Chapter XXXIV: Section II: Mughals (a.d. 1570-1720) and Maráthás (2)

It is evident that at this time there was no definite claim to tribute from Gujarát on the part of the Marátha government; for in spite of the intrigues of Báláji and the weakness of the court party at Delhi no concessions were obtained with regard to it, although the Marátha dues from other parts of the country were fully ratified. The grounds on which Báláji demanded the tribute from Gujarát were that Sháhu would thereby gain the right to restrain the excesses of Marátha freebooters from the frontier and would guarantee the whole country against irregular pillage. The argument was a curious one, considering that the most troublesome and notorious freebooter of the whole tribe was at the elbow of the envoy, who was so strenuously pleading for the right to suppress him. It is probable that Báláji foresaw that Khanderáv's newly acquired rank would take him for a time from Báglán to the court, so that meanwhile an arrangement could be made to prevent the growth of any powerful chief in the Gujarát direction who might interfere with the plans of the central government. The Marátha statesman was as anxious to ensure the subordination of distant feudatories as the Mughals to secure the freedom of the Ghát roads to the coast.

In the redistribution of authority carried out about this time by Báláji Vishvanáth, the responsibility of collecting the Marátha dues [1052] from Gujarát and Báglán was assigned to Khanderáv as Senápati or commander-in-chief; but as these dues were not yet settled, at least as regards the country below the Gháts, Khanderáv seems to have remained with the Peshwa in the field.

[Dámáji Gáikwár, 1720.] At the battle of Bálápur, fought against the Nizám-ul-Mulk, one of the officers of Khanderáv, by name Dámáji Gáikwár, so distinguished himself that the Senápati brought his conduct prominently to the notice of Rája Sháhu. The latter promoted Dámáji to be second in command to Khanderáv with the title of Shamsher Bahádur, which had been formerly borne by one of the Atole family in 1692. This is the first mention of the present ruling family of Baroda. Before many months both Khanderáv and Dámáji died. The former was succeeded by his son Trimbakráv, on whom his father's title was conferred. Piláji, nephew of Dámáji, was confirmed in his uncle's honours and retired to Gujarát. As soon as he could collect a sufficiently strong force, he attacked the Surat district and defeated the Musalmán commander close to the city itself. After extorting from him a handsome sum as ransom, Piláji returned eastwards. He selected Songad, [1053] a fort about fifty miles east of Surat, as his headquarters, and from thence made continual excursions against the neighbouring towns. He once attacked Surat, but although he defeated the Mughal leader, he seems to have contented himself with contributions levied from the adjacent country, and not to have entered the town. Piláji soon obtained possession of some strongholds in the [1723.] Rájpipla country between Nándod and Ságbára, which he fortified, as Khanderáv Dábháde had formerly done. Here he resided as representative of the Senápati, whose family had removed for a while to the Dakhan. The tribute collected from Báglán and Gujarát was supposed to be transmitted by Piláji to the royal treasury through the Peshwa; but there is no record of these dues having been levied with any regularity or even fixed at any special amount. Whilst Trimbakráv was taking an active part in the affairs of his royal patron in the Dakhan, Piláji occupied himself in sedulously cultivating the goodwill of the border tribes surrounding his residence in Gujarát.

[Marátha Tribute, 1723.] The year 1723 is noteworthy as being the date of the first imposition of the regular Marátha demand of one-fourth, chauth, and one-tenth, sardeshmukhi, of the revenue of Gujarát. Whilst Piláji was directing his attacks against Surat and the south of the province another of Rája Sháhu's officers, who had been sent up towards Málwa, entered Gujarát by the north-east, and after ravaging the country round Dohad, [1054] settled a fixed tribute on the district.

[Kantáji Kadam.] This officer, Kantáji Kadam Bánde, was soon after engaged by one of the parties struggling for the viceroyalty of Ahmedábád to bring his cavalry into the province and take part in the civil war. The leader of the opposite party, Rustam Ali, enlisted the services of Piláji Gáikwár. The Nizám-ul-Mulk, whose influence in the Dakhan was very great, managed to detach Piláji from Rustam Ali's side. This was the easier, as Rustam had already defeated Piláji more than once in attacks by the latter against Surat, of which district Rustam was governor. There are two different accounts [1055] of what took place when the rival forces came into action, but both show clearly that the Marátha leaders acted on both sides with utter disregard of their agreements and looked only to plundering the Muhammadan camps whilst the soldiers were engaged in battle. After the defeat of Rustam, the two Marátha chiefs joined forces and proceeded to levy chauth, of which the Mughal deputy had granted Piláji a share equal to that of his first ally Kantáji.

[Marátha Dissensions, 1725.] This division led to quarrels and at last to an open rupture between the two Marátha leaders, which was only patched up by the grant of the chauth north of the Mahi river to Kantáji and of that to the south to Piláji. The chief ground of quarrel seems to have been the relative position of the Gáikwár as agent for the Senápati, who had a right to collect all dues from Gujarát, and of Kantáji, who claimed superior rank as holding his commission direct from Rája Sháhu. On hearing of this dispute and the consequent partition of the Marátha tribute, Trimbakráv Dábháde himself hastened up to Cambay with an army, but effected nothing, and seems to have retired, leaving Piláji to look after his interests at Ahmedábád. Both the latter, however, and Kantáji soon after withdrew from Gujarát, but were within a short period encouraged to return by the success of a raid made by another leader, Antáji Bháskar, on the north-east district. They both joined Hamid Khán in his resistance to the new viceroy, but received several checks from the Muhammadan army, and after plundering again returned to their strongholds for the rainy season.

[The Peshwa, 1726.] Next year they returned for the tribute and plundered as usual. The Peshwa Bájiráv then opened for the first time direct negotiations with the viceroy of Gujarát. The rapid increase of the authority of the Bráhman ministers at the Rája's court in the Dakhan had aroused the jealousy of the Marátha nobles, amongst whom Trimbakráv Dábháde was one of the most influential. Bájiráv, being fully aware of the fact, and having by this time acquired from the Rája the power of acting with foreign powers independently of the throne, determined to undermine Trimbakráv's authority in Gujarát by aiming at the rights said to have been formally granted to him by Hamid Khán over the country south of the Mahi. He therefore applied to the viceroy for a confirmation of the right to levy chauth and sardeshmukhi over the whole country, on condition that he would protect it from the inroads of Kantáji, Piláji, and other irresponsible freebooters. The viceroy had still some resources left at his disposal and was in hopes that his repeated applications to Dehli for assistance would soon meet with a favourable answer. [Cession of Tribute, 1728.] He declined therefore to accede to Bájiráv's proposals at once, on the grounds that the court at Dehli had repudiated the concessions made to Piláji and Kantáji by his predecessor's deputy. As however the depredations on the frontier caused serious injury both to the revenues and the people, he allowed the Peshwa to send a feudatory, Udáji Pavár, chief of Dhár, through the Mughal territories to operate against Piláji. The latter, who was fully aware of these negotiations, persuaded Kantáji to join him in expelling the agents of the Peshwa party, as it was clear that if Piláji's forces were scattered the way would be open for Udáji to attack Kantáji himself. The two then proceeded to Baroda and after a while drove back Udáji, and occupied Baroda and Dabhoi. Here Piláji remained, and next year Kantáji succeeded in taking Chámpáner, thus advancing his posts nearer the centre of the province. With such an advantage gained these two chiefs instituted raids still more frequently than before. In these straits, and finding himself utterly neglected by the emperor, the viceroy re-opened negotiations with the Peshwa, who lost no time in sending his brother Chimnáji Áppa with an army through Gujarát. Petlád and Dholka were plundered, but Kantáji was left undisturbed, so he took this opportunity of marching to Sorath, where he remained for some time extorting tribute. The viceroy agreed formally to cede the sardeshmukhi of the whole revenue, land and customs (with the exception of the port of Surat and the districts attached to it) and the chauth of the same district, with five per cent on the revenue from the city of Ahmedábád. Special clauses were inserted in the grant of chauth to suit the convenience of both the Peshwa and the viceroy. The latter stipulated that as few collectors as possible should be kept by the Maráthás in the districts under tribute, and that no extra demands beyond the one-fourth should be made. He also insisted that the percentage should be calculated on the actual collections and not on the kamál or highest sum recorded as having been collected. [1056] The Maráthás were also to support the imperial authority and to keep up a body of horse. The Peshwa agreed (probably at his own request) to prevent all Marátha subjects from joining disaffected chiefs, or other turbulent characters, thus receiving the right to suppress Kantáji and Piláji, as well as the Bhils and Kolis with whom the latter was on such friendly terms.

After this agreement was executed, Bájiráv made over part of the sardeshmukhi to the Dábháde, as well as the mokâsa or three-fourths of the svaráj as settled by Báláji Vishvanáth. The consideration as set forth in the preamble of this agreement was the great improvement effected by the Marátha rulers as regards the wealth and tranquillity of the Dakhan provinces. This was inserted either to give the transaction the appearance of having been executed on the part of the emperor (for otherwise the viceroy had no concern in the state of the Dakhan), or simply as an expression of gratitude on the part of this special viceroy towards the Maráthás who had just brought to terms the Nizám-ul-Mulk, his former rival and enemy. It is even probable that it was merely intended, as usual with such preambles, to veil the forced nature of the treaty.

The hostile movements of the Pratinidhi in the Southern Marátha Country induced the Peshwa to return to the Dakhan. Kantáji returned from Sorath to Chámpáner, plundering part of the viceroy's camp on his way. Trimbakráv Dábháde, jealous of the interference of the Peshwa in the affairs of Gujarát, began to intrigue with other chiefs to overturn the power of the Bráhman ministers.

[Coalition against the Peshwa, 1730.] As soon as Nizám-ul-Mulk became aware of this discontent on the part of Trimbakráv, of whose power he was well informed, he proposed to assist him by an attack on the Peshwa from the east, whilst the Maráthás operated in another direction. Trimbakráv was successful in his overtures with Piláji Gáikwár, the Bánde, the Pavárs, and a few other chiefs resident in Khándesh or the north Dakhan. The troops sent by them to join his standard soon amounted to 35,000 men, who were collected in Gujarát. He then gave out that he was bent on rescuing the Marátha Rája from the thraldom in which he was being kept by the Bráhmans. The Peshwa, who had discovered the intercourse between Trimbakráv and the Nizám, proclaimed this treason on the part of the Dábháde as a royal officer, and stated that the malcontents were only planning the partition of the inheritance of Shiváji between the Rája of Kolhápur and themselves. As soon as he found the Nizám's troops were on the march, he collected his picked men and advanced on the Dábháde in Gujarát.

[Defeat of the Allies, 1731.] The Peshwa's army was inferior in numbers but consisted of better trained men. He closed at once with the allies near Dabhoi, and easily defeated the undisciplined forces of the Pavárs and Bánde. The Dábháde's army, however, had more experience of regular warfare and made a stand. But a stray shot killed Trimbakráv as he was endeavouring to rally the forces of his allies, and as usual in such engagements, the loss of the leader disheartened the army. Utter confusion ensued, in which many of the nobles fell, others ran away, and the Peshwa, without the necessity of pushing further his advantage, made good his retreat to the Dakhan. The Nizám, who was in pursuit, only managed to capture some of the baggage with the rear guard as it was crossing the Tápti near Surat. [1057]

Safe again in the Dakhan, the Peshwa at once began negotiations with both the Nizám and the adherents of Trimbakráv Dábháde. He recognized the rights of the former to some possessions in Gujarát independent of the viceroy of Ahmedábád, and agreed to further his designs of severing the Dakhan from the possessions of the emperor. He conciliated the Dábháde family by establishing at Poona an annual distribution of food and presents to Bráhmans such as had formerly been the practice in the native village of Khanderáv. [1058] This institution was known as Dakshiná.

Bájiráv acquiesced also in the general tendency amongst Maráthás of all offices to become hereditary, and conferred the title of Senápati on Yeshvantráv the minor son of the deceased Trimbakráv. The widow Umábái became guardian, and Piláji Gáikwár deputy or mutálik in Gujarát. This latter appointment seems to have been made by the Peshwa and not by the Dábháde, for Piláji received at the same time a new title, namely that of Sená Khás Khel or commander of the special band or perhaps the household brigade. He was also bound on behalf of the Senápati to respect the Peshwa's rights in Málwa and Gujarát, and to pay half the collections from the territory he administered to the royal treasury through the minister. A provision was also inserted with regard to future acquisitions. This reciprocal agreement was executed at the special command of the Marátha Rája Sháhu, who had not yet quite abrogated his authority in favour of the Peshwa. Piláji after these negotiations retired to Gujarát.

[Assassination of Piláji Gáikwár, 1732.] His influence amongst the Bhils and other troublesome races dwelling in the wild parts of the eastern frontier made Piláji an object of hatred and fear to the Mughal viceroy, who had him assassinated by one of his adherents whilst the latter was pretending to whisper some important and confidential news in Piláji's ear. This event took place at Dákor in the Kaira district. The followers of the Gáikwár slew the assassin and retired south of the Mahi. They were driven by the Mughals out of Baroda, but continued to hold Dabhoi. Dámáji Gáikwár, son of Piláji, was at this time prowling round Surat watching for an opportunity of interfering in the disturbed affairs of that town. One of the candidates for the governorship had offered him one-fourth the revenue of the city for his assistance, but the expedition was deferred on account of the appointment of a rival by the emperor. Dámáji therefore was preparing to act on his own account independently of his ally. The news of his father's assassination, however, took him northwards. He found that the Desái of Pádra near Baroda had stirred up the Bhils and Kolis to revolt, in order to give the relations of Piláji a chance of striking a blow at the murderers of their deceased leader. [1733.] Umábái Dábháde, too, bent on the same errand, moved down the Gháts with an army. The Maráthás were bought off, however, by the viceroy and peace was restored for a while.

[Gáikwárs Secure Baroda, 1734.] In this year also Jádoji, a younger son of Trimbakráv, made an expedition to collect tribute through Gujarát as far as Sorath. Next year Mádhavráv Gáikwár, brother of Piláji, obtained possession of Baroda during the absence of Sher Khán Bábi the governor. Since that date this town has been the capital of the Gáikwár family. Sindia and Holkar soon afterwards joined the chief of Ídar against the Musalmán deputy, and extorted from the latter a considerable sum as ransom.

[The Marátha Deputy Governor, 1736.] Umábái had recognized Dámáji as her agent in succession to Piláji; but as she required Dámáji in the Dakhan the latter had been obliged to leave in his turn a locum tenens in Gujarát. There ensued quarrels between this deputy, named Rangoji, and Kántáji Kadam which brought Dámáji back again, and after obtaining from the Muhammadan viceroy, who had espoused the cause of Kantáji, a grant of one-fourth the revenues of the country north of the Mahi he went as usual to Sorath. Kantáji Kadam, who as a partisan of the Peshwa was hostile to the Senápati, harassed the country within reach of his frontier. Dámáji, meanwhile, had again proceeded to the Dakhan, where Umábái was intriguing against the Peshwa and required all the help she could obtain to further the ambitious schemes she was devising in the name of her half-witted son. His deputy Rangoji, by demanding a heavy price for his aid at a time when an aspirant to the viceroyalty of Ahmedábád was in distress, managed to secure for the Maráthás half the revenue of Gujarát with certain exceptions.

[Ahmedábád Riots, 1738.] Dámáji then moved into Gujarát again, and on his way to join Rangoji extorted Rs. 7000 from the English at Surat as a guarantee against plundering them. The events of this year have been detailed in full in the history of the Musalmán Period. After getting possession of a great part of the city of Ahmedábád the [1739.] Maráthás, by their oppressive rule, excited a rising amongst the Musalmán inhabitants. Similar quarrels and subsequent reconciliations took place between 1739 and 1741, the Musalmáns distrusting the Maráthás, yet not daring to attempt to oust them. Dámáji, on his way back from one of his Sorath expeditions, laid [1741.] siege to Broach, which was held by a Muhammadan officer direct from the viceroy of the Dakhan. [1059] As the latter personage was still regarded by the Marátha chiefs as a possible ally against the Peshwa, Dámáji at once obeyed the request of the Nizám to raise the siege, but probably obtained a promise of future concessions such as he had acquired at Surat.

[1742.] Rangoji in the absence of Dámáji took up his residence in Borsad. There he fell into several disputes with the Muhammadan officials, in the course of one of which he was taken prisoner, but escaped the next year (1743). Meanwhile Dámáji had joined with Rághoji Bhonslé in attacking the Peshwa. Whilst Rághoji was preparing his army in the east, Dámáji made a feint against Málwa, which had the desired effect of withdrawing a large portion of the ministerial army. The Gáikwár's troops retreated without giving battle, but to prevent any future junction between Dámáji and the Bhonslé party in Berár, Báláji Peshwa confirmed the Pavár family in their claims to Dhár, which had never been acknowledged as their territory since the defection of the Pavárs to the Dábháde party in 1731. It is worth remarking that though the rank of Senápati had apparently been made hereditary in the Dábháde family (for the owner of the title was quite unfit for the command of an army), the Ghorpadé family applied at this time to have it restored to them on the ground that it once had been held by one of their house. The Peshwa, however, managed to secure their alliance by a grant of land, and their claims to the chief command of the army seem to have been waived.

[1743-44.] For the next two years the Marátha force in Gujarát under Rangoji and Deváji Tákpar was employed by the Musalmáns in their quarrels regarding the viceroyalty. The Marátha practice of appointing deputies gives rise to some confusion as to the negotiations that took place about this time between the Gáikwár's party and the rival candidates for the office of subhedár. For instance, Umábái Dábháde had appointed the Gáikwár family as her agents-in-chief, but the principal members of that house were absent in the Dakhan. Dámáji Gáikwár had appointed Rangoji, who in his turn left one Krishnáji in charge of the Marátha share of the city of Ahmedábád. On the departure, however, of Dámáji from Gujarát, Umábái left Rámáji as her agent. Rámáji, who seems to have been employed previously by Dámáji, followed the example of his predecessors and placed one Rámchandra in charge at Ahmedábád. There does not appear to have been any direct agent of the Peshwa in Gujarát at this time.

[1745.] On Khanderáv Gáikwár's return from the Dakhan he demanded the accounts of the tribute from Rangoji, and not being satisfied with this agent confined him in Borsad and appointed one Trimbakráv in his place. Umábái caused Rangoji to be set at liberty and sent to her in the Dakhan, after which she reappointed him her agent. He expelled Trimbakráv from Ahmedábád, but was attacked by Krishnáji and Gangádhar, two other late deputies. Dámáji and Khanderáv were obliged at last to come to Gujarát and summon all these deputies to their presence. A private arrangement was concluded under which Khanderáv was allowed by Dámáji to keep Nadiád and Borsad as a private estate and to act as the Gáikwár's deputy at Baroda. Rangoji was to live at Umreth when not on active service. Gangádhar and Krishnáji were censured and forbidden to engage in any independent alliances with the Muhammadan leaders.

[1746.] After this Dámáji sent a general named Kánoji Tákpar to collect the Sorath tribute whilst he himself retired to Songad.

Rangoji returned to Ahmedábád, and not long after began to quarrel with the viceroy about the Marátha share in the revenue of the city ceded in 1728.

[The Gáikwár in Surat, 1747.] In A.D. 1747 Kedárji Gáikwár, cousin of Dámáji, was asked by Syed Achchan, an aspirant to the governorship of Surat, to assist him in maintaining possession of that city. Before Kedárji could reach Surat the disputes as to the succession had been settled by negotiations, and the aid of Marátha troops was no longer required. Kedárji, however, finding himself in a position to dictate terms, demanded three lákhs of rupees for the aid that he was prepared to give, and as the Surat treasury could not afford to pay this sum in cash, one-third of the revenues of Surat was promised to the Gáikwár.

[1748.] Rangoji meanwhile attacked Haribá, an adopted son of Khanderáv Gáikwár, and recovered from him the town and fort of Borsad, which had been seized during the time that Rangoji had been occupied with his disputes in Ahmedábád. Khanderáv and Dámáji both turned against him and captured the fort after a long siege. Rangoji was then again imprisoned, and not released until the next year when the Peshwa sent a body of troops into Gujarát. In 1748 Umábái, widow of Trimbakráv Dábháde, died, leaving one Báburáv guardian of Yeshvántráv her son. Partly through the solicitations of Khanderáv, who had private influence with the Dábhádes, partly from the fact of previous possession, Dámáji was confirmed as deputy of the Maráthás in Gujarát. He there began to collect an army as quickly as possible, in order to co-operate with Raghunáth Bhonslé against the Peshwa, in answer to an appeal by Sakvárbái, widow of Sháhu, to support the throne against the ministers, and to secure the succession of Sambháji to the Sátára kingdom. The Peshwa, aware of Dámáji's ill-will towards himself, did his best to foment disturbances in Gujarát and to extend his own influence there so as to keep Dámáji away from the Dakhan.

[1750.] The Peshwa accordingly entered into some negotiations with Jawán Mard Khán, then in power at Ahmedábád, but was unable to lend substantial aid in Gujarát against Dámáji's agents, as the whole Marátha power was required in the Dakhan to operate against the son of the late Nizám-ul-Mulk.

[Dámáji Gáikwár Arrested, 1751.] Next year Dámáji, at the request of Tárábái, guardian of Rám Rája, ascended the Salpi ghát with a strong force, defeated the Peshwa's army, and advanced as far as Sátára. From this position he was forced to retire, and whilst in treaty with the Peshwa was treacherously seized by the latter and put into prison. Báláji at once demanded arrears of tribute, but Dámáji declined to agree to any payment, on the ground that he was no independent chief but only the agent of the Senápati. He therefore refused to bind his principal or himself on account of what was due from his principal. Báláji then imprisoned all the members of the Gáikwár and Dábháde family that were at that time in the Dakhan.

[The Peshwa and Surat.] The state of Surat was at this time such as to afford a good opportunity to the Peshwa to obtain a footing there independently of the English or of Dámáji. He had recently had dealings with the former in the expeditions against Ángria of Kolába, and as the merchants had found him one of the most stable and powerful rulers of the country, they were willing to treat with him for the future security of their buildings and goods in Surat. Taking advantage of Dámáji's confinement, Báláji sent Raghunáthráv to Gujarát. This leader, afterwards so well known as Rághoba, took possession of a few tálukas in the north-east of the province, but was recalled to the Dakhan before he could approach Surat. Jawán Mard Khán also took advantage of Dámáji's absence to make an expedition into Sorath and Káthiáváda where the Gáikwár family had now established themselves permanently.

[Release of Dámáji, 1752.] The news of these two expeditions made Dámáji very eager to return to his province; and as he had full information as to Báláji's plans with regard to Gujarát, he bribed freely, and in order to regain his liberty consented to much harsher terms than he would otherwise have done. He agreed to maintain an army for defence and collection purposes in Gujarát, as well as to furnish a contingent to the Peshwa's army in the Dakhan, and to contribute towards the support of the Rája, now in reality a state-prisoner dependent upon the wishes of his minister. The Gáikwár was also to furnish the tribute due on account of the Dábháde family, whom the Peshwa was apparently trying to oust from the administration altogether. After deducting the necessary expenses of collection and defence, half the surplus revenue was to be handed over to the Peshwa. Even after acceding to all these proposals, the Gáikwár was not at once released. The Peshwa protracted the negotiations, as he had to contend against a factious court party in whose counsels he knew Dámáji would play a leading part when once set at liberty. At last, however, after agreeing to a final request that he would assist Raghunáthráv against Surat, Dámáji was allowed to go. There was at this time one Pándurang Pant levying tribute on behalf of the Peshwa in Cambay and Ahmedábád. The Nawáb of Cambay, not having any reason to like or trust his neighbour the Gáikwár, had persuaded the Peshwa at the time the partition of the Marátha rights over Gujarát was being settled at Poona, to take Cambay into his share of the province. The Nawáb bought off the agent of his ally with a present of guns and cash. The ruler of Ahmedábád also came to terms with the Maráthás, so Pándurang was at liberty to go and see if he could find equal good fortune in Sorath.

[Capture of Ahmedábád, 1753.] Dámáji now came back with a fresh army, which was soon reinforced by Raghunáthráv. They marched towards Ahmedábád, and Jawán Mard Khán was too late to intercept them before they invested the capital. He managed, however, by a bold movement to enter the town, but after a long siege was obliged to capitulate and march out with the honours of war. The Maráthás conferred on him an estate in the north-west of Gujarát, which, however, was recovered by them some time afterwards.

After taking possession of Ahmedábád in April 1753, Raghunáthráv went to Sorath, and on his return extorted a large sum as tribute from the Nawáb of Cambay. He left a deputy in Ahmedábád, [1754.] who marched against the same chief again in 1754, but on this occasion he could levy no tribute. As the Nawáb had firmly established himself and considerably enlarged his dominions, the Peshwa's deputy marched against him in person a second time, but was defeated and taken prisoner. The nominee of Raghunáthráv procured his release, and the Peshwa's deputy continued to demand [1755.] arrears of tribute for his master till he obtained an agreement to pay at a future date. He then retired to the Dakhan, and the Nawáb, taking advantage of the lull to strengthen his army, captured Ahmedábád from the Marátha garrison and established himself in the city. After a while Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár, with an agent sent direct by the Peshwa, arrived before the town and commenced a siege. [1757.] It was not until April 1757 that the Maráthás again entered the city. The Nawáb surrendered after the Maráthás had fully ratified the conditions he himself had proposed.

[1758.] Sayájiráv, son of Dámáji, remained in Ahmedábád on behalf of his father, and the Peshwa's agent Sadáshiv put in a deputy in his turn and went himself to Surat. Here he was soon joined by Sayáji, who had to arrange the shares of the tribute in accordance with the partition treaty of 1751. Next year a body of Marátha troops was sent to the aid of the Ráv of Kachh, who was engaged in an expedition against Thatta in Sindh. Sadáshiv lent the Nawáb of Cambay some money on the part of the Peshwa to enable him to liquidate the arrears of pay due to his army, but a year afterwards the Marátha army appeared at the town gates with a demand for two years' arrears of tribute in full, amounting to Rs. 20,000. The Nawáb managed to raise this sum, and the Maráthás moved south. Dámáji was at this time in Poona.

[1759.] The Peshwa had supported Syed Achchan of Surat with the view of putting him under an obligation so as to secure some future advantages, and this year lent him some troops as a bodyguard. The Nawáb of Cambay, who was also indebted to the ministerial party, left his dominions to pay a visit to the Peshwa at Poona. Khanderáv meanwhile plundered Lunáváda and Ídar, whilst Sayájiráv was similarly engaged in Soráth.

[1761.] Dámáji Gáikwár accompanied the Peshwa to Delhi, and was one of the few Marátha leaders that escaped after the defeat at Pánipat. On his return to Gujarát he successfully opposed an expedition by the Nawáb of Cambay against Bálásinor and re-took the estates of Jawán Mard Khán. He also strengthened his position in Sorath and Káthiáváda against the Peshwa's party.

[1761.] The Peshwa, being hard pressed by his rival the Nizám, began in this year to make overtures to the East India Company's officers in Bombay, with a view to getting the aid of European artillery and gunners. He at first offered to give up a valuable tract of land in Jambusar. But the English would accept no territory but the island of Sálsette, the town of Bassein, and the small islands in the harbour of Bombay. These the Marátha government declined to give up, so negotiations were broken off.

[1762.] Next year Raghunáthráv, as guardian of the son of Báláji, named Mádhavráv, who was still a minor, conferred the title of Senápati on one of the Jádhav family who had formerly borne it. The administration of Gujarát, however, which had always accompanied the title when held by the Dábháde family, was left practically in the hands of Dámáji, and no mention of any transfer of it was made at the time Jádhav was appointed commander-in-chief. Discontented with the empty honour thus conferred, Rámchandra, the new Senápati, joined the Nizám's party, and on account of this defection the Peshwa, two years afterwards, cancelled the appointment and restored the office to the Ghorpade family, one of whose members had held it long before. This put an end to the connection of Gujarát with the chief military dignity of the Marátha state.

[Intrigues of Rághoba, 1768.] After Mádhavráv Báláji came of age he had constantly to be on this guard against the plots of his uncle Raghunáthráv, who had refused to accept the share in the government offered him by the young Peshwa. Raghunáthráv, perhaps instigated by his wife, had no doubt great hopes of obtaining a share in the whole power of the administration, and suspecting Mádhavráv to be aware of his designs, looked upon all the overtures made by the latter as intended in some way or other to entrap him. He therefore collected an army of some 15,000 men in Báglán and Násik, and hoping to be joined on his way by Jánoji Bhonslé, advanced towards Poona. In his army was Govindráv, son of Dámáji Gáikwár, with a detachment of his father's troops. The Peshwa, without giving Jánoji time to effect a junction with Raghunáthráv, even if he had been prepared to do so, defeated his uncle's army at Dhorap, a fort in the Ajunta range, and carried off Rághobá and Govindráv to Poona, where they were placed in confinement.

[Death of Dámáji Gáikwár, 1768.] Not long after this action Dámáji died. He had brought the fortunes of the Gáikwár house to the highest pitch they ever reached and not long after his death the family influence began to decline. It was his personal authority alone that was able to counteract the usual tendency of quasi-independent Marátha states towards disintegration, especially when they are at a distance from the central power. Khanderáv and Sayájiráv had shown frequent signs of insubordination (as for instance in their espousal of the cause of Rangoji) and a desire to establish themselves in an independent position, but the sagacity of Dámáji foresaw the advantage such a partition would give an enemy like the Peshwa, and his tact enabled him to preserve unity in his family, at least in resistance to what he showed them to be their common foe.

[Disputed Succession.] The quarrel for the succession that arose on Dámáji's death was the first step towards the breaking up of the Gáikwár's power. Dámáji had three wives. By the first he had Govindráv, who however was born after Sayájiráv, the son by the second wife. His sons by the third wife were Mánáji and Fatesingh. Govindráv was in confinement at Poona near the court, and therefore in a position to offer conditions for the confirmation of his rights without loss of time.

In the Hindu law current amongst Maráthás, there are to be found precedents in favour of the heirship of either Govindráv or Sayájiráv. Some authorities support the rights of the son of the first wife whether he be the eldest or not, others again regard simply the age of the claimants, deciding in favour of the first born, of whatever wife he may be the son. Rámráv Shástri, the celebrated adviser of Mádhavráv Peshwa, is said to have expressed an opinion in favour of the rights of Sayájiráv. Govindráv, however, was on the spot where his influence could be used most extensively. Sayáji, moreover, was an idiot and a puppet in the hands of his half brother Fatesingh. Govindráv applied at once for investiture with the title of Sená-Khás-Khel. A payment of 50 1/2 lákhs of rupees to the Peshwa on account of arrears of tribute and a fine for his conduct in taking part with Rághobá was a strong argument in his favour, and when he agreed to a tribute previously demanded from his father of Rs. 7,79,000 yearly and to maintain a peace contingent at Poona of 3000 horse, to be increased by a thousand more in time of war, there could be little doubt as to the legitimacy of his claim, and he was duly invested with his father's title and estate.

[1771.] For reasons not apparent Sayáji's claims were not brought forward till nearly two years later. Govindráv had never been allowed to join his charge in Gujarát, so that he could exercise no interference in that direction, and the court affairs in the Dakhan left perhaps little time for the disposal of Sayájiráv's application, even if it had been made. Sayáji had entrusted his interests to Fatesingh, a man of considerable ability, who came at once to Poona to get a reversal of the recognition of Govindráv. The Peshwa was glad to have this opportunity of undoing so much of Dámáji's work and dividing the Gáikwár family against itself, so using the verdict of Rám Shástri as his weapon, he cancelled the former grant in favour of Govindráv, and appointed Sayájiráv with Fatesingh as his mutálik or deputy. The latter, by agreeing to pay an extra sum of 6 1/2 lákhs of rupees annually, got permission to retain the Poona contingent of Gáikwár horse in Gujarát, on the pretext that Govindráv would probably attack his brothers on the earliest opportunity. Thus, whatever happened, all went to the profit of the Peshwa's party and to the injury of the tax-paying Gujarát ryot.

[1773.] Fatesingh retired in triumph to Baroda, and opened negotiations with the English in Surat, as he had been endeavouring to do for a year past without success. In January 1773, however, he succeeded in getting an agreement from the Chief for Affairs of the British Nation in Surat, that his share in the revenues of the town of Broach, which had been taken by storm in 1772 by the English, should not be affected by the change of masters. In the same year Náráyanráv Peshwa was murdered, and Rághobá was invested by the titular king at Sátára with the ministerial robe of honour. Govindráv Gáikwár, still in Poona, reminded the new Peshwa of the good offices of the Gáikwár family at Dhorap and elsewhere, and found means of getting reinstated as Sená-Khás-Khel. In 1774 he set out for Gujarát, and collecting a fair number of adherents on his way, he attacked Fatesingh. [1774.] After various engagements of little importance, the latter found himself shut into the city of Baroda, which was invested by Govindráv in January 1775.

[Rághobá Peshwa, 1774.] In the meantime Rághobá had been driven from power by the intrigues of Bráhmans of a different class from that to which he belonged, headed by the afterwards well-known Nána Phadnis. The ex-Peshwa first betook himself towards Málwa, where he hoped to be joined or at least assisted by Holkar and Sindia. As soon however as he got together some scattered forces he marched down the Tápti and opened negotiations with the English through Mr. Gambier, the chief at Surat. The Bombay Government at once demanded the cession of Bassein, Sálsette, and the adjacent islands. Rághobá refused, partly, in all probability, on account of the pride felt by the Marátha soldiery in their achievements before Bassein at the time of the great siege. He however offered valuable territory in Gujarát, yielding a revenue of about eleven lákhs, and to pay six lákhs down and 1 1/2 lákhs monthly for the maintenance of a European contingent with artillery. The English at Bombay were debating whether this offer should not be accepted when news reached them that the Portuguese were about to organise an expedition to re-take Bassein. Negotiations with Rághobá were hastily broken off and a small force sent to forestall the rival Europeans. Before the end of 1774, both Thána and Versova fort in Sálsette had been taken.

[Rághobá in Gujarát, 1775.] Rághobá now heard that Sindia and Holkar had been bought over by the ministerial party and would not come to his assistance. Quickly moving his force down the river he reached Baroda in January 1775 with 10,000 horse and 400 foot. He joined Govindráv in investing that town, but sent meanwhile an agent to re-open the discussion of his proposals in the Bombay Council. This agent was captured by a party of Fatesingh's horse whilst he was out on an expedition near Párnera on behalf of Govindráv. On his release he repaired to Surat and took steps to get a treaty of alliance signed as soon as possible.

[Rághobá Defeated.] The ministerial army of 30,000 men under Haripant Phadke entered Gujarát and obliged Govindráv and Rághobá to raise the siege of Baroda and to retire towards the Mahi. Fatesingh's force then joined Haripant. An attack on all sides was made (Feb. 17th). Rághobá, who was in the centre, was first charged, and before Govindráv and Khanderáv Gáikwár could come to his assistance his best officers were wounded, some of his Arab mercenaries refused to fight as large arrears of pay were due to them, and he was defeated on both flanks. He fled to Cambay with only 1000 horse; whilst the two Gáikwárs and Manáji Sindia (Phadke) led the rest of the scattered army to Kapadvanj, where it was again set in order. The Nawáb of Cambay, fearing lest the Marátha army should come in pursuit, shut the town gates on the fugitive and refused to give him shelter. [Reaches Surat.] Mr. Malet, chief of the English residents, who had been informed of the negotiations in progress between his Government and Rághobá, contrived to get the ex-Peshwa conveyed privately to Bhávnagar and from thence by boat to Surat. Here he arrived on February 23rd.

[Treaty of Surat, 1775.] The stipulations of the treaty negotiated by Narotamdás, agent of Rághobá, and the Bombay Government were: The English to provide a force of 3000 men, of which 800 were to be Europeans and 1700 natives, together with a due proportion of artillery. In return for this Rághobá, still recognized as Peshwa, was to cede in perpetuity Sálsette, Bassein and the islands, Jambusar, and Olpád. He also made over an assignment of Rs. 75,000 out of the revenues of Anklesvar, the remaining portion of which district, together with Ámod, Hánsot, and Balsár was placed under British management as security for the monthly contribution of 1 1/2 lákhs for the support of the troops in his service. He also promised to procure the cession of the Gáikwár's share in the revenues of Broach. Sundry other provisions (dealing with different parts of the Marátha dominions) were inserted, Rághobá being treated throughout as the representative of the Marátha kingdom. This treaty was signed on March 6th, 1775, at Surat, but on the previous day there had been a debate in the Council at Bombay as to the propriety of continuing to support Rághobá, as the news from Gujarát made the British authorities doubtful whether the contingent they had already sent to Surat was enough to ensure success.

[Colonel Keating in Gujarát.] Just before the treaty was drawn up, at the end of February Lieut.-Colonel Keating had been despatched in command of 350 European infantry 800 sepoys 80 European artillerymen and 60 gun lascars with others, in all about 1500 men, ready for active service. This force landed at Surat four days after Rághobá had arrived from Bhávnagar. Before receiving this token of the intention of the British to support Rághobá, the Nawáb had treated the latter simply as a fugitive, but upon finding that the Bombay Government had determined to make the ex-Peshwa their ally, he paid the customary visits and offered presents as to a superior.

[Keating Sails with Rághobá for Cambay.] When the news reached Surat that Govindráv's troops and the rest had been reorganized at Kapadvanj, it was determined to effect a junction with them by landing Colonel Keating's detachment at Cambay and from thence marching north.

[Rághobá in Cambay, 1775.] Considerable delay occurred in carrying out the first part of this proposal. First of all Rághobá detained the army at Dumas [1060] whilst he paid a visit of ceremony to the frequented temple of Bhimpor in the neighbourhood. Then again, the convoy met with contrary winds the whole way up the gulf, and it was not till March 17th that the contingent landed. The Nawáb, accompanied by the British Resident, paid a visit of ceremony and presented nazaránás to Rághobá as a sort of atonement for his previous discourtesy and neglect. The Maráthás, however, knowing that this change of tone was entirely due to the presence and alliance of the Europeans, paid much more attention to the latter than to the Muhammadans.

[Govindráv Gáikwár's Army.] The British contingent encamped at a place called Náráyan-Sarovar, just north of the town. Here they waited until the reinforcement from Bombay arrived, bringing the whole force up to the complement stipulated for in the treaty. Rághobá's army under Govindráv Gáikwár was reported to be moving southwards, and Colonel Keating agreed to let it pass the Sábarmati river before joining it. Meanwhile the enemy, said to number 40,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry, marched north to intercept Govindráv. The latter, however, by forced marches succeeded in crossing the Sábarmati before the arrival of the ministerial army, and encamped a few miles north-east of Cambay at a place called Darmaj or Dara. Here Colonel Keating joined him about the middle of April.

Govindráv's army consisted of about 8000 fighting men and nearly 18,000 camp followers. These latter were chiefly Pindháris who used to attach themselves to the camp of one of the Marátha chiefs, on condition of surrendering to him half their plunder. Each chief had his separate encampment, where he exercised independent authority over his own troops, although bound to general obedience to the commander-in-chief of the whole army. The confusion of this arrangement is described by an eye-witness as utterly destructive of all military discipline. To add to the cumbrousness of such an expedition, most of the Pindháris brought their wives and children with them, the cooking pots and plunder being carried on bullocks and ponies, of which there were altogether nearly 200,000 attached to the troops. In every camp there was a regular bazár where cash payment or barter passed equally current, so that a premium was thus placed on the pilfering of small articles by the Pindháris, whose stipulations as to plunder were confined neither to friend nor enemy.

[Advance of the Combined Forces.] When all needful preparations had been made, the army, accompanied by a battery of ten guns, besides mortars and howitzers, all of which were manned by Europeans, moved out against the enemy. The latter slowly retreated, burning the crops and forage and destroying the water-supply on its way. On the 20th April the first engagement took place at Usámli, resulting in the repulse of the ministerial troops. On May 1st a similar skirmish on the banks of the Vátrak drove the ministerialists into Kaira. From this post they were driven after a series of slight engagements with the army of Rághobá, which crossed the river at Mátar. Fatesingh now received a reinforcement of 10,000 horse under Khanderáv Gáikwár, but to counterbalance this aid, Sindia and Holkar from some unexplained cause, connected probably with intrigues at Poona, withdrew from further co-operation with him. Colonel Keating was unable to follow up the advantages he had gained owing to the large proportion of cavalry in the enemy's army. He therefore continued his march southwards, after persuading Rághoba to spend the monsoon in Poona, where he would be on the spot to counteract intrigues, instead of at Ahmedábád, as had been at first proposed.

On May 8th the army reached Nadiád, after repulsing on the road two attacks by the enemy's cavalry. This result was obtained chiefly by means of the European light artillery. Nadiád belonged at this time to Khanderáv Gáikwár, and to punish his defection to Fatesingh, Rághobá inflicted a fine of 60,000 rupees on the town. The amount was assessed on the several castes in proportion to their reputed means of payment. The Bháts, a peculiar people of whom more hereafter, objected to being assessed, and slaughtered each other in public: so that the guilt of their blood might fall on the oppressor. The Bráhmans, who also claimed exemption from all taxation, more astutely brought two old women of their caste into the market place and there murdered them. Having made this protest, both castes paid their contributions. Rághobá injudiciously wasted seven days over the collection of this fine, and in the end only levied 40,000 rupees.

[Defeat of Fatesingh, 1775.] On May 14th the march was resumed, under the usual skirmishing onslaughts of the ministerial party. At Arás, where Rághobá had been defeated shortly before, he was in imminent danger of a second and still more serious discomfiture. An order mistaken by a British company, and the want of discipline on the part of Rághobá's cavalry nearly led to a total defeat with great slaughter. The European infantry and artillery, however, turned the fortunes of the day. The troops of Fatesingh were allowed to approach in pursuit to within a few yards of the batteries, all the guns of which then opened on them with grape, the infantry meanwhile plying their small arms along the whole line. Fatesingh was obliged to withdraw his diminished forces and the army of Rághobá received no further molestations from him on its way to the Mahi. Colonel Keating then ordered a general move to Broach, where he arrived safely on 27th May, after a troublesome march through the robber-infested country between the Dhádhar river and Ámod.

[The Ministerial General Retreats.] Here they remained until June 8th, when Colonel Keating was about to move south again. Luckily, as it turned out for him, the nearest ford was impassable and he had to march to one higher up at a place variously called Bába Piára or Báva Pir. On his way thither he heard that Haripant, the ministerial commander-in-chief, was halting on the north bank by the ford; he therefore pushed on to make an attack on the rear, but owing partly to timely information received and partly to the confusion caused by the irrepressibility of Rághobá's cavalry, Haripant had time to withdraw all his force except some baggage and ammunition, which, with a few guns, he was forced in the hurry of his passage across the river to leave behind. [Colonel Keating at Dabhoi, 1775.] Colonel Keating then marched fourteen miles north from the ford and halted before proceeding to Dabhoi, a town belonging to Fatesingh. The general ignorance of tactics and want of discipline in the native army had determined Colonel Keating not to lead his force as far as Poona, but to spend the monsoon near Baroda.

Rághobá detached one of his generals, Amir Khán, in pursuit of Ganeshpant, whom Hari Pant had left as his deputy in Gujarát. Ganeshpant with a detachment of the ministerial army had separated from Hari at the Bába Piára ford and found his way through the wild country on the north of the Tápti towards Ahmedábád. He was finally caught by Amir Khán.

Dabhoi was at this time in charge of a Bráhman governor, who submitted on the approach of Rághobá's army. Colonel Keating quartered his force in the town, but Rághobá, after exacting a levy of three lákhs of rupees, encamped at Bhilápur on the Dhádhar, ten miles from Dabhoi. Here he began to negotiate with Fatesingh in Baroda through the mediation of Colonel Keating. Fatesingh was all the more ready to come to definite terms of agreement, as he knew that Govindráv was on the watch to recover Baroda.

[Rághobá and the Gáikwárs.] It is not certain what the terms proposed and agreed to really were. The only record of them is a copy sent in 1802 to the Resident at Poona by Governor Duncan. According to this document Govindráv was to lose his pension and to occupy the same position as before the accession of Rághobá. Khanderáv was to revert to the situation in which he had been placed by Dámáji. The provision of the treaty of the 6th March regarding the Gáikwár's claims on Broach was ratified, and as a reward for the mediation of the Bombay Government, the Gáikwár ceded to the British in perpetuity the sub-divisions of Chikhli and Variáv near Surat and Koral on the Narbada. Before this treaty could be concluded, Colonel Keating received orders to withdraw his contingent into British territory and to leave Rághobá to manage for himself. This change of policy was due to the disapproval by the Supreme Government of the treaty of 6th March, which they alleged had been made inconsistently with the negotiations then being carried on with the ruling powers at Poona as well as with the authority of the Calcutta Government. The treaty was therefore declared to be invalid and the troops in the field were ordered by the Supreme Government to be withdrawn at once into British garrisons. A special envoy, Colonel Upton, was sent from Bengal to negotiate a treaty with the Ministers in accordance with the views current in Calcutta.