Chapter VIII (7)

[1430] One of the most recent historians of the Jesuits indignantly
observes, 'Depuis deux cent vingt ans les Jésuites vivent et
prêchent en Espagne. Ils sont comblés de bienfaits par des
monarques dont ils étendent la souveraineté. Le clergé et les
masses acceptent avec bonheur leur intervention. Tout à coup
l'Ordre se voit déclaré coupable d'un crime de lèse-majesté,
d'un attentat public que personne ne peut spécifier. La sentence
prononce la peine sans énoncer le délit.' _Crétineau-Joly_,
_Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus_, vol. v. p. 295, Paris,
1845.

[1431] _Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 285, where the facts are
well brought together. The valuable _History of the
Inquisition_, by Llorente, is not quite precise enough in these
matters; though it is a very accurate, and, what is still more
surprising, a very honest book.

[1432] _Rio_, _Historia de Carlos III._, vol. iii. pp. 103-107, which
must be compared with the account of Coxe, who derived some of
his information from a friend of Aranda's. _Coxe's Bourbon Kings
of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 401-415. A good life of Aranda would be
very interesting. That contained in the _Biographie Universelle_
is extremely meagre, and carelessly written.

[1433] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 407.

[1434] 'When at Paris, in 1786, I received the following anecdote from a
person connected with the encyclopædists. During his residence
in that capital, D'Aranda had frequently testified to the
literati with whom he associated, his resolution to obtain the
abolition of the Inquisition, should he ever be called to power.
His appointment was, therefore, exultingly hailed by the party,
particularly by D'Alembert; and he had scarcely begun his
reforms before an article was inserted in the Encyclopædia, then
printing, in which this event was confidently anticipated, from
the liberal principles of the minister. D'Aranda was struck on
reading this article, and said, "This imprudent disclosure will
raise such a ferment against me, that my plans will be foiled."
He was not mistaken in his conjecture.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
Spain_, vol. iv. p. 408.

[1435] Even the case in 1781 appears to have been for witchcraft rather
than for heresy. 'La dernière victime qui périt dans les flammes
fut une _béate_: on la brûla à Séville, le 7 novembre 1781,
comme ayant fait un pacte, et entretenu un commerce charnel avec
le Démon, et pour avoir été impénitente négative. Elle eût pu
éviter la mort en s'avouant coupable du crime dont on
l'accusait.' _Llorente_, _Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne_,
Paris, 1818, vol. iv. p. 270. About this time, torture began to
be disused in Spain. See an interesting note in _Johnston's
Institutes of the Civil Law of Spain_, London, 1825, p. 263.

In 1777, Grimaldi, one of the chief supporters of that anti-theological policy which France introduced into Spain, ceased to be Minister; but he was succeeded by Florida Blanca, who was his creature, and to whom he transmitted his policy as well as his power.[1436] The progress, therefore, of political affairs continued in the same direction. Under the new minister, as under his immediate predecessors, a determination was shown to abridge the authority of the Church, and to vindicate the rights of laymen. In everything, the ecclesiastical interests were treated as subordinate to the secular. Of this, many instances might be given; but one is too important to be omitted. We have seen, that early in the eighteenth century, Alberoni, when at the head of affairs, was guilty of what in Spain was deemed the enormous offence of contracting an alliance with Mohammedans; and there can be no doubt that this was one of the chief causes of his fall, since it was held, that no prospect of mere temporal advantages could justify an union, or even a peace, between a Christian nation and a nation of unbelievers.[1437] But the Spanish government, which, owing to the causes I have related, was far in advance of Spain itself, was gradually becoming bolder, and growing more and more disposed to force upon the country, views, which, abstractedly considered, where extremely enlightened, but which the popular mind was unable to receive. The result was, that, in 1782, Florida Blanca concluded a treaty with Turkey, which put an end to the war of religious opinions; to the astonishment, as we are told, of the other European powers, who could hardly believe that the Spaniards would thus abandon their long-continued efforts to destroy the infidels.[1438] Before, however, Europe had time to recover from its amazement, other and similar events occurred equally startling. In 1784, Spain signed a peace with Tripoli; and in 1785, one with Algiers.[1439] And scarcely had these been ratified, when, in 1786, a treaty was also concluded with Tunis.[1440] So that the Spanish people to their no small surprise, found themselves on terms of amity with nations, whom for more than ten centuries they had been taught to abhor, and whom, in the opinion of the Spanish Church, it was the first duty of a Christian government to make war upon, and, if possible, to extirpate.

[1436] 'Menesteres decir que el marqués de Grimaldi cayó venciendo á sus
enemigos, pues, léjos de legarles el poder, á que aspiraban con
anhelo, trasmitiólo á una de sus más legítimas hechuras; que tal
era y por tal se reconocia el conde de Floridablanca.' _Rio_,
_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iii. pp. 151, 152.

[1437] In 1690, it was stated that 'since the expulsion of the Moors,'
there was no precedent for the King of Spain ever sending an
envoy to a Mohammedan prince. See _Mahon's Spain under Charles
II._, p. 5. In that year an envoy was sent to Morocco; but this
was merely concerning the redemption of prisoners, and certainly
without the remotest intention of concluding a peace.

[1438] 'The other European courts, with surprise and regret, witnessed
the conclusion of a treaty which terminated the political and
religious rivalry so long subsisting between Spain and the
Porte.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 152, 153.
'Une des maximes de la politique espagnole avait été celle de
maintenir une guerre perpétuelle contre les mahométans, même
après la conquête de Grenade. Ni les pertes incalculables
éprouvées par suite de ce système, ni l'exemple de la France et
d'autres puissances catholiques qui ne se faisaient point
scrupule d'être en paix avec les Turcs, n'avaient suffi pour
détromper l'Espagne sur l'inconvenance d'une telle politique. Le
génie éclairé de Charles III corrigea un préjugé aussi
dangereux; dicta la paix avec les empereurs de Turquie et
d'autres potentats mahométans; délivra ses sujets de la terrible
piraterie des corsaires, et ouvrit à leur commerce de nouvelles
voies pour spéculer avec de plus grands avantages.' _Sempere_,
_La Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 160.

[1439] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 11-13.

[1440] _Ibid._ vol. iv. pp. 16, 17.

Putting aside, for a moment, the remote and intellectual consequences of these transactions, there can be no doubt that the immediate and material consequences were very salutary; though, as we shall presently see, they produced no lasting benefit, because they were opposed by the unfavourable operation of more powerful and more general causes. Still, it must be confessed that the direct results were extremely advantageous; and to those who take only a short view of human affairs, it might well appear that the advantages would be permanent. The immense line of coast from the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco to the furthest extremity of the Turkish empire was no longer allowed to pour forth those innumerable pirates who, heretofore, swept the seas, captured Spanish ships, and made slaves of Spanish subjects. Formerly, vast sums of money were annually consumed in ransoming these unhappy prisoners;[1441] but now all such evils were ended. At the same time, great impetus was given to the commerce of Spain; a new trade was thrown open, and her ships could safely appear in the rich countries of the Levant. This increased her wealth; which was moreover aided by another circumstance growing out of these events. For, the most fertile parts of Spain are those which are washed by the Mediterranean, and which had for centuries been the prey of Mohammedan corsairs, who frequently landing by surprise, had at length caused such constant fear, that the inhabitants gradually retired towards the interior, and abstained from cultivating the richest soil in their country. But, by the treaties just concluded, such dangers were at once removed; the people returned to their former abodes; the earth again gave forth its fruits; regular industry reappeared; villages sprung up; even manufactures were established; and the foundation seemed to be laid for a prosperity, the like of which had not been known since the Mohammedans were driven out of Granada.[1442]

[1441] 'Ha sido notable el número de cautivos, que los piratas de
Berbería han hecho sobre nuestras costas por tres centurias. En
el siglo pasado se solian calcular exístentes á la vez en Argel,
treinta mil personas españolas. Su rescate á razon de mil pesos
por cada persona á lo menos, ascendia á 30 millones de pesos.'
_Campomanes_, _Apendice á la Educacion Popular_, vol. i. p. 373,
Madrid, 1775. On the precautions which had to be used to guard
the coasts of Spain against the Mohammedan corsairs, see
_Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_, Madrid, 1757,
folio, pp. 172, 173, 222-226; and _Lafuente_, _Historia de
España_, vol. xv. p. 476, Madrid, 1855. In the middle of the
eighteenth century, a regular watch had to be kept along the
Mediterranean coast of Spain, 'in order to give the alarm upon
the appearance of the enemy.' See _A Tour through Spain by Udal
ap Rhys_, 2d edit., London, 1760, p. 170. As to the state of
things in the seventeenth century, see _Janer_, _Condicion de
los Moriscos_, Madrid, 1857, p. 63.

[1442] 'De esta suerte quedaron los mares limpios de piratas desde los
reinos de Fez y Marruecos hasta los últimos dominios del
emperador Turco, por el Mediterráneo todo; vióse á menudo la
bandera española en Levante, y las mismas naciones mercantiles
que la persiguieron indirectamente, preferíanla ahora,
resultando el aumento del comercio y de la Real marina, y la
pericia de sus tripulaciones, y el mayor brillo de España y de
su augusto Soberano: termino hubo la esclavitud de tantos
millares de infelices con abandono de sus familias é indelebles
perjuicios de la religion y el Estado, cesando tambien la
continua extraccion de enormes sumas para los rescates que, al
paso que nos empobrecian, pasaban á enriquecer á nuestros
contrarios, y á facilitar sus armamentos para ofendernos; y se
empezaban á cultivar rápidamente en las costas del Mediterráneo
leguas de terrenos los más fertiles del mundo, desamparados y
eriales hasta entónces por miedo á los piratas, y donde se
formaban ya pueblos enteros para dar salida á los frutos y las
manufacturas.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
vol. iv. pp. 17, 18.

I have now laid before the reader a view of the most important steps which were taken by those able and vigorous politicians, who ruled Spain during the greater part of the eighteenth century. In considering how these reforms were effected, we must not forget the personal character of Charles III., who occupied the throne from 1759 to 1788.[1443] He was a man of great energy, and though born in Spain, had little in common with it. When he became king, he had been long absent from his native country, and had contracted a taste for customs, and, above all, for opinions, totally dissimilar to those natural to the Spaniards.[1444] Comparing him with his subjects, he was enlightened indeed. They cherished in their hearts, the most complete, and therefore the worst, form of spiritual power which has ever been exhibited in Europe. That very power, he made it his business to restrain. In this, as in other respects, he far surpassed Ferdinand VI. and Philip V., though they, under the influence of French ideas, had proceeded to what was deemed a dangerous length.[1445] The clergy, indignant at such proceedings, murmured, and even threatened.[1446] They declared that Charles was despoiling the Church, taking away her rights, insulting her ministers, and thus ruining Spain beyond human remedy.[1447] The king, however, whose disposition was firm, and somewhat obstinate, persevered in his policy; and as he and his ministers were men of undoubted ability, they, notwithstanding the opposition they encountered, succeeded in accomplishing most of their plans. Mistaken and short-sighted though they were, it is impossible to refrain from admiring the honesty, the courage, and the disinterestedness, which they displayed in endeavouring to alter the destiny of that superstitions and half barbarous country over which they ruled. We must not, however, conceal from ourselves, that in this, as in all similar cases, they, by attacking evils which the people were resolved to love, increased the affection which the evils inspired. To seek to change opinions by laws is worse than futile. It not only fails, but it causes a reaction, which leaves the opinions stronger than ever. First alter the opinion, and then you may alter the law. As soon as you have convinced men that superstition is mischievous, you may with advantage take active steps against those classes who promote superstition and live by it. But, however pernicious any interest or any great body may be, beware of using force against it, unless the progress of knowledge has previously sapped it at its base, and loosened its hold over the national mind. This has always been the error of the most ardent reformers, who, in their eagerness to effect their purpose, let the political movement outstrip the intellectual one, and, thus inverting the natural order, secure misery either to themselves or to their descendants. They touch the altar, and fire springs forth to consume them. Then comes another period of superstition and of despotism; another dark epoch in the annals of the human race. And this happens merely because men will not bide their time, but will insist on precipitating the march of affairs. Thus, for instance, in France and Germany, it is the friends of freedom who have strengthened tyranny; it is the enemies of superstition who have made superstition more permanent. In those countries, it is still believed that government can regenerate society; and therefore, directly they who hold liberal opinions get possession of the government, they use their power too lavishly, thinking that by doing so, they will best secure the end at which they aim. In England, the same delusion, though less general, is far too prevalent; but as, with us, public opinion controls politicians, we escape from evils which have happened abroad, because we will not allow any government to enact laws which the nation disapproves. In Spain, however, the habits of the people were so slavish, and their necks had so long been bowed under the yoke, that though the government, in the eighteenth century, opposed their dearest prejudices, they rarely ventured to resist, and they had no legal means of making their voice heard. But not the less did they feel. The materials for reaction were silently accumulating; and before that century had passed away the reaction itself was manifest. As long as Charles III. lived, it was kept under; and this was owing partly to the fear which his active and vigorous government inspired, and partly to the fact that many of the reforms which he introduced were so obviously beneficial as to shed a lustre on his reign, which all classes could perceive. Besides the exemption which his policy insured from the incessant ravages of pirates, he also succeeded in obtaining for Spain the most honourable peace which any Spanish government had signed for two centuries; thus recalling to the popular mind the brightest and most glorious days of Philip II.[1448] When Charles came to the throne, Spain was hardly a third-rate power; when he died, she might fairly claim to be a first-rate one, since she had for some years negotiated on equal terms with France, England, and Austria, and had taken a leading part in the councils of Europe. To this, the personal character of Charles greatly contributed; he being respected for his honesty, as well as feared for his vigour.[1449] Merely as a man, he bore high repute; while, as a sovereign, none of his contemporaries were in any way equal to him, except Frederick of Prussia, whose vast abilities, were, however, tarnished by a base rapacity, and by an incessant desire to overreach his neighbours. Charles III. had nothing of this; but he carefully increased the defences of Spain, and, raising her establishments to a war-footing, he made her more formidable than she had been since the sixteenth century. Instead of being liable to insult from every petty potentate who chose to triumph over her weakness, the country had now the means of resisting, and if need be, of attacking. While the army was greatly improved in the quality of the troops, in their discipline, and in the attention paid to their comforts, the navy was nearly doubled in number, and more than doubled in efficiency.[1450] And this was done without imposing fresh burdens on the people. Indeed, the national resources were becoming so developed, that, in the reign of Charles III., a large amount of taxation could have been easier paid than a small one under his predecessors. A regularity, hitherto unknown, was introduced into the method both of assessing imposts, and of collecting them.[1451] The laws of mortmain were relaxed, and steps were taken towards diminishing the rigidity of entails.[1452] The industry of the country was liberated from many of the trammels which had long been imposed upon it, and the principles of free trade were so far recognized, that, in 1765, the old laws respecting corn were repealed; its exportation was allowed, and also its transit from one part of Spain to another, uninterrupted by those absurd precautions, which preceding governments had thought it advisable to invent.[1453]

[1443] M. Rio, whose voluminous History of the reign of Charles III. is,
notwithstanding its numerous omissions, a work of considerable
value, has appreciated the personal influence of the king more
justly than any previous writer; he having had access to
unpublished papers, which show the great energy and activity of
Charles. 'Entre sus mas notables figuras ninguna aventaja á la
de Cárlos III.; y no por el lugar jerárquico que ocupa, sino por
el brillante papel que representa, ora tome la iniciativa, ora
el consejo, para efectuar las innumerables reformas que le
valieron inextinguible fama. Ya sé que algunos tachan á este
Monarca de cortedad de luces y de estrechez de miras; y que
algunos otros suponen que sus ministros le engañaron ó
sorprendieron para dictar ciertas providencias. Cuarenta y ocho
tomos de cartas semanales y escritas de su puno desde octubre de
1759 hasta marzo de 1783 al marqués de Tanucci, existentes en el
archivo de Simancas, por mí leidas hoja tras hoja, sacando de
ellas largos apuntes, sirven á maravilla para pintarle tal como
era, y penetrar hasta sus más recónditos pensamientos, y
contradecir á los que le juzgan á bulto.' _Rio_, _Historia del
Reinado de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. i. pp. xxii. xxiii.

[1444] 'Although born and educated in Spain, Charles had quitted the
country at too early an age to retain a partiality to its
customs, laws, manners, and language; while, from his residence
abroad, and his intercourse with France, he had formed a natural
predilection for the French character and institutions.' _Coxe's
Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 337.

[1445] He 'far surpassed his two predecessors in his exertions to reform
the morals, and restrain the power of the clergy.' _Ibid._
vol. v. p. 215.

[1446] His measures 'alarmaron al clero en general, que empezó á
murmurar con impaciencia, y aun algunos de sus individuos se
propasaron á violentos actos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_,
vol. iv. p. 98.

[1447] A popular charge against the government was, 'que se despojara á
la Iglesia de sus inmunidades.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de
Carlos III._, vol. ii. p. 54. See also at pp. 201, 202, a
letter, in 1766, from the Bishop of Cuenca to the King's
confessor, in which that prelate stated, 'que España corria á su
ruina que ya no corria, sino que volaba, y que ya estaba perdida
sin remedio humano;' and that the cause of this was the
persecution of the poor Church, which was 'saqueada en sus
bienes, ultrajada en sus ministros, y atropellada en su
inmunidad.'

[1448] Coxe (_Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 144) calls the peace
of 1783 'the most honourable and advantageous ever concluded by
the crown of Spain since the peace of St. Quintin.' Similarly,
M. Rio (_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iii. p.
397), 'Siglos habian pasado para España de continuas y porfiadas
contiendas, sin llegar nunca, desde la famosa jornada de San
Quintin y al alborear el reinado de Felipe II., tan
gloriosamente al reposo.'

[1449] Towards the close of his reign, we find a contemporary observer,
who was anything but prejudiced in his favour, bearing testimony
to 'the honest and obstinate adherence of his present Catholic
Majesty to all his treaties, principles, and engagements,'
_Letter by an English Officer_, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 329.
Compare Muriel (_Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III._, Madrid,
1839, p. 34), 'Tan conocido llegó á ser Cárlos III. en los
reinos estraños por la rectitud de su carácter, que en las
desavenencias que ocurrian entre los gobiernos, todos consentian
en tomarle por árbitro, y se sometian á sus decisiones;' and
Cabarrus (_Elogio de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xl.),
'Esta probidad llega á ser el resorte político de la Europa;
todas las cortes penetradas de respeto á sus virtudes le buscan
por árbitro y mediador.' Evidence of the great respect paid to
Charles III. by foreign powers, will also be found in _Rio_,
_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 41-43, 253.

[1450] On the increase of the navy, compare _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
Española_, vol. iv. p. 127, with _Muriel_, _Gobierno del Rey
Carlos III._, pp. 73, 82.

[1451] These financial improvements were due, in a great measure, to the
Frenchman, Cabarrus. See _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos
III._, vol. iv. pp. 122, 123.

[1452] Rio, _ibid._ vol. iv. pp. 164-166, and _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
Española_, vol. iv. pp. 96, 97.

[1453] 'La providencia mas acertada para el fomento de nuestra
agricultura fué sin duda la real pragmática de 11 de julio de
1765, por la cual se abolió la tasa de los granos, y se permitió
el libre comercio de ellos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_,
vol. iv. p. 105. See also _Dillon's Spain_, p. 69, and
_Townsend's Spain_, vol. ii. p. 230. The first step towards this
great reform was taken in 1752. See the edict issued in that
year, 'Libertase de Derechos el trigo, cebada, centeno y maiz
que por mar se transportáre de unas provincias á otras de estos
dominios.' This document, which is important for the history of
political economy, is printed in the Appendix to _Campomanes_,
_Educacion Popular_, vol. ii. pp. 16, 17, Madrid, 1775.

It was also in the reign of Charles III. that the American Colonies were, for the first time, treated according to the maxims of a wise and liberal policy. The behaviour of the Spanish government in this respect, contrasts most favourably with the conduct pursued at the same time towards our great Colonies by that narrow and incompetent man who then filled the English throne. While the violence of George III. was fomenting rebellion in the British Colonies, Charles III. was busily engaged in conciliating the Spanish ones. Towards this end, and with the object of giving fair play to the growth of their wealth, he did everything which the knowledge and resources of that age allowed him to do. In 1764, he accomplished, what was then considered the great feat of establishing every month a regular communication with America, in order that the reforms which he projected might be more easily introduced, and the grievances of the Colonies attended to.[1454] In the very next year, free trade was conceded to the West Indian Islands, whose abundant commodities were now, for the first time, allowed to circulate, to their own benefit, as well as to the benefit of their neighbours.[1455] Into the Colonies generally, vast improvements were introduced, many oppressions were removed, the tyranny of officials was checked, and the burdens of the people were lightened.[1456] Finally, in 1778, the principles of free trade having been successfully tried in the American Islands, were now extended to the American Continent; the ports of Peru and of New Spain were thrown open; and by this means an immense impetus was given to the prosperity of those magnificent colonies, which nature intended to be rich, but which the meddling folly of man had forced to be poor.[1457]

[1454] 'Pronto se establecieron los correos marítimos y se comunicaron
con regularidad y frecuencia no vistas hasta entónces la
metrópoli y las colonias. Por efecto del importante decreto de
24 de agosto de 1764, salía el primero de cada mes un paquebot
de la Coruña con toda la correspondencia de las Indias;
desembarcábala en la Habana, y desde allí se distribuia en
balandras y otros bajeles á propósito para puntear los vientos
escasos, á Veracruz, Portobelo, Cartagena, islas de Barlovento y
provincias de la Plata; y aquellos ligeros buques volvian á la
Habana, de donde zarpaba mensualmente y en dia fijo otro
paquebot para la Coruña.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos
III._, vol. i. p. 452. That part of the plan, however, which
aimed at making Coruña a rival of Cadiz, appears to have been
unsuccessful. See a letter from Coruña, written in 1774, in
_Dalrymple's Travels through Spain_, London, 1777, 4to. p. 99.

[1455] See the edicts in _Campomanes_, _Apendice_, vol. ii. pp. 37-47,
Madrid, 1775. They are both dated October 16th, 1765.

[1456] It was said, with reason, by Alaman, 'que el gobierno de América
llego al colmo de su perfeccion en tiempo de Carlos III.' _Rio_,
_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. p. 151. And
Humboldt observes (_Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la
Nouvelle-Espagne_, Paris, 1811, 4to. vol. i. p. 102), 'C'est le
roi Charles III surtout qui, par des mesures aussi sages
qu'énergiques, est devenu le bienfaiteur des indigènes; il a
annulé les _Encomiendas_; il a défendu les _Repartimientos_, par
lesquels les corregidors se constituoient arbitrairement les
créanciers, et par conséquent les maîtres du travail des natifs,
en les pourvoyant, à des prix exagérés, de chevaux, de mulets et
de vêtemens (_ropa_).'

[1457] _Cabarrus_, _Elogio de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, p. xlii., and
Canga's note in _Martinez de la Mata_, _Dos Discursos_, Madrid,
1794, p. 31. But these writers were not sufficiently familiar
with political economy, really to appreciate this measure.

All this reacted upon the mother country with such rapidity, that scarcely was the old system of monopoly broken up, when the trade of Spain began to advance, and continued to improve, until the exports and imports had reached a height that even the authors of the reform could hardly have expected; it being said that the export of foreign commodities was tripled, that the export of home-produce was multiplied fivefold, and the returns from America ninefold.[1458]

[1458] 'Early in the reign of Charles, steps had been taken towards the
adoption of more liberal principles in the commerce with
America; but, in the year 1778, a complete and radical change
was introduced. The establishment of a free trade rapidly
produced the most beneficial consequences. The export of foreign
goods was tripled, of home-produce quintupled; and the returns
from America augmented in the astonishing proportion of nine to
one. The produce of the customs increased with equal rapidity.'
_Clarke's Examination of the Internal State of Spain_, London,
1818, p. 72.

Many of the taxes, which bore heavily on the lower ranks, were repealed, and the industrious classes, being relieved of their principal burdens, it was hoped that their condition would speedily improve.[1459] And to benefit them still more, such alterations were effected in the administration of the law, as might enable them to receive justice from the public tribunals, when they had occasion to complain of their superiors. Hitherto, a poor man had not the least chance of succeeding against a rich one; but in the reign of Charles III., government introduced various regulations, by which labourers and mechanics could obtain redress, if their masters defrauded them of their wages, or broke the contracts made with them.[1460]

[1459] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 197, 317, 318.

[1460] See Florida Blanca's statement in _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
Spain_, vol. v. p. 331; 'to facilitate to artisans and
journeymen the scanty payment of their labours, in spite of the
privileges and interest of the powerful.'

Not only the labouring classes, but also the literary and scientific classes, were encouraged and protected. One source of danger, to which they had long been exposed, was considerably lessened by the steps which Charles took to curtail the power of the Inquisition. The king, was, moreover, always ready to reward them; he was a man of cultivated tastes, and he delighted in being thought the patron of learning.[1461] Soon after his accession, he issued an order, exempting from military service all printers, and all persons immediately connected with printing, such as casters of type, and the like.[1462] He, also, as far as he was able, infused new life into the old universities, and did all that was possible towards restoring their discipline and reputation.[1463] He founded schools, endowed colleges, rewarded professors, and granted pensions. In these matters his munificence seemed inexhaustible, and is of itself sufficient to account for the veneration with which literary Spaniards regard his memory. They have reason to regret that, instead of living now, they had not lived when he was king. In his reign, it was supposed that their interests must be identical with the interests of knowledge; and these last were rated so highly, that, in 1771, it was laid down as a settled principle of government, that of all the branches of public policy, the care of education is the most important.[1464]

[1461] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 317,
318, and elsewhere.

[1462] '"Desde mi feliz advenimiento al trono" (dijo el Rey en la
ordenanza de reemplazos) "ha merecido mi Real proteccion el arte
de la imprenta, y, para que pueda arraigarse sólidamente en
estos reinos, vengo en declarar la exencion del sorteo y
servicio militar, no solo á los impresores, sino tambien á los
fundidores que se empleen de continuo en este ejercicio, y á los
abridores de punzones y matrices."' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado
de Carlos III._, vol. iii. p. 213.

[1463] On the steps taken to reform the universities between 1768 and
1774, see _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol.
iii. pp. 185-210. Compare vol. iv. pp. 296-299.

[1464] 'La educacion de la juventud por los maestros de primeras letras
es uno y aun el más principal ramo de la policía y buen gobierno
del Estado.' _Real Provision de 11 de julio de 1771_, printed in
Rio, vol. iii. p. 182.

But this is not all. It is no exaggeration to say, that in the reign of Charles III., the face of Spain underwent greater changes than it had done during the hundred and fifty years which had elapsed since the final expulsion of the Mohammedans. At his accession, in 1759, the wise and pacific policy of his predecessor, Ferdinand VI., had enabled that prince not only to pay many of the debts owed by the crown, but also to accumulate and leave behind him a considerable treasure.[1465] Of this Charles availed himself, to begin those works of public splendour, which, more than any other part of his administration, was sure to strike the senses, and to give popularity to his reign. And when, by the increase of wealth, rather than by the imposition of fresh burdens, still larger resources were placed at his command, he devoted a considerable part of them to completing his designs. He so beautified Madrid, that forty years after his death, it was stated, that, as it then stood, all its magnificence was owing to him. The public buildings and the public gardens, the beautiful walks round the capital, its noble gates, its institutions, and the very roads leading from it to the adjacent country, are all the work of Charles III., and are among the most conspicuous trophies which attest his genius and the sumptuousness of his taste.[1466]

[1465] M. Lafuente, who has justly praised the love of peace displayed
by Ferdinand VI. (_Historia de España_, vol. i. p. 202, vol.
xix. pp. 286, 378), adds (vol. xix. p. 384), 'De modo que con
razon se admira, y es el testimonio más honroso de la buena
administracion económica de este reinado, que al morir este buen
monarca dejára, no diremos nosotros repletas y apuntaladas las
arcas públicas, como hiperbólicamente suele decirse, pero sí con
el considerable sobrante de trescientos millones de reales,
despues de cubiertas todas las atenciones del Estado: fenómeno
que puede decirse se veia por primera vez en España, y resultado
satisfactorio, que aun supuesta una buena administracion, solo
pudo obtenerse á favor de su prudente política de neutralidad y
de paz.'

[1466] 'But it is to Charles III. that Madrid owes all its present
magnificence. Under his care, the royal palace was finished, the
noble gates of Alcalá and San Vincente were raised; the
custom-house, the post-office, the museum, and royal
printing-office, were constructed; the academy of the three
noble arts improved; the cabinet of natural history, the botanic
garden, the national bank of San Carlos, and many gratuitous
schools established; while convenient roads leading from the
city, and delightful walks planted within and without it, and
adorned by statues and fountains, combine to announce the
solicitude of this paternal king.' _Spain by an American_,
London, 1831, vol. i. p. 206; see also p. 297.

In other parts of the country, roads were laid down, and canals were dug, with the view of increasing trade by opening up communications through tracts previously impassable. At the accession of Charles III., the whole of the Sierra Morena was unoccupied, except by wild beasts and banditti, who took refuge there.[1467] No peaceful traveller would venture into such a place; and commerce was thus excluded from what nature had marked as one of the greatest highways in Spain, standing as it does between the basins of the Guadiana and Guadalquivir, and in the direct course between the ports on the Mediterranean and those on the Atlantic. The active government of Charles III. determined to remedy this evil; but the Spanish people not having the energy to do what was required, six thousand Dutch and Flemish were, in 1767, invited to settle in the Sierra Morena. On their arrival, lands were allotted to them, roads were cut through the whole of the district, villages were built; and that which had just been an impervious desert, was suddenly turned into a smiling and fruitful territory.[1468]

[1467] The following passage describes its state so late as the year
1766: 'Por temor ó por connivencia de los venteros, dentro de
sus casas concertaban frecuentemente los ladrones sus robos, y
los ejecutaban á mansalva, ocultándose en guaridas de que
ahuyentaban á las fieras. Acaso á muy largas distancias se
descubrian entre contados caseríos algunos pastores como los que
allí hizo encontrar el ilustre manco de Lepanto al ingenioso
hidalgo de la Mancha. Parte de la Sierra estuvo poblada en
tiempo de moros; actualmente ya no habia más que espesos
matorrales hasta en torno de la ermita de Santa Elena, donde
resonaron cánticos de gracias al Cielo por el magnífico triunfo
de las Navas.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
vol. iii. p. 9. On the condition of the Sierra Morena a hundred
years before this, see _Boisel_, _Journal du Voyage d'Espagne_,
Paris, 1669, 4to. pp. 62, 296; where it is termed 'le lieu le
plus désert, et où il n'y a que quelques _ventas_ sans
villages.'

[1468] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iii. pp. 9-11,
35. By 1771, 'sin auxilio de la Real hacienda pudieron
mantenerse al fin los colonos.' p. 42. See also vol. iv. pp.
114, 115. On the subsequent history of this settlement, see
_Inglis' Spain_, vol. ii. pp. 29-31, London, 1831.

Nearly all over Spain, the roads were repaired; a fund having been, so early as 1760, specially set apart for that purpose.[1469] Many new works were begun; and such improvements were introduced, while at the same time, such vigilance was employed to prevent peculation on the part of officials, that in a very few years the cost of making public highways was reduced to less than half of what it used to be.[1470] Of the undertakings which were brought to a successful issue, the most important were, a road now first constructed from Malaga to Antequera,[1471] and another from Aquilas to Lorca.[1472] In this way, means of intercourse were supplied between the Mediterranean and the interior of Andalusia and of Mercia. While these communications were established in the south and south-east of Spain, others were opened up in the north and north-west. In 1769, a road was begun between Bilbao and Osma;[1473] and soon after, one was completed between Galicia and Astorga.[1474] These and similar works were so skilfully executed, that the Spanish highways, formerly among the worst in Europe, were now classed among the best. Indeed, a competent, and by no means over-friendly, judge gives it as his opinion, that at the death of Charles III. better roads were to be found in Spain than in any other country.[1475]

[1469] 'En 1760 se destinó por primera vez un fondo especial para la
construccion de caminos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_,
vol. iv. p. 123.

[1470] Indeed, M. Rio says, that the expense was reduced by two-thirds,
and, in some parts, by three-fourths. 'Antes se regulaba en un
millon de reales la construccion de cada legua; ahora solo
ascendia á la tercera ó cuarta parte de esta suma.' _Rio_,
_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. p. 117.

[1471] A note in _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_, Madrid, 1789,
4to. p. 158, terms this 'un camino alineado y sólido.' In
_Cook's Spain_, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 209, it is called 'a
magnificent road.'

[1472] 'Para dar salida á los frutos, que regaban los pantanos de Lorca,
ejecutóse una bien trazada via al puerto de las Aguilas.' _Rio_,
_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 115, 116.

[1473] In 1769, Baretti writes, in great surprise, 'the Biscayans are
actually making a noble road, which is to go from Bilbao to
Osma.' _Baretti's Journey through England, Portugal, Spain, and
France_, London, 1770, vol. iv. p. 311.

[1474] 'Otras diferentes carreteras, construidas de nuevo ó
rehabilitadas, multiplicaron las comunicaciones durante los
nueve primeros años de estar á cargo de Floridablanca la
superintendencia general de caminos, haciéndose de fácil y
cómodo tránsito puntos escabrosos como el del Puerto de la
Cadena y los que médian entre Astorga y Galicia, y Málaga y
Antequera.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
vol. iv. p. 115.

[1475] 'The reigns of Ferdinand the Sixth and Charles the Third produced
the most beneficial changes in this important branch of
political economy. New roads were opened, which were carefully
levelled, and constructed with solidity. There are at the
present time in Spain several superb roads, such as may vie with
the finest in Europe; indeed, they have been made with superior
judgment, and upon a grander scale.' _Laborde's Spain_, edit.
London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 427.

In the interior, rivers were made navigable, and canals were formed to connect them with each other. The Ebro runs through the heart of Aragon and part of Old Castile, and is available for purposes of traffic as high up as Logroño, and from thence down to Tudela. But between Tudela and Saragossa, the navigation is interrupted by its great speed, and by the rocks in its bed. Consequently, Navarre is deprived of its natural communication with the Mediterranean. In the enterprising reign of Charles V., an attempt was made to remedy this evil; but the plan failed, was laid aside, and was forgotten, until it was revived, more than two hundred years later, by Charles III. Under his auspices, the great canal of Aragon was projected, with the magnificent idea of uniting the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. This, however, was one of many instances in which the government of Spain was too far in advance of Spain itself; and it was necessary to abandon a scheme, to which the resources of the country were unequal. But what was really effected, was of immense value. A canal was actually carried to Saragossa, and the waters of the Ebro were made available not only for transport, but also for irrigating the soil. The means of a safe and profitable trade were now supplied even to the western extremity of Aragon. The old land, becoming more productive, rose in value, and new land was brought under the plough. From this, other parts of Spain also benefited. Castile, for example, had in seasons of scarcity always depended for supplies on Aragon, though that province could, under the former system, only produce enough for its own consumption. But by this great canal, to which, about the same time, that of Tauste was also added,[1476] the soil of Aragon became far more productive than it had ever yet been; and the rich plains of the Ebro yielded so abundantly, that they were able to supply wheat and other food to the Castilians, as well as to the Aragonese.[1477]

[1476] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 287.

[1477] _Ibid._ vol. v. pp. 198, 199, 286, 287. _Townsend's Spain_, vol.
i. pp. 212-215. _Laborde's Spain_, vol. ii. p. 271. This canal,
which was intended to establish a free communication between the
Bay of Biscay and the Mediterranean, is slightly noticed in
_Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. iv. pp. 95, 96: a
learned and valuable work, but very imperfect as regards Spain.
The economical value of this great enterprise, and the extent to
which it succeeded, are seriously under-estimated in _Ford's
Spain_, p. 587; a book which, notwithstanding the praise that
has been conferred upon it, is carelessly composed, and is sure
to mislead readers who have not the means of comparing it with
other authorities. M. Rio's History of Charles III. contains
some interesting information on the subject; but, unfortunately,
I omitted to mark the passages.

The government of Charles III., moreover, constructed a canal between Amposta and Alfaques,[1478] which irrigated the southern extremity of Catalonia, and brought into cultivation a large district, which, from the constant lack of rain, had hitherto been untilled. Another and still greater enterprise belonging to the same reign, was an attempt, only partly successful, to establish a water-communication between the capital and the Atlantic, by running a canal from Madrid to Toledo, whence the Tagus would have conveyed goods to Lisbon, and all the trade of the west would have been opened up.[1479] But this and many other noble projects were nipped in the bud by the death of Charles III., with whom every thing vanished. When he passed away, the country relapsed into its former inactivity, and it was clearly seen that these great works were not national, but political; in other words that they were due merely to individuals, whose most strenuous exertions always come to naught, if they are opposed by the operation of those general causes, which are often undiscerned, but to which even the strongest of us, do, in our own despite, pay implicit obedience.

[1478] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 288, 289, on the
authority or Florida Blanca himself.

[1479] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 199. _Townsend's
Spain_, vol. i. p. 304.

Still for a time much was done; and Charles, reasoning according to the ordinary maxims of politicians, might well indulge the hope, that what he had effected would permanently change the destiny of Spain. For these and other works which he not only planned but executed,[1480] were not paid for, as is too often the case, by taxes which oppressed the people, and trammelled their industry. At his side, and constantly advising him, there were men who really aimed at the public good, and who never would have committed so fatal an error. Under his rule the wealth of the country greatly increased, and the comforts of the lower classes, instead of being abridged, were multiplied. The imposts were more fairly assessed than they had ever been before. Taxes, which, in the seventeenth century, all the power of the executive could not wring from the people, were now regularly paid, and, owing to the development of the national resources, they became at once more productive and less onerous. In the management of the public finances, an economy was practised, the first example of which had been set in the preceding reign, when the cautious and pacific policy of Ferdinand VI. laid a foundation for many of the improvements just narrated. Ferdinand bequeathed to Charles III. a treasure which he had not extorted, but saved. Among the reforms which he introduced, and which an unwillingness to accumulate details has compelled me to omit, there is one very important, and also very characteristic of his policy. Before his reign, Spain had annually been drained of an immense amount of money, on account of the right which the Pope claimed of presenting to certain rich benefices, and of receiving part of their produce; probably as a recompense for the trouble he had taken. Of this duty the Pope was relieved by Ferdinand VI., who secured to the Spanish crown the right of conferring such preferment, and thus saved to the country those enormous sums on which the Roman Court had been wont to revel.[1481] This was just the sort of measure which would be hailed with delight by Charles III., as harmonizing with his own views; and we accordingly find, that, in his reign, it was not only acted upon, but extended still further. For, perceiving that, in spite of his efforts, the feeling of the Spaniards on these matters was so strong as to impel them to make offerings to him whom they venerated as the Head of the Church, the king determined to exercise control over even these voluntary gifts. To accomplish this end, various devices were suggested; and at length one was hit upon, which was thought sure to be effectual. A royal order was issued, directing that no person should send money to Rome, but that if he had occasion to make remittances there, they should pass not through the ordinary channels, but through the ambassadors, ministers, or other agents of the Spanish crown.[1482]

[1480] See Florida Blanca's statement in _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
Spain_, vol. v. p. 289. 'In many other parts similar works have
been promoted, for canals of irrigation, and for encouraging
agriculture and traffic. The canals of Manzanares and Guadarrama
are continued by means of the national bank, which has
appropriated one-half of the profits derived from the export of
silver to this end.' ... 'The town of Almuradiel, formed in the
middle of the _campo nuevo_ of Andalusia, for the rugged pass of
Despeña Perros, is another example of agriculture for the
neighbouring places; since, instead of woods and frightful
deserts, we have seen in a few years public buildings, houses,
plantations, and cultivated lands, producing every species of
grain and fruits, which border the road, and banish the danger
of robbers and banditti.' See also _Muriel_, _Gobierno del Rey
Don Carlos III._, p. 5. 'Habiendo sido el reinado de Carlos III.
una serie continua de mejoras en todos ramos;' and the striking
picture (p. 15), 'Agricultura, artes mecánicas, comercio,
enseñanza, milicia, navegacion, ciencias, letras, legislacion,
en una palabra, todo cuanto puede influir en la prosperidad del
Estado, todo llamó la atencion de los ministros, y en todo
hicieron las mejoras que permitian las circunstancias.' On the
improvements in internal communications, see the same valuable
work, pp. 187-192.

[1481] Respecting this step, which as effected in 1754, see _Tapia_,
_Civilizacion Española_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 81, 82. 'Fué
este tratado utilísimo para la España, pues por él se libertó
del pago de enormes sumas que hasta entonces habian pasado á los
estados pontificos. En el informe canónico-legal escrito á
virtud de real órden en 1746 por el fiscal de la cámara de
Castilla Don Blas de Jover, se decia; que según el testimonio
del historiador Cabrera, en el espacio de 30 años el solo
renglon de las coadjutorías y dispensas habia hecho pasar á Roma
de la corona de Castilla millon y medio de ducados romanos. Y
añade el mismo Jover que á principios del siglo xviii. subia aun
esta contribucion cada año en todos los estados de la monarquia
española á 500,000 escudos romanos, que era _un tercio poco mas
ó menos de lo que Roma percibia de toda la cristiandad_.'

[1482] See Appendix I. to _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v.
p. 334.

If we now review the transactions which I have narrated, and consider them as a whole, extending from the accession of Philip V. to the death of Charles III., over a period of nearly ninety years, we shall be struck with wonder at their unity, at the regularity of their march, and at their apparent success. Looking at them merely in a political point of view, it may be doubted if such vast and uninterrupted progress has ever been seen in any country either before or since. For three generations, there was no pause on the part of the government; not one reaction, not one sign of halting. Improvement upon improvement, and reform upon reform, followed each other in swift succession. The power of the Church, which has always been the crying evil of Spain, and which hitherto none of the boldest politicians had dared to touch, was restricted in every possible way, by a series of statesmen, from Orry to Florida Blanca, whose efforts were latterly, and for nearly thirty years, zealously aided by Charles III., the ablest monarch who has sat on the throne since the death of Philip II. Even the Inquisition was taught to tremble, and made to loosen its hold over its victims. The burning of heretics was stopped. Torture was disused. Prosecutions for heresy were discouraged. Instead of punishing men for imaginary offences, a disposition was shown to attend to their real interests, to alleviate their burdens, to increase their comforts, and to check the tyranny of those who were set over them. Attempts were made to restrain the cupidity of the clergy, and prevent them from preying at will upon the national wealth. With this view, the laws of mortmain were revised, and various measures taken to interpose obstacles in the way of persons who desired to waste their property by bequeathing it for ecclesiastical purposes. In this, as in other matters, the true interests of society were preferred to the fictitious ones. To raise the secular classes above the spiritual; to discountenance the exclusive attention hitherto paid to questions respecting which nothing is known, and which it is impossible to solve; to do this, and, in the place of such barren speculations, to substitute a taste for science, or for literature, became the object of the Spanish government for the first time since Spain had possessed a government at all. As part of the same scheme, the Jesuits were expelled, the right of sanctuary was infringed, and the whole hierarchy, from the highest bishop down to the lowest monk, were taught to fear the law, to curb their passions, and to restrain the insolence with which they had formerly treated every rank except their own. These would have been great deeds in any country; in such a country as Spain, they were marvellous. Of them I have given an abridged, and therefore an imperfect, account, but still sufficient to show how the government laboured to diminish superstition, to check bigotry, to stimulate intellect, to promote industry, and to rouse the people from their death-like slumber. I have omitted many measures of considerable interest, and which tended in the same direction; because, here, as elsewhere, I seek to confine myself to those salient points which most distinctly mark the general movement. Whoever will minutely study the history of Spain during this period, will find additional proof of the skill and vigour of those who were at the head of affairs, and who devoted their best energies to regenerating the country which they ruled. But, for these special studies, special men are required; and I shall be satisfied, if I have firmly grasped the great march and outline of the whole. It is enough for my purpose, if I have substantiated the general proposition, and have convinced the reader of the clearness with which the statesmen of Spain discerned the evils under which their country was groaning, and of the zeal with which they set themselves to remedy the mischief, and to resuscitate the fortunes of what had once not only been the chief of European monarchies, but had borne sway over the most splendid and extensive territory that had been united under a single rule since the fall of the Roman Empire.