Chapter VIII (5)

[1328] 'Allí acabó aquella antigua milicia española que desde el tiempo
de los reyes católicos habia ganado tan gloriosos triunfos,
siendo el terror de sus enemigos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
Española_, vol. iii. p. 150, Madrid, 1840. 'La batalla de
Rocroy, en que el jóven Condé recogió los laureles con que
engalanó la dorado cuna del niño Luis XIV., acabó con la
reputacion que aun habian podido ir conservando los viejos
tercios españoles de Flandres.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
España_, vol. xvii. p. 368, Madrid, 1856.

[1329] In the _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. i. p. 275, Oxford, 1767,
folio, I find a letter written by Hopton to Secretary Windebank,
dated Madrid, 31st May, 1635. The author of this official
communication gives an account of the Spanish troops just
raised, and says, 'I have observed these levies, and I find the
horses are so weak, as the most of them will never be able to go
to the rendezvous, and those very hardly gotten, the infantry so
unwilling to serve, as they are carried like galley-slaves, in
chains, which serves not the turn, and so far short of the
number that was proposed, as they come not to one of three.'
This was eight years before the battle of Rocroy; after it,
matters became rapidly worse. A letter from Sir Edward Hyde to
Secretary Nicholas, dated Madrid, 18th March, 1649-50, states,
that Spanish 'affairs are really in huge disorder, and capable
of being rendered almost desperate;' and another letter, on 14th
April, 1650, 'if some miracle do not preserve them, this crown
must be speedily destroyed,' _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. iii.
pp. 13, 17, Oxford, 1786. An official Report on the Netherlands,
presented to Louis XIV. in 1665, declares that the Dutch
'considered Spain so weakened, as to be out of condition to
renew the war within the next one hundred years.' _Raumer's
History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_,
_illustrated by Original Documents_, London, 1835, vol. i. p.
237. See also _Mignet_, _Négociations relatives à la Succession
d'Espagne_, Paris, 1835-1842, 4to. vol. i. pp. 37, 38, 314, 315,
vol. iii. p. 684, vol. iv. p. 218; and _L'Estat de l'Espagne_,
Genève, 1681, pp. 83, 271. 'L'Espagne faisant en nos jours plus
de pitié que de peur à ceux qu'elle a tenus long-tems dans une
crainte perpétuelle, et dans une respectueuse vénération.' ...
'Aussi peut-on dire que les Espagnols qui étoient autrefois des
lions, ou des véritables hommes et incomparables en valeur, sont
maintenant des cerfs, ou des femmes, et enfin des personnes peu
propres à la guerre.' And finally, the Spanish explanation of
all this in _Yañez_, _Memorias_, Prologo, pp. 148, 149, Madrid,
1723. 'La Monarquia de España, cuya decadencia la avia yá Dios
decretado desde el año de 1621,' &c.; blasphemously ascribing to
the Almighty, what was the result of their own folly, and
obstinately shutting their eyes to the real cause of their ruin.

[1330] 'A century ago, Spain had been as supreme at sea as on land; her
ordinary naval force was 140 galleys, which were the terror both
of the Mediterranean and Atlantic. But now' (1656), 'in
consequence of the decline of commerce and fisheries on the
coast, instead of the numerous squadrons of the Dorias and
Mendozas, which were wont to attend the movements of the first
great John of Austria and the Emperor Charles, the present
High-Admiral of Spain, and favourite son of its monarch, put to
sea with three wretched gallies, which, with difficulty, escaped
from some Algerine corsairs, and were afterwards nearly
shipwrecked on the coast of Africa.' _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. i.
p. 549. In 1663, 'Il n'y avait à Cadix ni vaisseaux ni galères
en état d'aller en mer. Les Maures insultaient audacieusement
les côtes de l'Andalousie, et prenaient impunément les barques
qui se hasardaient à une lieue de la rade. Le duc d'Albuquerque,
qui commandait les forces navales, se plaignait hautement de la
position humiliante dans laquelle on le laissait. Il avait
demandé avec instance qu'on lui donnât des matelots et des
soldats pour mettre sur les vaisseaux; mais le Comte de
Castrillo, président du Conseil de Finances (de la _hacienda_)
avait déclaré qu'il n'avait ni argent, ni la possibilité d'en
trouver, et conseillait de renoncer à l'armée navale.' _Mignet_,
_Négociations relatives à la Succession d'Espagne_, vol. i. pp.
315, 316, Paris, 1835, 4to. from contemporary manuscripts. Even
in 1648, Spain had 'become so feeble in point of naval affairs
as to be obliged to hire Dutch vessels for carrying on her
American commerce.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. ii.
p. 435, London, 1805, 4to. And, to complete the chain of
evidence, there is a letter in the _Clarendon State Papers_,
vol. ii. p. 86, Oxford, 1773, folio, written from Madrid in June
1640, stating that, 'For ships they have few, mariners fewer,
landsmen not so many as they need, and, by all signs, money not
at all that can be spared.' The history of Spain during this
period never having been written, I am compelled, in my own
justification, to give these and similar passages with a fulness
which I fear will weary some readers.

[1331] And when they did, it was to their own cost, as Stanhope found,
at the beginning of his career as British minister to the court
of Madrid, in 1690. See his letter to Lord Shrewsbury, in
_Mahon's Spain under Charles II._, London, 1840, p. 3. 'We were
forced into a small port, called Ferrol, three leagues short of
the Groyne, and, by the ignorance of a Spanish pilot, our ships
fell foul one with another, and the admiral's ship was on ground
for some hours, but got off clear without any damage.' Indeed,
the Spanish seamen, once the boldest and most skilful navigators
in the world, so degenerated, that, early in the eighteenth
century, we find it stated as a matter of course, that 'to form
the Spaniard to marine affairs, is transporting them into
unknown countries.' _The History of Cardinal Alberoni_, London,
1719, p. 257.

[1332] 'Le peu de soldats qui résistaient à la désertion, étaient vêtus
de haillons, sans solde, sans pain,' _Mémoires de Louville_,
edit. Paris, 1818, vol. i. p. 72. 'Dans l'état le plus
misérable.' p. 43. Compare Lefuente, in the reign of Philip IV.
(_Historia_, vol. xvi. p. 519), 'los soldados peleaban
andrajosos y medio desnudos;' and D'Aulnoy, in 1679 (_Relation
du Voyage d'Espagne_, vol. i. p. 168), 'Il est rare que dans
tout un régiment, il se trouve deux soldats qui ayent plus d'une
chemise.'

[1333] 'Ruinosos los muros de sus fortalezas, aun tenía Barcelona
abiertas las brechas, que hizo el duque de Vendoma; y desde
Rosas hasta Cadiz, no habia Alcazar, ni Castillo, no solo
presidiado, pero ni montada su artillería. La misma negligencia
se admiraba en los puertos de Vizcaya, y Galicia; no tenian los
almazenes sus provisiones, faltaban fundidores de armas, y las
que habia, eran de ningun uso. Vacios los arsenales y
artilleros, se habia olvidado el arte de construir naves, y no
tenia el Rey mas que las destinadas al comercio de Indias, y
algunos galeones; seis galeras, consumidas del tiempo, y del
ocio, se ancoraban en Cartagena.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la
Guerra de España_, vol. i. p. 43. Another eye-witness describes
'the best fortresses consisting of ruined walls, mounted with
here and there a rusty cannon, and the man thought an able
engineer who knew how to fire them.' _Ripperda's Memoirs_,
second edition, London, 1740, p. 227.

While the country at large was thus languishing, as if it had been stricken by some mortal distemper, the most horrible scenes were occurring in the capital, under the eyes of the sovereign. The inhabitants of Madrid were starving; and the arbitrary measures which had been adopted to supply them with food, could only produce temporary relief. Many persons fell down in the streets exhausted, and died where they fell; others were seen in the public highway evidently dying, but no one had wherewithal to feed them. At length the people became desperate, and threw off all control. In 1680, not only the workmen of Madrid, but large numbers of the tradesmen, organized themselves into bands, broke open private houses, and robbed and murdered the inhabitants in the face of day.[1334] During the remaining twenty years of the seventeenth century, the capital was in a state, not of insurrection, but of anarchy. Society was loosened, and seemed to be resolving itself into its elements. To use the emphatic language of a contemporary, liberty and restraint were equally unknown.[1335] The ordinary functions of the executive government were suspended. The police of Madrid, unable to obtain the arrears of their pay, disbanded, and gave themselves up to rapine. Nor did there seem any means of remedying these evils. The exchequer was empty, and it was impossible to replenish it. Such was the poverty of the court, that money was wanting to pay the wages of the king's private servants, and to meet the daily expenses of his household.[1336] In 1693, payment was suspended of every life-pension; and all officers and ministers of the crown were mulcted of one-third of their salaries.[1337] Nothing, however, could arrest the mischief. Famine and poverty continued to increase;[1338] and, in 1699, Stanhope, the British minister then residing in Madrid, writes, that never a day passed in which people were not killed in the streets scuffling for bread; that his own secretary had seen five women stifled to death by the crowd before a bakehouse; and that, to swell the catalogue of misery, upwards of twenty thousand additional beggars from the country had recently flocked into the capital.[1339]

[1334] _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. pp. 224, 225. In 1680, Madame de
Villars, the wife of the French Ambassador, writes from Madrid,
that such was the state of affairs there, that her husband
thought it advisable that she should return home. _Lettres de
Madame de Villars_, Amsterdam, 1769, p. 169. A letter written by
the Danish ambassador in 1677, describes every house in Madrid
as regularly armed from top to bottom; 'de haut en bas.'
_Mignet_, _Négociations relatives à la Succession_, vol. iv. p.
638, Paris, 1842, 4to. The deaths from starvation are said to
have been particularly numerous in Andalusia. See _Tapia_,
_Civilizacion Española_, vol. iii. p. 167. 'En Andalucia
especialmente moria mucha gente de hambre, y el consulado de
Sevilla envió una diputacion para representar que aquella ciudad
habia quedado reducida á la cuarta parte de la poblacion que
habia tenido cincuenta años antes.' On the state of the people
generally, in 1680, compare _Lettres de Villars_, pp. 145, 152,
161.

[1335] 'Point de libertés et point de frein.' _Mém. de Louville_,
vol. i. p. 68.

[1336] In 1681, the French ambassadress writes from Madrid, 'Je ne vous
parle point de la misère de ce royaume. La faim est jusques dans
le palais. J'étois hier avec huit ou dix camaristes, et La
Moline, qui disoient qu'il y avoit fort long-tems qu'on ne leur
donnoit plus ni pain ni viande. Aux écuries du roi et de la
reine, de même.' _Lettres de Madame la Marquise de Villars_,
Amsterdam, 1759, pp. 216, 217. The year after Charles II. died:
'II n'y avoit pas de fonds pour les choses les plus nécessaires,
pour la cuisine, l'écurie, les valets de pied,' &c. _Millot_,
_Mémoires du Duc de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 26, ed. Petitot,
Paris, 1828. Among other reckless expedients, the currency was
so depreciated, that, in a letter from Martin to Dr. Frazer,
dated Madrid, March 6th, 1680, we hear of 'the fall of money to
one fourth part of its former value.' _Miscellany of the
Spalding Club_, vol. v. p. 187, Aberdeen, 4to. 1852.

[1337] 'The king has taken away, by a late decree, a third part of all
wages and salaries of all officers and ministers without
exception, and suspended for the ensuing year, 1694, all
pensions for life granted either by himself or his father.'
Letter from the English Ambassador, dated Madrid, November 18th,
1693, in _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._, London, 1840, p. 40.
This is also stated in _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. i.
p. 359, Paris, 1828; 'retranchant le tiers des dépenses de sa
maison, et des appointemens de ses officiers tant militaires que
civils.' In the preceding reign, the pension had been stopped,
at all events for a time. In 1650, Sir Edward Hyde, writes from
Madrid, 'there is an universal stop of all pensions which have
been granted formerly.' _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. ii. p.
538, Oxford, 1773. The next step which was taken was a proposal,
in 1667, to tax the salaries of the members of the Council of
Castile, Arragon, &c.; but this idea was abandoned, until at
length, they, like all other public servants, came under the
comprehensive edict of 1693. See the letter from the French
Ambassador to Louis XIV., dated Madrid, June 2nd, 1667, in
_Mignet_, _Négociations_, vol. ii. p. 128, Paris, 1835, 4to. The
only chance of recovering the history of Spain in the
seventeenth century, is by collating these and similar documents
with the meagre notices to be found in Spanish writers.

[1338] In 1695, 'the miserable poverty in this country.' _Travels
through Spain_, _performed by a Gentleman_, London, 1702, p. 62.
And, in the same year, 'L'Espagne, manquant de tout d'hommes, et
d'argent.' _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. i. p. 402. 'L'Espagne,
presque anéantie.' p. 424.

[1339] See the letters in _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._,
pp. 138-140. On the 21st of May, 'We have an addition of above
20,000 beggars, flocked from the country round, to share in that
little here is, who were starving at home, and look like
ghosts.' On the 27th of May, 'The scarcity of bread is growing
on apace towards a famine, which increases, by vast multitudes
of poor that swarm in upon us from the countries round about. I
shifted the best I could till this day, but the difficulty of
getting any without authority, has made me recur to the
Corregidor, as most of the foreign Ministers had done before;
he, very courteously, after inquiring what my family was, gave
me an order for twenty loaves every day: but I must send two
leagues, to Vallejas, to fetch it, as I have done this night,
and my servants with long guns to secure it when they have it,
otherwise it would be taken from them, for several people are
killed every day in the streets, in scuffles for bread, all
being lawful prize that any body can catch.' ... 'My secretary,
Don Francisco, saw yesterday five poor women stifled to death by
the crowd before a bakehouse.'

If this state of things had continued for another generation, the wildest anarchy must have ensued, and the whole frame of society been broken up.[1340] The only chance of saving Spain from a relapse into barbarism, was that it should fall, and fall quickly, under foreign dominion. Such a change was indispensable; and there was reason to fear that it might come in a form which would have been inexpressibly odious to the nation. For, late in the seventeenth century, Ceuta was besieged by the Mohammedans; and as the Spanish Government had neither troops nor ships, the greatest apprehensions were entertained respecting the fate of this important fortress; there being little doubt, that if it fell, Spain would be again overrun by the infidels, who, this time, at least, would have found little difficulty in dealing with a people weakened by suffering, half famished, and almost worn out.[1341]

[1340] Even M. Lafuente, who having used scarcely any of the authorities
which I have quoted in the last few pages, can have no adequate
idea of the utter wretchedness of Spain, confesses that 'Jamás
monarca ni pueblo alguno se vieron en tan lastimosa situacion y
en tan mísero trance como se hallaron en este tiempo' (1699).
'Carlos II. y la España.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_,
vol. xvii. p. 426, Madrid, 1856.

[1341] 'Les Maures d'Afrique assiégeoient Ceuta. Le roi d'Espagne
manquait non seulement de troupes, mais de vaisseaux pour
transporter le peu de secours qu'il pouvoit y envoyer: Louis XIV
lui fit offrir les troupes et les vaisseaux dont il auroit
besoin. Il s'agissoit non seulement de conserver Ceuta, mais de
plus Oran; par conséquent d'empêcher la prise de deux places
dont la conquête facilitoit aux Maures un retour en Espagne.'
_Mémoires du Marquis de Torcy_, vol. i. p. 46, ed. Paris, 1828.
Respecting the attacks made on Ceuta, from 1696 to 1698, see
_Ortiz_, _Compendio de la Historia de España_, vol. vi. pp. 556,
567, 561.

Fortunately, in the year 1700, when affairs were at their worst, Charles II., the idiot king, died; and Spain fell into the hands of Philip V., the grandson of Louis XIV. This change from the Austrian dynasty to the Bourbon,[1342] brought with it many other changes. Philip, who reigned from 1700 to 1746,[1343] was a Frenchman, not only by birth and education, but also in feelings and habits.[1344] Just before he entered Spain, Louis charged him never to forget that he was a native of France, the throne of which he might some day ascend.[1345] After he became king, he neglected the Spaniards, despised their advice, and threw all the power he could command into the hands of his own countrymen.[1346] The affairs of Spain were now administered by subjects of Louis XIV., whose ambassador at Madrid frequently performed the functions of prime minister.[1347] What had once been the most powerful monarchy in the world, became little else than a province of France; all important matters being decided in Paris, from whence Philip himself received his instructions.[1348]

[1342] A celebrated modern writer has made some remarks upon this, which
are too apposite to be omitted. 'Con el siglo xvii. acabó
tambien la dinastía austriaca en España, dejando á esta nacion
pobre, despoblada, sin fuerzas marítimas ni terrestres, y por
consiguiente á merced de las demas potencias que intentaron
repartir entre sí sus colonias y provincias. Así habia
desparecido en poco mas de un siglo aquella grandeza y poderío,
aquella fuerza y heroismo, aquella cultura é ilustracion con que
habia descollado entre todas las naciones.' _Biografia de
Ensenada_, in _Navarrete_, _Opúsculos_, vol. ii. p. 5, Madrid,
1848.

[1343] Except during the short interregnum of Louis, in 1724, which only
lasted a few months, and during which, the boy, though called
king, exercised no real power, and Philip remained the actual
ruler. 'Aun el nuevo rey no resolvia negocio de consideracion
sin asenso de su padre.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vii. p. 374.

[1344] Saint Simon, who knew Philip well, and who was in Spain in 1721
and 1722, says of him, 'L'amour de la France lui sortait de
partout.' _Mémoires du Duc de Saint Simon_, vol. xxxvii. p. 3,
Paris, 1841. And, in 1746, shortly before his death, Noailles
writes from Aranjuez, 'Ce prince a le c[oe]ur tout français.'
_Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. iv. p. 191, Paris, 1829.

[1345] 'N'oubliez jamais que vous êtes Français, et ce qui peut vous
arriver.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 6.
Compare _Coxe's Memoirs of the Bourbon Kings of Spain_, London,
1815, vol. i. p. 103.

[1346] In 1702, Philip 'parlait moins que jamais, et seulement aux
Français, comme s'ils eussent été les seuls êtres de son
espèce.' _Mémoires de Louville_, vol. i. p. 276. 'Le dégoût que
Philippe laissait voir pour sa cour espagnole.' p. 333. A
Spanish statesman, celebrated, or, I would rather say,
notorious, at the close of the century, indignantly exclaims,
'It was on the accession of the Bourbon dynasty, that foreigners
came to govern us on our native soil.' _Godoy's Memoirs_, ed.
London, 1836, vol. ii. p. 271.

[1347] In 1701, it was the duty of the French ambassador, 'qu'il pût au
besoin être premier ministre d'Espagne.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de
Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 31; 'que l'ambassadeur de sa Majesté soit
ministre du roi Catholique; que, sans en avoir le titre, il en
exerce les fonctions; qu'il aide au roi d'Espagne à connoître
l'état de ses affaires, et à gouverner par lui-même.' p. 55. In
1702, Marsin writes to Louis XIV., 'Comme il est absolument
nécessaire que l'ambassadeur de Votre Majesté en Espagne ait un
crédit sans bornes auprès du Roy son petit-fils.' p. 183. In
1705, Amelot, the French ambassador, 'décidoit de tout en
Espagne.' _Mémoires de Louville_, vol. ii. p. 165; and in 1706,
'étant à la tête des affaires, et joignant presque les fonctions
de premier ministre à celles d'ambassadeur.' _Noailles_,
vol. ii. p. 398.

[1348] In 1703, 'Il est clair que l'embarras de Philippe venoit surtout
de la crainte que ses décisions ne fussent point approuvées en
France, où toutes les affaires importantes se décidoient.'
_Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 244. 'The King of
France had always certain persons at Madrid, which compos'd a
Council, of which that of Versailles was the soul; and whose
members were all creatures of the French Court, and sent to
Madrid from time to time to direct all affairs there, according
to the views of the Most Christian King, and to give him an
account of every thing that pass'd in the Councils of the
Escurial. Alberoni got to be initiated in the mysteries of this
cabal.' _History of Cardinal Alberoni_, London, 1719, p. 70.

The Spanish historians are not very fond of admitting this
unquestionable fact; but Bacallar, after mentioning the
influence of the French Ambassador, frankly adds: 'Desde
entonces tomaron tanta mano sobre los de España los ministros
franceses, que dieron mas zelos á los Principes, viendo
estrechar la union á un grado, que todo se ponía al arbitrio de
Luis XIV.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de España_,
vol. i. p. 33.

The truth is, that Spain, broken and prostrate, was unable to supply ability of any kind; and if the government of the country was to be carried on, it was absolutely necessary that foreigners should be called in.[1349] Even in 1682, that is, eighteen years before the accession of Philip V., there was not to be found a single native well acquainted with the art of war; so that Charles II. was obliged to intrust the military defence of the Spanish Netherlands to De Grana, the Austrian ambassador at Madrid.[1350] When, therefore, the War of the Succession broke out, in 1702, even the Spaniards themselves desired that their troops should be commanded by a foreigner.[1351] In 1704, the extraordinary spectacle was exhibited of the Duke of Berwick, an Englishman, leading Spanish soldiers against the enemy, and being in fact generalissimo of the Spanish army.[1352] The King of Spain, dissatisfied with his proceedings, determined to remove him; but, instead of filling his place with a native, he applied to Louis XIV. for another general; and this important post was confided to Marshal Tessé, a Frenchman.[1353] A little later, Berwick was again summoned to Madrid, and ordered to put himself at the head of the Spanish troops, and defend Estremadura and Castile.[1354] This he effected with complete success; and, in the battle of Almansa, which he fought in 1707, he overthrew the invaders, ruined the party of the pretender Charles,[1355] and secured the seat of Philip on the throne.[1356] As the war, however, still continued, Philip, in 1710, wrote to Paris for another general, and requested that the Duke de Vendôme might be sent to him.[1357] This able commander, on his arrival, infused new vigour into the Spanish counsels, and utterly defeated the allies;[1358] so that the war by which the independence of Spain was established, owed its success to the ability of foreigners, and to the fact that the campaigns were planned and conducted, not by natives, but by French and English generals.

[1349] Even the veteran diplomatist was so struck by the escape of Spain
from complete ruin, that he ascribes its change of masters to
the direct interference of the Deity. 'Sa seule puissance avait
placé Philippe V sur le trône d'Espagne; elle seule pouvait l'y
maintenir; les hommes n'avaient pas conduit ce grand événement.'
_Mémoires de Torcy_, vol. i. p. 333. 'Le trône où Dieu l'avait
placé.' p. 401. See also vol. ii. pp. 3, 227. 'The Spanish
people received him with unhesitating obedience to the deceased
king's will, and rejoiced at the prospect of a rule that would
at least have the merit of being different from that under which
they had so long withered.' _Memoirs of Peterborough_, London,
1853, vol. i. p. 102. 'Muchos españoles recibieron por su
soberano á Felipe V., cansados de la dominacion de la casa de
Austria. Esperaban de la mudanza de la dinastia la felicidad y
el buen gobierno.' _Castro_, _Decadencia de España_, Cadiz,
1852, p. 131. To the same effect, _Millot_, _Mémoires de
Noailles_, vol. i. pp. 420, 426, vol. ii. p. 9.

[1350] He 'committed the military defence of these provinces to the
Marquis of Grana, the Austrian ambassador at Madrid, from the
want of any Spanish commander whose courage or military
endowments qualified him to repel such an enemy as the king of
France.' _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 232. Compare, on the
want of Spanish generals, _Mémoires du Maréchal de Gramont_,
vol. ii. p. 82, edit. Paris, 1827. The opinion which Grana
himself formed of the Spanish government, may be learned from a
conversation which he held at Madrid, in 1680, with the French
ambassadress, and which is preserved in her correspondence.
_Lettres de Madame la Marquise de Villars_, Amsterdam, 1759, pp.
118, 119.

[1351] See the letter of Philip V. to Louis XIV., dated June 22, 1702,
in _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257, Paris, 1828,
edit. Petitot.

[1352] See _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de España_, vol. i.
pp. 137, 166, where he is called 'el Duque de Bervich.' His own
account is, 'J'arrivai à Madrid le 15 février' (1704), 'où
d'abord S. M. Catholique me fit Capitaine-Général de ses
armées.' _Mémoires de Berwick_, Paris, 1778, vol. i. p. 227; and
see p. xxv. No one would suppose this, from the observations of
M. Lafuente, in his _Historia de España_, vol. xviii. p. 80,
Madrid, 1857.

[1353] 'Philippe n'étoit pas content de Berwick, ou plutôt il témoigna
ne le pas être, et il demanda un autre général à Louis XIV. On
lui envoya le maréchal de Tessé, pour qui il avoit montré du
penchant.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 331.
Berwick himself ascribes his dismissal to the influence of
Gramont and of the Queen of Spain. _Mémoires de Berwick_, vol.
i. pp. 269-273. At all events, the new general became supreme.
In December 1705, the Princess des Ursins writes from Madrid to
Madame de Maintenon, 'M. le maréchal de Tessé, quand il est à
Madrid, est consulté, et décide sur toutes les affaires,
_autant, pour le moins, que M. l'ambassadeur_; et lorsqu'il est
à l'armée, il est le maître absolu non seulement des troupes de
France, mais encore de celles d'Espagne, commandant aux
capitaines-généraux, ses anciens, contre l'usage du pays.'
_Lettres inédites de Madame de Maintenon et de Madame la
Princesse des Ursins_, vol. iii. p. 259, Paris, 1826.

[1354] In 1706, 'Le duc de Berwick, redemandé par Philippe V., arrivé à
Madrid le 11 mars, avec le titre de maréchal de France, pour
défendre l'Estramadure et la Castille, ayant rassemblé ce qu'il
peut de troupes espagnoles, empêcha les ennemis d'entreprendre
le siège de Badajoz.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii.
p. 387. Philip 'pria le Roi, son grand-père, d'envoyer un
général pour commander sur les frontières de Portugal. Ce fut
donc sur moi que le choix tomba.' _Mémoires de Berwick_, vol. i.
p. 305.

[1355] In a recently published work (_Memoirs of Peterborough_, London,
1853, vol. i. pp. 148, 155, 161, 206, 210, vol. ii. pp. 34, 93),
Charles is not only called King of Spain, which he never was, as
Spain always refused to accept him, but, in the teeth of all
history, he is actually termed Charles III.; while Philip V. is
merely 'Philip of Anjou.' If this were allowed, the consequence
would be, that the king whom the Spaniards now call Charles
III., would have to change his appellation, and become Charles
IV.; and Charles IV. would be changed into Charles V. It is
really too much when mere biographers obtrude, in this way,
their own little prepossessions into the vast field of history,
and seek to efface its established nomenclature, because they
are enamoured of the hero whose life they write.

[1356] 'This victory established the throne of Philip.' _Dunham's
History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 136. 'A victory which may be
justly said to have saved Spain.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
Spain_, vol. i. p. 408. Even Ortiz allows that if Berwick had
failed, Philip would have been ruined. 'Esta batalla de Almansa,
que las circunstancias hicieron ruidosa, comenzó á poner mejor
la corona de España en la cabeza de Felipe V.; y se tuvo por
indubitable que si la hubiera perdido, tambien hubiera perdido
la corona.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vii. p. 116. See also
_Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. xviii. p. 185. 'Berwick,
á quien, sin duda, debió su salvación la España.'

[1357] 'Sa réputation étoit grande et bien établie; le roi d'Espagne
avoit été témoin de sa conduite en Lombardie; il demanda au Roi
un général si capable de commander ses armées.' _Mémoires de
Torcy_, vol. i. p. 386. See also _History of Alberoni_, London,
1719, p. 45. 'Le duc de Vendôme alloit enfin commander les
troupes d'Espagne.' _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. iii. p. 12.
According to Berwick, the offer was first made to himself.
_Mémoires de Berwick_, vol. ii. pp. 106, 109. M. Lafuente,
without quoting any authority, says (_Historia de España_, vol.
xviii. p. 279), 'Luego que se perdió la batalla de Zaragoza
escribió Felipe al rey Cristianísimo, su abuelo, rogándole que,
ya que no pudiera socorrerle con tropas, le enviára al menos _al
duque de Berwick ó al de Vendome_.' But, as Berwick must have
had the means of knowing the real state of the case, he is
probably correct in saying that the first application was in his
own favour.

[1358] 'Vendôme arrived at this moment to call into action the spirit of
the monarch and the zeal of his subjects.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings
of Spain_, vol. ii. p. 41. 'The arrival of the Duke de Vendôme
again changed the fate of Spain.' _Memoirs of Peterborough_,
vol. ii. p. 130.

In the same way, the finances were, by the end of the seventeenth century, in such deplorable confusion, that Portocarrero, who at the accession of Philip V. was the nominal minister of Spain, expressed a desire that they should be administered by some one sent from Paris, who could restore them.[1359] He felt that no one in Spain was equal to the task, and he was by no means singular in this opinion. In 1701, Louville wrote to Torcy, that if a financier did not soon arrive from France, there would shortly be no finances to administer.[1360] The choice fell upon Orry, who reached Madrid in the summer of 1701.[1361] He found everything in the most miserable condition; and the incompetence of the Spaniards was so obvious, that he was soon forced to undertake the management, not only of the finances, but also of the war-department. To save appearances, Canalez became the ostensible minister at war; but he, being completely ignorant of affairs, merely performed the drudgery of that office, the real duties of which were fulfilled by Orry himself.[1362]

[1359] 'Portocarrero, abrumado con las dificultades de la gobernacion,
que excedian en mucho á sus escasas luces, no contento con haber
inducido al rey á que aumentára su consejo de gabinete con dos
ministros más, que fueron el marqués de Mancera, presidente del
de Aragon, y el duque de Montalto, del de Italia, pidió á Luis
XIV. le enviára una persona que pudiera establecer un plan de
hacienda en España, y corregir y reformar los abusos de la
administracion.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. xviii.
p. 15. On 22nd June 1701, Louis XIV. writes to the Duc
d'Harcourt, 'Qu'enfin le cardinal Porto-Carrero m'a fait
demander quelqu'un intelligent en matière de finances pour voir
et connoître l'état de celles du roi d'Espagne, pour examiner
les moyens les plus propres de soulager ses sujets, et de
pourvoir aux plus pressans besoins du public; qu'il m'assure que
_toute l'Espagne le désire en général_: toutes ces raisons m'ont
déterminé à choisir le sieur Orry, pour l'envoyer à Madrid.'
_Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 44.

[1360] 'Il faudra que l'homme que vous enverrez pour les finances (car
vous aurez la bonté d'en envoyer un, ou bien nous n'aurons plus
de finances).' _Mémoires de Louville_, vol. i. p. 149.

[1361] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 181.

[1362] 'Canalez, qu'on a substitué à Rivas pour le département de la
guerre, n'a aucun talent pour cet emploi, selon l'instruction;
et toute l'Espagne voit clairement qu'Orry ne le lui a procuré
qu'afin d'en exercer les fonctions sous le nom d'un Espagnol.'
_Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 305; under the
year 1704. See also, on the power of Orry in the war-department,
_Mémoires de Berwick_, vol. i. pp. 226, 227, 306, 316, vol. ii.
p. 166. Berwick, who hated Orry, says of him (vol. i. p. 232),
'il se mêloit de tout et faisoit tout,' But there can be no
doubt of his being a man of very considerable ability; and M.
Lafuente (_Historia de España_, vol. xix. p. 253, Madrid, 1857)
candidly says, 'Es lo cierto que hizo abrir mucho los ojos de
los españoles en materia de administracion,' Compare vol. xviii.
p. 369; _Mémoires du Duc de Saint Simon_, vol. vii. pp. 102,
195, Paris, 1842; and _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de
España_, vol. i. pp. 82, 83, 99, 168, vol. ii. pp. 95, 107.
Bacallar treats him harshly.

This dominion of the French continued, without interruption, until the second marriage of Philip V., in 1714, and the death of Louis XIV., in 1715, both of which events weakened their influence, and for a time almost destroyed it. The authority, however, which they lost, was transferred, not to Spaniards, but to other foreigners. Between 1714 and 1726, the two most powerful and conspicuous men in Spain were Alberoni, an Italian, and Ripperda, a Dutchman. Ripperda was dismissed in 1726;[1363] and after his fall, the affairs of Spain were controlled by Konigseg, who was a German, and who, indeed, was the Austrian ambassador residing at Madrid.[1364] Even Grimaldo, who held office before and after the dismissal of Ripperda, was a disciple of the French school, and had been brought up under Orry.[1365] All this was not the result of accident, nor is it to be ascribed to the caprice of the court. In Spain, the national spirit had so died away, that none but foreigners, or men imbued with foreign ideas, were equal to the duties of government. To the evidence already quoted on this point, I will add two other testimonies. Noailles, a very fair judge, and by no means prejudiced against the Spaniards, emphatically stated, in 1710, that, notwithstanding their loyalty, they were incapable of ruling, inasmuch as they were ignorant both of war and of politics.[1366] In 1711, Bonnac mentions that a resolution had been formed to place no Spaniard at the head of affairs, because those hitherto employed had proved to be either unfortunate or unfaithful.[1367]

[1363] _Ripperda's Memoirs_, London, 1740, second edition, pp. 117, 118.
Saint Simon (_Mémoires_, vol. xxxvi. p. 246) says, that Ripperda
was 'premier ministre aussi absolu que le fut jamais son
prédécesseur, Alberoni.' The English pamphleteers and
politicians of the last century were very unjust to Alberoni,
who, notwithstanding the dangerous boldness of his nature, was
one of the best ministers who ever governed Spain. M. Lafuente,
while admitting his faults, says (_Historia de España_, vol.
xix. pp. 437, 438), 'Negarle gran capacidad seria una gran
injusticia. Tampoco puede desconocerse que reanimó y regeneró la
España, levantándola á un grado de esplendor y de grandeza en
que nunca se habia vuelto á ver desde los mejores tiempos de
Felipe II.' See also a good summary of what he did for Spain, in
_Tapia_, _Historia de la Civilizacion Española_, Madrid, 1840,
vol. iv. pp. 50, 51.

[1364] 'The all-powerful Konigseg.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_,
vol. iii. p. 154; 'the prime mover of the Spanish counsels,' p.
159; in 1727-8, 'Konigseg usurped the control over every
operation of government,' p. 190; and see p. 235. His great
power is likewise noticed in _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_,
vol. xix. p. 71: 'el hombre de mas influjo y valimiento en la
córte.'

[1365] 'Originally a clerk under Orry, he gained the favour of his
employer,' &c. _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iii. p. 39.
Coxe had access to a large mass of letters, which were written
in the eighteenth century, by persons connected with Spain, and
many of which are still unpublished. This makes his book very
valuable; and, as a recital of political events, it is superior
to anything the Spaniards have produced, though the author is, I
need hardly say, far inferior to M. Lafuente as a writer, and
also as an artistic arranger of facts.

[1366] 'Que les Espagnols depuis longtemps ignoroient la guerre et la
politique; qu'on devoit être sensible à leurs démonstrations
d'attachement et de zèle, sans les croire, suffisantes pour
soutenir un État' ... 'l'incapacité des sujets pour le
gouvernement.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. iii. pp.
24, 25.

[1367] 'C'étoit un parti pris, comme l'observe Bonnac, de ne plus mettre
le gouvernement entre leurs mains. On avoit trouvé parmi eux peu
d'hommes capables des grands emplois: ceux à qui on les avoit
confiés, malheureux ou infidèles, avoient inspiré de
l'éloignement pour les autres.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de
Noailles_, vol. iii. p. 81.

The government of Spain being taken from the Spaniards, now began to show some signs of vigour. The change was slight, but it was in the right direction, though, as we shall presently see, it could not regenerate Spain, owing to the unfavourable operation of general causes. Still, the intention was good. For the first time, attempts were made to vindicate the rights of laymen, and to diminish the authority of ecclesiastics. Scarcely had the French established their dominion, when they suggested that it might be advisable to relieve the necessities of the state, by compelling the clergy to give up some of the wealth which they had accumulated in their churches.[1368] Even Louis XIV. insisted that the important office of President of Castile should not be conferred on an ecclesiastic, because, he said, in Spain the priests and monks had already too much power.[1369] Orry, who for several years possessed immense influence, exerted it in the same direction. He endeavoured to lessen the immunities possessed by the clergy, in regard to taxation, and also in regard to their exemption from lay jurisdiction. He opposed the privilege of sanctuary; he sought to deprive churches of their right of asylum. He even attacked the Inquisition, and worked so powerfully on the mind of the king, that Philip, at one time, determined to suspend that dreadful tribunal, and abolish the office of grand inquisitor.[1370] This intention was very properly abandoned; for there can be no doubt that if it had been enforced, it would have caused a revolution, in which Philip would probably have lost his crown.[1371] In such case, a reaction would have set in, which would have left the Church stronger than ever. Many things, however, were done for Spain in spite of the Spaniards.[1372] In 1707, the clergy were forced to contribute to the state a small part of their enormous wealth; the tax being disguised under the name of a loan.[1373] Ten years later, during the administration of Alberoni, this disguise was thrown off; and not only did government exact what was now called 'the ecclesiastical tax,' but it imprisoned or exiled those priests who, refusing to pay, stood up for the privileges of their order.[1374] This was a bold step to be taken in Spain, and it was one on which, at that time, no Spaniard would have ventured. Alberoni, however, as a foreigner, was unversed in the traditions of the country, which, indeed, on another memorable occasion, he set at defiance. The government of Madrid, acting in complete unison with public opinion, had always been unwilling to negotiate with infidels; meaning by infidels every people whose religious notions differed from their own. Sometimes, such negotiations were unavoidable, but they were entered into with fear and trembling, lest the pure Spanish faith should be tainted by too close a contact with unbelievers. Even in 1698, when it was evident that the monarchy was at its last gasp, and that nothing could save it from the hands of the spoiler, the prejudice was so strong, that the Spaniards refused to receive aid from the Dutch, because the Dutch were heretics. At that time, Holland was in the most intimate relation with England, whose interest it was to secure the independence of Spain against the machinations of France. Obvious, however, as this was, the Spanish theologians, being consulted respecting the proposal, declared that it was inadmissible, since it would enable the Dutch to propagate their religious opinions; so that, according to this view, it was better to be subjugated by a Catholic enemy, than to be assisted by a Protestant friend.[1375]

[1368] In 1701, 'Les églises d'Espagne ont des richesses immenses en or
et en argenterie, qui augmentent tous les jours par le crédit
des religieux; et cela rend l'espèce très-rare dans le commerce.
On propose d'obliger le clergé à vendre une partie de cette
argenterie. Avant que de prendre ce parti, il en faudroit bien
examiner non seulement l'utilité, que l'on connoît, mais aussi
les inconvéniens qu'un pareil ordre pourroit produire.'
_Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 60.

[1369] 'Il insistoit sur la nécessité de ne pas donner à un
ecclésiastique, ni à une créature du cardinal, la présidence de
Castille, quand on rempliroit cette importante place; les
prêtres et les moines n'avoient déjà que trop de pouvoir.'
_Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 77. Compare pp.
71, 72; a letter from Louville to Torcy, dated August 5th, 1701.

[1370] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. ii. pp. 163-165. _Mémoires
de Noailles_, vol. iii. p. 143.

[1371] In 1714, it was thought necessary, that Philip V., not having had
the benefit of a Spanish education, should be enlightened on the
subject of the Inquisition. He was, therefore, informed, 'que la
pureza de la religion Catolica en estos reynos se debia á la
vigilancia de la Inquisicion y sus ministros, todos justos,
clementes y circunspectos, no rigidos, violentos ni crueles,
como por error ó malicia los pintan comunmente los Franceses. Y
que _la conservacion de la Monarquia dependia en gran parte de
mantener ilibata la religion Catolica_.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_,
vol. vii. p. 286. Bacallar (_Comentarios_, vol. ii. pp. 122-125)
gives an interesting account of the attacks made on the rights
of the Church, and which, he says, p. 122, were 'poco ajustados
á la doctrina de los Santos Padres, á la Inmunidad de la
Iglesia, y que sonaban á heregía.' He significantly adds, p.
125, 'Los pueblos de España, que son tan religiosos, y professan
la mayor veneracion á la Iglesia, creían que esta se
atropellaba, _y huvo alguna interna inquietud, no sin fomento de
los adversos al Rey, cuyo puro, y sincero corazon podia ser
engañado_; pero no inducido á un evidente error contra los
Sagrados Canones,' &c. Such passages, proceeding, in the
eighteenth century, from a man like the Marquis de San Phelipe,
are of no slight importance in the history of the Spanish mind.

[1372] So early as May 1702, Philip V., in a letter to Louis XIV.,
complained that the Spaniards opposed him in every thing. 'Je
crois être obligé de vous dire que je m'aperçois de plus en plus
du peu de zèle que les Espagnols out pour mon service, dans les
petites choses comme dans les grandes, et qu'ils s'opposent à
tout ce que je désire.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol.
ii. p. 136. The dislike which the Spaniards felt for the liberal
reforms advocated by the French, went on increasing, until, in
1709, 'se renovaron los antiguos odios entre las dos naciones,
con tanto ardor, que deseaban las tropas españolas el haber de
combatir con los Franceses.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios_, vol. i.
p. 360.

[1373] 'L'opulence de l'Église devoit évidemment fournir des secours à
la patrie. Un emprunt de quatre millions, fait sur le clergé
l'année précédente, 1707, avoit cependant fort déplu au Pape ou
à ses ministres.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noaulès_, vol. ii. p.
412.

[1374] 'He' (Alberoni) 'continued also the exaction of the
ecclesiastical tax, in spite of the papal prohibitions,
imprisoning or banishing the refractory priests who defended the
privileges of their order.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_,
vol. ii. p. 288.

[1375] On January 2nd, 1698, Stanhope, the British Minister at Madrid,
writes from that capital: 'This Court is not at all inclined to
admit the offer of the Dutch troops to garrison their places in
Flanders. They have consulted their theologians, who declare
against it as a matter of conscience, since it would give great
opportunities to the spreading of heresy. They have not yet sent
their answer but it is believed it will be in the negative, and
that they will rather choose to lie at the mercy of the French,
as being Catholics.' _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._,
pp. 98, 99.

Still, much as the Spaniards hated Protestants, they hated Mohammedans yet more.[1376] They could never forget how the followers of that creed had once conquered nearly the whole of Spain, and had, during several centuries, possessed the fairest portion of it. The remembrance of this strengthened their religious animosity, and caused them to be the chief supporters of nearly every war which was waged against the Mohammedans, both of Turkey and of Africa.[1377] But Alberoni, being a foreigner, was unmoved by these considerations, and, to the astonishment of all Spain, he, on the mere ground of political expediency, set at naught the principles of the Church, and not only concluded an alliance with the Mohammedans, but supplied them with arms and with money.[1378] It is, indeed, true, that, in these and similar measures, Alberoni opposed himself to the national will, and that he lived to repent of his boldness. It is, however, also true, that his policy was part of a great secular and anti-theological movement, which, during the eighteenth century, was felt all over Europe. The effects of that movement were seen in the government of Spain, but not in the people. This was because the government for many years was wielded by foreigners, or by natives imbued with a foreign spirit. Hence we find that, during the greater part of the eighteenth century, the politicians of Spain formed a class more isolated, and, if I may so say, more living on their own intellectual resources, than the politicians of any other country during the same period. That this indicated a state of disease, and that no political improvement can produce real good, unless it is desired by the people before being conferred on them, will be admitted by whoever has mastered the lessons which history contains. The results actually produced in Spain, we shall presently see. But it will first be advisable that I should give some further evidence of the extent to which the influence of the Church had prostrated the national intellect, and by discouraging all inquiry, and fettering all freedom of thought, had at length reduced the country to such a plight, that the faculties of men, rusted by disuse, were no longer equal to fulfil the functions required from them; so that in every department, whether of political life, or of speculative philosophy, or even of mechanical industry, it was necessary that foreigners should be called in, to do that work, which the natives had become unable to perform.

[1376] 'Entre el catolicismo y las diferentes sectas que brotaron en las
imaginaciones de Calvino y de Lutero podia mediar tolerancia, y
aun transaccion, si bien, como dice un escritor político, cuando
se comienza á transigir sobre un principio, ese principio
comienza á perder su imperio sobre las sociedades humanas. Pero
entre el cristianismo de los españoles y el mahometismo de los
moriscos era imposible todo avenimiento.' _Janer_, _Condicion
Social de los Moriscos_, Madrid, 1857, p. 112.

[1377] The Marquis of San Phelipe, who wrote in 1725, says, 'Es ley
fundamental de los Reyes Catholicos, nunca hacer la paz con los
Mahometanos; y esta guerra permanece desde el Rey Don Pelayo,
por mas de siete siglos, sin hacer jamás paces, ni treguas con
ellos, como cada dia las hacen el Emperador, y otros Principes
Catholicos.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de España_,
vol. ii. p. 169. And, in the most influential work on commerce
which the reign of Philip V. produced, I find the following
instructive passage: 'Aunque en los Puertos de las dilatadas
Costas, que de Europa, Asia y Africa baña el Mediterraneo, se
hace comercio muy considerable, y util por diversas naciones, no
podrá España tener gran parte en él, mientras se observare la
maxima de hacer continua guerra á todos los Moros y Turcos, en
cuyo dominio se hallan la mayor parte de aquellas Provincias;
sin embargo de ser constante, que _en esta guerra, aunque
procedida de zelo Christiano, es mayor el daño que recibimos,
que el que ocasionamos á los Infieles_' (the way the mercantile
spirit peeps out here, is extremely curious) 'á lo menos de
muchos años á esta parte, como lo he explicado en diversos
capitulos.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_,
Madrid, 1757, p. 399. This is the third edition of a book,
which, considering the circumstances under which it was written,
is a very remarkable production.

[1378] Compare _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, London, 1815, vol. ii.
p. 314, with _The History of Alberoni_, London, 1719, pp. 119,
253; and _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de España_, vol.
ii. pp. 168, 169. The outcry which this caused, may be easily
imagined; and Alberoni, finding himself in great peril, took
advantage of the secrecy of the negotiations, to deny part, at
least, of the charges made against him. See his indignant, but
yet cautious, letter to the Pope, in _History of Alberoni_,
1719, p. 124. Ortiz, who had evidently not looked into the
evidence, is so ill-informed as to suppose that this was a
calumnious accusation brought against Alberoni after his fall.
'Caido ya por entonces Alberoni de su grandeza, expelido
ignominiosamente de España, y aun perseguido por el Rey en
Italia, preso en Roma por orden del Papa, etc., no era dificil
atribuirle culpas agenas ó no cometidas.' _Note in Ortiz_,
_Compendio_, vol. vii. p. 321.