecclésiastiques non vendus.' _Annuaire des
Deux Mondes_, 1851-2, Paris, 1852, p. 318.

[1529] 'Il y a ici un règlement solennel, sous la forme d'un traité, de
toutes les affaires relatives à l'église; c'est le concordat de
1851. Le concordat reconnaît à l'église le droit d'acquérir et
de posséder.' _Ibid._ 1854, 1855, p. 273, Paris, 1855.