Chapter L: Book VI: , it follows that it was from Megasthenês that he drew his (6)

[705] The decrease in the Mughal collections from Gujarát compared with the revenues of the Áhmedábád kings may have been due to Akbar's moderation. It may also have been due to a decline in prosperity. Compare Roe's (1617) account of Toda about fifty miles south-east of Ajmír. It was the best and most populous country Roe had seen in India. The district was level with fertile soil abounding in corn cotton and cattle and the villages were so numerous and near together as hardly to exceed a kos from each other. The town was the best built Roe had seen in India tiled two-storied houses good enough for decent shopkeepers. It had been the residence of a Rájput Rája before the conquests of Akbar Sháh and stood at the foot of a good and strong rock about which were many excellent works of hewn stone, well cut, with many tanks arched over with well-turned vaults and large and deep descents to them. Near it was a beautiful grove two miles long and a quarter of a mile broad all planted with mangoes tamarinds and other fruit trees, divided by shady walks and interspersed with little temples and idol altars with many fountains wells and summer houses of carved stone curiously arched so that a poor banished Englishman might have been content to dwell there. This observation may serve universally for the whole country that ruin and devastation operate everywhere. For since the property of all has become vested in the king no person takes care of anything so that in every place the spoil and devastations of war appear and nowhere is anything repaired. Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 320-321.

[706] Bird's History of Gujarát. Another detailed statement of the revenue of Gujarát given in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, apparently for the time when the author wrote (A.D. 1760) gives: Revenue from crown lands £2,107,518; tribute-paying divisions or sarkárs £12,700; Mahí Kántha tribute £178,741; Vátrak Kántha tribute £159,768; and Sábar Kántha tribute £121,151; in all £2,579,878: adding to this £20,000 for Kachh, £40,000 for Dungarpur, and £5000 for Sirohi, gives a grand total of £2,644,878. According to a statement given by Bird in a note at page 108 of his History, the revenue of Gujarát under Jehángir (A.D. 1605-1627) averaged £1,250,000; under Aurangzíb (A.D. 1658-1707) £1,519,622; and under Muhammad Sháh (A.D. 1719-1748) £1,218,360. In this passage the revenue under the emperor Akbar (A.D. 1556-1605) is given at £66,845. This total is taken from Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari. But at vol. II. page 73 of that work there would seem to be some miscalculation; for while the total number of dáms (1/40th of a rupee) is 43,68,02,301, the conversion into rupees is Rs. 10,96,123 instead of Rs. 1,09,20,057 1/2. The corresponding returns given by Mr. Thomas (Rev. of the Mog. Emp. page 52) are under Akbar, A.D. 1594, £1,092,412; under Sháh Jahán, A.D. 1648, £1,325,000; and under Aurangzíb, A.D. 1658 £2,173,220, A.D. 1663-1666 £1,339,500, A.D. 1697 £2,330,500, and A.D. 1707 £1,519,623. The varieties in the currency employed in different parts of the accounts cause some confusion in calculating the Gujarát revenue. Under the Áhmedábád kings the accounts were kept in tánkás or 1/100 of rupees, while under the Mughals dáms or 1/45th of a rupee took the place of tánkás. The revenues from Surat Baroda Broach and other districts south of the Máhi were returned in changízis, a coin varying in value from something over 2/3rds of a rupee to slightly less than 1/2; the revenues from Rádhanpur and Morvi were entered in mahmúdis, a coin nearly identical in value with the changízi, while, as noticed above, the tribute and customs dues are returned in a gold currency, the tribute in huns of about 8s. (Rs. 4) and the customs in ibráhímís of 9s. (Rs. 4 1/2).

[707] Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin), I. 305. The Áin-i-Akbari mentions four ways of calculating the state share in an unsurveyed field: (1) to measure the land with the crops standing and make an estimate; (2) to reap the crops, collect the grain in barns, and divide it according to agreement; (3) to divide the field as soon as the seed is sown; and (4) to gather the grain into heaps on the field and divide it there.

[708] The men to whom this 2 1/2 per cent was granted are referred to in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi as desáis. Whatever doubt may attach to the precise meaning of the term desái it seems clear that it was as village headmen that the desáis petitioned for and received this grant. These desáis were the heads of villages with whom, as noticed above, the government agent for collecting the revenue dealt, and who, agreeing for the whole village contribution, themselves carried out the details of allotment and collection from the individual cultivators. In the sharehold villages north of the Narbada, the headman who would be entitled to this 2 1/2 per cent was the representative of the body of village shareholders. South of the Narbada, in villages originally colonised by officers of the state, the representatives of these officers would enjoy the 2 1/2 per cent. In south Gujarát the desáis or heads of villages also acted as district hereditary revenue officers; but it was not as district hereditary revenue officers, but as heads of villages, that they received from Akbar this 2 1/2 per cent assignment. In north Gujarát there were desáis who were only district revenue officers. These men would seem to have received no part of Akbar's grant in 1589-90, for as late as A.D. 1706 the emperor Aurangzíb, having occasion to make inquiries into the position of the desáis, found that hitherto they had been supported by cesses and illegal exactions, and ordered that a stop should be put to all such exactions, and a fixed assignment of 2 1/2 per cent on the revenues of the villages under their charge should be allowed them. It does not appear whether the Surat desáis succeeded in obtaining Aurangzíb's grant of 2 1/2 per cent as district revenue officers in addition to Akbar's (A.D. 1589) assignment of 2 1/2 per cent as heads of villages.

[709] Bird's History of Gujarát, 409.

[710] Áhmedábád (A.D. 1583) by Muzaffar Sháh the last king of Gujarát; Cambay (A.D. 1573) by Muhammad Husain Mirza; and Surat (A.D. 1609) by Malik Ambar the famous general of the king of Amednagar. In such unsettled times it is not surprising that the European travellers of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, between Áhmedábád and Cambay found native merchants marching in large weekly caravans which rested at night within a space barricaded by carts. (Kerr, IX. 127 and 201.) The English merchants, on their way from one factory to another, were accompanied by an escort, and, in spite of their guard, were on more than one occasion attacked by large bands of Rájputs. (Kerr, IX. 127, 187, 201, 203.) As regards the state of the different parts of the province, Nicholas Ufflet, who went from Agra to Surat about 1610, describes the north, from Jhálor to Áhmedábád, as throughout the whole way a sandy and woody country, full of thievish beastly men, and savage beasts such as lions and tigers; from Áhmedábád to Cambay the road was through sands and woods much infested by thieves; from Cambay to Broach it was a woody and dangerous journey; but from Broach to Surat the country was goodly, fertile, and full of villages, abounding in wild date trees. (Kerr, VIII. 303.) Passing from the mouth of the Tápti to Surat Mr. Copland (24th Dec. 1613) was delighted to see at the same time the goodliest spring and harvest he had ever seen. 'Often of two adjoining fields, one was as green as a fine meadow, and the other waving yellow like gold and ready to be cut down, and all along the roads were many goodly villages.' (Kerr, IX. 119.) At that time the state of north-east Gujarát was very different. Terry, 1617 (Voyage, 404), describes the passage of nineteen days from Mándu near Dhár to Áhmedábád as short journeys in a wilderness where a way had to be cut and made even and the great space required for the Mughal's camp rid and made plain by grubbing up trees and bushes. And between Cambay and Áhmedábád De la Valle, A.D. 1623 (Travels, Hakluyt Ed. I. 92), resolved to go with the káfila since the insecurity of the ways did not allow him to go alone. Still at that time Gujarát as a whole (see above page 220 note 2) was an exceeding rich province, a description which twenty years later (1638) is borne out by Mandelslo (Travels, French Edition, 56): No province in India is more fertile; none yields more fruit or victuals. With the boast of the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (A.D. 1756) that Gujarát was the richest province in India compare Kháfi Khan's (A.D. 1719) remark (Elliot, VII. 530): This rich province which no other province in India can equal.

[711] Orme's Historical Fragments, 12.

[712] The following are some of the notices of Áhmedábád and Cambay by the European travellers of the seventeenth century: Cambay, 1598, trade so great that if he had not seen it he would not have believed it possible (Cæsar Frederick); 1623, indifferent large with sufficiently spacious suburbs and a great concourse of vessels (De la Valle, Hakluyt Edition, I. 66-67); 1638, beyond comparison larger than Surat (Mandelslo, 101-108); 1663-1671, twice as big as Surat (Baldæus in Churchill, III. 506). Áhmedábád, 1598, a very great city and populous (Cæsar Frederick); 1623, competently large with great suburbs, a goodly and great city, with large fair and straight but sadly dusty streets (De la Valle, Hakluyt Edition, I. 95); 1627, large and beautiful with many broad and comely streets, a rich and uniform bazár, and shops redundant with gums perfumes spices silks cottons and calicoes (Herbert's Travels, 3rd Edition, 66); 1638, great manufactures, satin and velvet, silk and cotton (Mandelslo, 80); 1695, the greatest city in India, nothing inferior to Venice for rich silks and gold stuffs (Gemelli Careri in Churchill, IV. 188).

[713] Bird, 411.

[714] The usual explanation of toda garás is the word toda meaning the beam-end above each house door. The sense being that it was a levy exacted from every house in the village. A more likely derivation is toda a heap or money-bag with the sense of a ready-money levy. Toda differed from vol in being exacted from the garás or land once the property of the levier's ancestors.

[715] Somnáth (north latitude 20° 55'; east longitude 70° 23'), the temple of Mahádev 'Lord of the Moon,' near the southern extremity of the peninsula of Káthiáváda.

[716] Anahilaváda (north latitude 23° 48'; east longitude 72° 2'), Nehrwála or Pátan, on the south bank of the Sarasvatí river, sixty-five miles north-east of Ahmedábád, was from A.D. 746 to A.D. 1298 the capital of the Rájput dynasties of Gujarát. As a result of Muhammad Ghori's defeat the Tárikh-i-Sorath (Burgess, 112-113) states that the Turkish Afghán and Mughal prisoners, according to the rule of the Kuraan (XXIV. 25) were distributed, the wicked women to the wicked men and the good women to the good men. Of the male prisoners the better class after having their heads shaved were enrolled among the Chakáwal and Wádhel tribes of Rájputs. The lower class were allotted to the Kolis, Khánts, Bábriás, and Mers. All were allowed to keep their wedding and funeral ceremonies and to remain aloof from other classes.

[717] The Mirat-i-Áhmedi gives an account of an expedition by one Alifkhán a noble of Sultán Sanjar's against Anahilaváda in A.D. 1257. He is said to have built the large stone mosque without the city. Alifkhán returned unsuccessful, but not without levying tribute.

[718] Devgadh near Daulatabad in the Dakhan, about ten miles north-west of Aurangábád (north latitude 19° 57'; east longitude 75° 18'). The Mirat-i-Áhmedi has Devgadh Chandah, which is in the Central Provinces.

[719] Jhálor (north latitude 25° 23'; east longitude 72° 40') in the Rájput state of Jodhpur, seventy miles south-west by south from the city of Jodhpur.

[720] Bayley (Gujarát, 39 note) shows strong ground for holding that, though Gujarát was conquered by Ulugh Khán a brother of Alá-ud-dín, its first governor was not Ulugh Khán but Álp Khán a brother-in-law of Alá-ud-dín. According to this account Ulugh Khán died in A.D. 1299 and Álp Khán at Malik Káfúr's instigation was killed in A.D. 1315. Ziá Barni (Elliot, III. 169) supports this account.

[721] According to Ziá Barni (Elliot, III. 218) Hisám-ud-dín was the mother's brother, according to others he was the brother of Hasan afterwards Khusraw Khán Parmár the favourite of Mubárak Sháh. On coming to Gujarát Hisám-ud-dín collected his Parmár kindred and revolted, but the nobles joining against him seized him and sent him to Dehli. To their disgust Mubárak in his infatuation for Hisám-ud-dín's nephew or brother, after slapping Hisám-ud-dín on the face set him at liberty.

[722] In the Karnátak, probably on the Tungabhadra near Vijayánagar. Briggs' Muhammadan Power in India, I. 418 and 428. Briggs speaks of two Kampilás one on the Ganges and the other on the Tungabhadra near Bijánagar.

[723] Asáwal (north latitude 23° 0'; east longitude 72° 36'), a town of some size, afterwards, A.D. 1413, made the capital of the Musalmán kings of Gujarát and called Áhmedábád.

[724] Girnár (north latitude 21° 30'; east longitude 70° 42'), in the Sorath sub-division of the peninsula of Káthiáváda.

[725] Both the Mirat-i-Áhmedi and the Táríkh-i-Fírúz Sháhi say that the fortress was taken. The Úparkot or citadel of Junágadh, in the plain about two miles west of Mount Girnár, is probably meant.

[726] Nágor (north latitude 27° 10'; east longitude 73° 50'), in the Ráthod state of Jodhpur, eighty miles north-east of Jodhpur city.

[727] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has Khánpur or Kánpur. The place is Khambhoi about twenty miles west of Pátan.

[728] Ídar is the principal state of the Mahi Kántha. The town of Ídar is in north latitude 23° 50' and east longitude 73° 3'.

[729] Junágadh in the Sorath sub-division of Káthiáváda. This is Briggs' Rái of Jehrend. Junágadh was formerly called Jirangad, both names meaning ancient fortress.

[730] Rájpípla is in the Rewa Kántha division of Gujarát.

[731] Sultánpur and Nandurbár now form part of the British district of Khándesh.

[732] Ásir, now Ásírgad (north latitude 21° 26'; east longitude 76° 26'), beyond the north-eastern frontier of Khándesh.

[733] Mándu (north latitude 22° 20'; east longitude 75° 27'), one of the most famous forts in India, the capital of the Pathán dynasty of Málwa, A.D. 1404-1561, stands on the crest of the Vindhyas about twenty-five miles south of Dhár. During a considerable part of the fifteenth century Mándu was either directly or indirectly under Gujarát. An account of Mándu is given in the Appendix.

[734] Ajmír (north latitude 26° 29'; east longitude 74° 43'), the chief town of the district of the same name to which Sámbhar and Dandwána belong.

[735] Delváda and Jháláváda are somewhat difficult. The context suggests either Jhálor in Márwár or Jháláváda in the extreme south-east of Rájputána south of Kotah. The combination Delváda and Jháláváda seems to favour Káthiáváda since there is a Delváda in the south of the peninsula near Diu and a Jháláváda in the north-east. But the Delváda of the text can hardly be near Diu. It apparently is Delváda near Eklingji about twenty miles north of Udepur. The account of Áhmed Sháh's expedition to the same place in A.D. 1431 (below page 239) confirms this identification.

[736] Pánipat (north latitude 29° 23'; east longitude 77° 2'), seventy-eight miles north of Dehli.

[737] Farishtah (II. 355) calls the Ídar chief Ranbal.

[738] Compare Farishtah, II. 355-356. After his death Muhammad was known as Khudáigán-i-Shahíd, Our Lord the Martyr, according to the custom of the Sultáns of Dehli, all of whom had three names, their family name, their throne name, and their after-death name whose letters contain the date of the monarch's decease. Thus the emperor Akbar's after-death title is Ársh Áshiáni, The Holder of the Heavenly Throne; the emperor Jehángír's is Jannat Makáni, The Dweller in Heaven; the emperor Sháh Jehán's is Firdaus Makáni, He Whose Home is Paradise; and the emperor Aurangzíb's is Khuld Makáni, The Occupier of the Eternal Residence. Similarly the after-death title of Muzaffar Sháh, Tátár Khán's father, is Khûdáigán-i-Kabir, The Great Lord.

[739] Dhár (north latitude 22° 35'; east longitude 75° 20'), the capital of the state of Dhár thirty-three miles west of Mhow in Central India.

[740] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has Kanthkot a dependency of Kachh. This is probably correct.

[741] The date is doubtful: Farishtah (II. 630) gives A.D. 1412, the Áin-i-Akbari (Blochman's Edition, I. 507) A.D. 1411.

[742] Four Áhmeds who had never missed the afternoon prayer helped to build Áhmedábád: Saint Sheikh Áhmed Khattu, Sultán Áhmed, Sheikh Áhmed, and Mulla Áhmed. Compare Bombay Gazetteer, IV. 249 note 5.

[743] Called in the Tabakát-i-Akbari the Rája of Mandal.

[744] Sidhpur (north latitude 23° 50'; east longitude 72° 20'), on the Sarasvatí, fifty-eight miles north of Áhmedábád.

[745] Chámpáner (north latitude 22° 30'; east longitude 73° 30') in the British district of the Panch Maháls, from A.D. 1483 to A.D. 1560 the chief city of Gujarát, now in ruins.

[746] Modása (north latitude 23° 27'; east longitude 73° 21'), fifty miles north-east of Áhmedábád.

[747] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 34, 35; Farishtah, II. 363, 364.

[748] Sankheda is on the left bank of the Or river about twenty miles south-east of Baroda.

[749] Mángni Mákani or Mánki, famous for its witches, eight miles east of Sankheda. Mr. J. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D. Compare Bom. Gov. Rec. N. S. XXIII. 98.

[750] Dohad (north latitude 22° 50'; east longitude 74° 15'), seventy-seven miles north-east of Baroda, now the chief town of the sub-division of the same name in the British district of the Panch Máháls. Mr. J. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D.

[751] Jítpur about twelve miles north-east of Bálásinor.

[752] Ujjain (north latitude 23° 10'; east longitude 75° 47'), at different times the capital of Málwa.

[753] Sárangpur about fifty miles north-east of Ujjain.

[754] Ahmednagar (north latitude 23° 34'; east longitude 73° 1') in the native state of Ídar.

[755] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 43.

[756] There are two Máhims on the North Konkan coast, one about twenty-two miles north of Bassein (north latitude 19° 40'; east longitude 72° 47'), and the other in the northern extremity of the island of Bombay (north latitude 19° 2'; east longitude 72° 54'). The southern Máhim, to which Farishtah (II. 370-371) is careful to apply the term jaziráh or island, is the town referred to in the text. The northern Máhim, now known as Kelva Máhim, was, as is noted in the text, the head-quarters of a Hindu chief.

[757] Thána (north latitude 19° 11'; east longitude 73° 6'), the head-quarters of the British district of that name, about twenty-four miles north-by-east of Bombay, was from the tenth to the sixteenth century A.D. the chief city in the Northern Konkan.

[758] Báglán, now called Satána, is the northern sub-division of the British district of Násik. In A.D. 1590 the chief commanded 8000 cavalry and 5000 infantry. The country was famous for fruit. Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin), II. 73. The chief, a Ráthod, was converted to Islám by Aurangzíb (A.D. 1656-1707).

[759] Dúngarpur (north latitude 23° 50'; east longitude 73° 50') in Rájputána, 150 miles north-west of Mhow.

[760] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 45, 46.

[761] Godhra (north latitude 22° 45'; east longitude 73° 36'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of the Panch Maháls. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 49) gives, probably rightly, Kothra a village of Sáunli or Savli about twenty miles north of Baroda.

[762] Sultánpur (north latitude 21° 43'; east longitude 74° 40'), in the north of the Sháháda sub-division of the British district of Khándesh, till A.D. 1804 a place of consequence and the head-quarters of a large district.

[763] Kapadvanj (north latitude 23° 2'; east longitude 73° 9'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of Kaira.

[764] Dholka (north latitude 22° 42'; east longitude 72° 25'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of Áhmedábád.

[765] Sámbhar (north latitude 26° 53'; east longitude 75° 13'), a town in the province of Ajmír, about fifty-one miles north-north-east from the city of Ajmír.

[766] Chitor (north latitude 24° 52'; east longitude 74° 4'), for several centuries before A.D. 1567 the capital of the principality of Udepur.

[767] Sirohi (north latitude 24° 59'; east longitude 72° 56'), the capital of the principality of the same name in the province of Ajmír.

[768] Ábu (north latitude 24° 45'; east longitude 72° 49') in the state of Sirohi.

[769] The Rája is called Krishna Kishan or Kánh Devra. Ábu is still held by the Sirohi Devrás.

[770] Mandisor (north latitude 24° 4'; east longitude 75° 9'), the chief town of a district of the same name in the province of Málwa.

[771] Persian Text, Mirat-i-Sikandari, 75-76.

[772] The Portuguese merchant and traveller Barbosa (A.D. 1511-1514) gives the following details of Mahmúd Begada's cavalry: The Moors and Gentiles of this kingdom are bold riders, mounted on horses bred in the country, for it has a wonderful quantity. They ride on small saddles and use whips. Their arms are very thick round shields edged with silk; each man has two swords, a dagger, and a Turkish bow with very good arrows. Some of them carry maces, and many of them coats-of-mail, and others tunics quilted with cotton. The horses have housings and steel headpieces, and so they fight very well and are light in their movements. The Moorish horsemen are white and of many countries, Turks and Mamelukes, military slaves from Georgia Circassia and Mingrelia, Arabs Persians Khorásánis Turkomans, men from the great kingdom of Dehli, and others born in the country itself. Their pay is good, and they receive it regularly. They are well dressed with very rich stuffs of gold silk cotton and goat's wool, and all wear caps on their heads, and their clothes long, such as morisco shirts and drawers, and leggings to the knee of good thick leather worked with gold knots and embroidery, and their swords richly ornamented with gold and silver are borne in their girdles or in the hands of their pages. Their women are very white and pretty: also very richly decked out. They live well and spend much money. Stanley's Barbosa, 55-56.

[773] Mahmúd's favourite trees were the mango ámbo Mangifera indica, ráen Mimusops hexandra, jámbu Eugenia jambolana, gúlar Ficus glomerata, tamarind ámli Tamarindus indica, and the shrubby phyllanthus áonla Emblica officinalis.

[774] Burhánpur (north latitude 21° 18'; east longitude 76° 20'), under the Musalmáns the capital of Khándesh, now within the limits of the Berárs.

[775] Gondwána, a large hilly tract lying between north latitude 19° 50' and 24° 30' and east longitude 77° 38' and 87° 20'.

[776] The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, page 89) gives the hill fort of Bárudar. The Persian r may be a miswritten g and the d a mistake for w that is Baguwar or Baguwarah. The seaport Dûn may be Dungri hill six miles from the coast. But Dûn for Dáhánu a well-known port in north Thána is perhaps more likely. Farishtah (Briggs, IV. 51) gives Bavur for Baru and Dura for Dûn. Compare Tabakát-i-Akbari in Bayley's Gujarát, page 178 note 2.

[777] Girnár the diadem of Káthiáváda. See above page 231 note 2.

[778] Mangifera indica, Mimusops hexandra, Eugenia jambolana, Ficus glomerata, Tamarindus indica, and Emblica officinalis.

[779] Khánts are still found chiefly in Soráth. See Bombay Gazetteer, VIII. 142.

[780] The Tabakát-i-Akbari says they were Játs. Sir H. Elliot (History of India, I. 496) represents the Sumrás to be Agnikula Rájputs of the Parmára stock. The Jádejás had been ruling in Kachh since A.D. 1350-1365.

[781] Dwárka (north latitude 22° 15'; east longitude 69°), on the north-western shore of Káthiáváda, famous for its temple of Krishna.

[782] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has 'To-morrow the sword of adamant shall answer your message.'

[783] Farishtah, II. 396-397.

[784] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 112-114.

[785] Dábhol (north latitude 17° 34'; east longitude 73° 16'), on the north bank of the river Váshishti (called Halewacko and Kalewacko by the early navigators. See Badger's Varthema, page 114 note 1) in the British district of Ratnágiri. About this time, according to Athanasius Nikitin (A.D. 1468-1474), Dábhol was the great meeting place for all nations living along the coast of India and Ethiopia. In A.D. 1501 it was taken by the Portuguese. Between A.D. 1626 and 1630 an English factory was established here, but by the end of the century trade had left Dábhol and has never returned.

[786] Cheul, now Revdanda (north latitude 18° 33'; east longitude 72° 59'), from about A.D. 1500 to 1650 a place of much trade.

[787] Mahmúd Begada greatly impressed travellers, whose strange tales of him made the king well-known in Europe. Varthema (1503-1508) thus describes his manner of living: 'The king has constantly 20,000 horsemen. In the morning when he rises there come to his palace 50 elephants, on each of which a man sits astride, and the said elephants do reverence to the king, and, except this, they have nothing else to do. When the king eats, fifty or sixty kinds of instruments, drums trumpets flageolets and fifes play, and the elephants again do him reverence. As for the king himself, his mustachios under his nose are so long that he ties them over his head as a woman would tie her tresses, and he has a white beard that reaches to his girdle. As to his food, every day he eats poison (Hudibras' Prince whose 'daily food was asp and basilisk and toad'), not that he fills his stomach with it, but he eats a certain quantity, so that when he wishes to destroy any great person he makes him come before him stripped and naked, and then eats certain fruits which are called chofole (jáiphal, nutmeg), like a muscatel nut. He also eats certain leaves called tamboli (pán or betel leaf; like the leaves of a sour orange, and with these he eats lime of oyster shells. When he has chewed this well he spurts it out on the person he wishes to kill, and so in the space of half an hour the victim falls to the ground dead. The Sultán has also three or four thousand women, and every night that he sleeps with one, she is found dead in the morning.' Barbosa (A.D. 1511) goes further (Stanley's Trans. 57), saying that so soaked was the king with poison that if a fly settled on his hand it swelled and immediately fell dead. This was the result of his early training. For, on Varthema's companion asking how it was that the king could eat poison in this manner, certain merchants, who were older than the Sultán, answered that his father had fed him upon poison from his childhood. (Badger's Varthema, 110.) Of the origin of Mahmúd's surname Begada two explanations are given: (1) 'From his mustachios being large and twisted like a bullock's horn, such a bullock being called Begado; (2) that the word comes from the Gujaráti be, two, and gad, a fort, the people giving him this title in honour of his capture of Junágadh (A.D. 1472) and Chámpáner (A.D. 1484).' (Bird's History of Gujarát, 202; Mirat-i-Ahmedi Persian Text, 74.) Varthema's account of the poison-eating is probably an exaggeration of the Sultán's habit of opium-eating to which from his infancy he was addicted. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 751) speaks of the great physical power of Mahmúd and of his wonderful appetite. Mahmúd's daily food weighed forty sers the ser being 15 bahlulis a little over half a pound. He used to eat about three pounds (5 sers) of parched gram to dessert. For breakfast, after his morning prayer, Mahmúd used to consume a cupfull of pure Makkah honey with a second cupfull of clarified butter and fifty small plantains called sohan kelas. At night they set by his bed two plates of sambúsás or minced mutton sausages. In the morning Mahmúd seeing the empty plates used to give thanks: 'Oh Allah,' he said, 'hadst thou not given this unworthy slave rule over Gujarát, who could have filled his stomach.' His virile powers were as unusual as his appetite. The only woman who could bear his embraces unharmed was a powerful Abyssinian girl who was his great favourite. Of the wealth and weapons kept in store the Mirat-i-Sikandari gives the following details regarding the great expedition against Junágadh (Persian Text, 94): The Sultán ordered the treasurer to send with the army gold coins worth five krors, 1700 Egyptian Allemand Moorish and Khurásáni swords with gold handles weighing 2 1/2 to 3 pounds (4-5 sers), 1700 daggers and poignards with gold handles weighing 1 to 1 1/2 pounds (2-3 sers), and 2000 Arab and Turki horses with gold-embroidered housings. All this treasure of coin and weapons the Sultán spent in presents to his army (Ditto, 94-95).

[788] Ferishtah, II. 404. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 148, 149) calls the Persian ambassador Ibráhím Khán.

[789] Farishtah, II. 408.

[790] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 166-167; Farishtah, II. 411.

[791] The verse supposed to possess the highest virtue against poison is the last verse of Chap. cvi. of the Kurâán.... Serve the Lord of this House who supplieth them with food against hunger and maketh them free from fear.

[792] Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Manuscript), 174, 175, 194.

[793] Both the Mirat-i-Sikandari (287) and Farishtah (II. 419) place Munga in Nandurbár-Sultánpur. The further reference to Rána Bhím of Pál seems to apply to the same man as the Rána Bhím of Munga. Munga may then be Mohangad that is Chhota Udepur.

[794] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 225-226: Farishtah, II. 425-428. The Gujarát Musalmán historians give a somewhat vague application to the word Pál which means a bank or step downwards to the plain. In the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Páhlanpur Edition, page 168) Pálvaráh, whose climate is proverbially bad, includes Godhra Ali Mohan and Rájpípla that is the rough eastern fringe of the plain land of Gujarát from the Mahi to the Tapti. As the Rája of Nándod or Rájpípla was the leading chief south of Ídar Colonel Watson took references to the Rája of Pál to apply to the Rája of Rájpípla. An examination of the passages in which the name Pál occurs seems to show that the hill country to the east rather than to the south of Pávágad or Chámpáner is meant. In A.D. 1527 Latíf Khán the rival of Bahádur Sháh after joining the Rája Bhím in his kohistan or highlands of Pál when wounded is taken into Hálol. The same passage contains a reference to the Rája of Nándod as some one distinct from the Rája of Pál. In A.D. 1531 Ráisingh of Pál tried to rescue Mahmúd Khilji on his way from Mándu in Málwa to Chámpáner. In A.D. 1551 Násir Khán fled to Chámpáner and died in the Pál hills. These references seem to agree in allotting Pál to the hills of Bária and of Mohan or Chhota Udepur. This identification is in accord with the local use of Pál. Mr. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D., Political Agent, Rewa Kántha, writes (8th Jan. 1895): Bhíls Kolis and traders all apply the word Pál to the Bária Pál which besides Bária takes in Sanjeli and the Navánagar-Saliát uplands in Godhra.

[795] Purandhar about twenty miles south by east of Poona, one of the greatest of Dakhan hill forts.

[796] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 238, 239; Farishtah, II. 430. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari (239) the Sultán enquired on which side was the loftiest height. They told him that in the direction of Songad-Chitauri the hill was extremely high. These details show that the cliff scaled by Bahádur was in the extreme south-west of Mándu where a high nearly isolated point stretches out from the main plateau. For details see Appendix II. Mándu.

[797] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 241-242; Farishtah, II. 432.

[798] Halvad is a former capital of the chief of Dhrángadhra in Káthiáváda.

[799] Gágraun in Central India about seventy miles north-east of Ujjain.

[800] Rantanbhúr about seventy-five miles south by east of Jaipur.

[801] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 266, 268; Farishtah, II. 439.

[802] A detailed account of the death of Sultán Bahádur is given in the Appendix.

[803] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 233. Compare Farishtah, II. 427.

[804] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 292.

[805] A poet of the time, Mulla Muhammad of Astarábád, enshrined the date H. 947 (A.D. 1540) in the words:

SADD BUWAD BAR SÍNAH-O-JÁNAI FIRANGÍ ÍN BINÁI. May this fabric press like a pillar on the breast and the life of the Frank.

Farishtah, II. 447. The letter values that make 947 are: S = 60, d = 4, b = 2, w = 6, d = 4, b = 2, r = 200, s = 60, y = 10, n = 50, h = 5, w = 6, j = 3, a = 1, n = 50, f = 80, r = 200, n = 50, g = 20, y = 10, a = 1, y = 10, n = 50, b = 2, n = 50, a = 1, y = 10. Total 947.

[806] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 326-27.

[807] This Imád-ul-Mulk is different from the Imád-ul-Mulk mentioned above (page 258) as receiving a grant of Broach and Surat. The latter had before this retired to Surat, and was killed there in A.D. 1545. (Bird, 266.) Imád-ul-Mulk II. who attacked Burhán, was originally called Malik Arslán (Bird, 272). He is also called the leader of the Turks and Rúmi. This Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi, who was the father of Changíz Khán, was ultimately killed in A.D. 1560 at Surat by his own son-in-law Khudáwand or Ikhtiyár Khán.

[808] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 326-27.

[809] This seems to be the palace referred to in the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, V. 369): After his second settlement of Gujarát (A.D. 1573, H. 981) Akbar left Áhmedábád for Mehmudábád and rested in the lofty and fine palace of Sultán Mahmúd of Gujarát.

[810] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 332.

[811] For Pál compare note 2 page 253.

[812] The fort of Daman was taken by the Portuguese in A.D. 1530, and, according to Portuguese accounts (Faria y Souza in Kerr's Voyages, VI. 413) the country round was annexed by them in 1558. According to a statement in Bird's History, 128, the districts surrendered by Changíz Khán contained 700 towns (villages) yielding a yearly revenue of £430,000 (Rs. 43,00,000). Sanján, since known as St. John's Head (north latitude 20° 13'; east longitude 72° 47'), between Daman and Bassein, seems to be one of the two Sindáns, the other being in Kachh, mentioned by the ninth to twelfth century Arab geographers. According to Idrísi (Jaubert's Edition, 172) the mainland Sindán was a great town with a large import and export trade and well peopled with rich warlike and industrious inhabitants. Idrísi's (Elliot, I. 85) notice of an island of the same name to the east is perhaps a confused reference to the Kachh Sindán which is generally supposed to be the Sindán of the Arab geographers. In A.D. 842, Sindán then a city of some size, is mentioned by Al-Biláduri (Reinaud's Fragments, 216-217) as having been taken by a Musalmán slave Fazl son of Máhán. This Fazl is related to have sent an elephant from Sindán to the Khalífah Al Maamún the Abbási (A.D. 813-833) and to have built an Assembly Mosque at Sindán. (Al-Biláduri in Elliot, I. 129.)

[813] According to Abul Fazl (Akbarnáma, III. 404; Elliot, V. 730) Muzaffar was a base-born boy of the name of Nathu.

[814] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot's India, V. 339 note 2.

[815] These Mírzás were the great grandsons of a Muhammad Sultán Mírza, the ruler of Khurásán, who, on being driven out of his dominions, sought refuge in India. This prince and his family on the ground of their common descent from Taimûr, were entertained first by Bábar (A.D. 1526-1531), and afterwards by Humáyún (A.D. 1531-1556). Before this quarrel Akbar had treated the Mírzás with great honour. Elliot's History, VI. 122.

[816] The modern game of polo. Lane in his translation of the Thousand and One Nights (I. 76, 1883 Edition) calls it the golf-stick, but the nature of the game described there does not in any way differ from polo. Chaugán is the Persian and As-súlján-wal-kurah the Arabic name for the game.

[817] The emperor Akbar took Muzaffar Sháh with him to Agra, and settled on him the districts of Sárangpur and Ujjain in Málwa with a revenue of Rs. 20,00,000 (50 lákhs of tankás) (Elliot, V. 353). When Mun'im Khán Khán Khánán was going to Bengal, the emperor made Muzaffar over to him. Mun'im Khán gave his daughter Sháhzádah Khánam in marriage to Muzaffar, but shortly afterwards having reason to suspect him imprisoned him, whence Muzaffar finding an opportunity fled to Gujarát in A.D. 1581 (H. 989) according to Farishtah (II. 460), 1583 according to the Mirat-i-Sikandari.

[818] Both the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Elliot, V. 342) and Farishtah (I. 491) name four other nobles Mír Abu Turáb, Sayad Áhmed Bhukhári, Malik Ashraf, and Wajíh-ul-Mulk. The Sayad Áhmed of these two writers is a misprint for the Sayad Hámid of the text.

[819] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 415; Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 343.

[820] These details of the Surat expedition are taken from the Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 343-346 and Abúl Fazl's Akbar-námah in Elliot, VI. 42.

[821] The emperor Jehángír in his Diary (Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri, Persian Text, Sir Sayad Ahmed's Edition, page 196) says that Biharji or Viharji was the hereditary title of the chiefs of Báglán. The personal name of the Baglán Bihárji of his time was Partáp.

[822] According to the Áin-i-Akbari (Blochmann, I. 325) the province of Gujarát over which the Kokaltásh was placed did not pass further south than the river Mahi.

[823] Tuzuki Jehángíri or Jehángír's Memoirs, Pers. Text, Sayad Áhmed Khán's Edition page 20. For Akbar's march compare Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 365 and Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 325 and note. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Pers. Text, 131) records these further details: When starting from his last camp Akbar began to mount his horse on the day of the battle that took place near Áhmedábád. The royal steed unable to bear the weight of the hero laden with the spirit of victory sat down. Rája Bhagwándás Kachwáhah ran up to the rather embarrassed emperor and offered him his congratulations saying: This, your Majesty, is the surest sign of victory. There are also two further signs: the wind blows from our back and the kites and vultures accompany our host.

[824] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 405.

[825] Mángrúl (north latitude 21° 8'; east longitude 70° 10'), a seaport on the south coast of Káthiáváda, about twenty miles west of Somnáth. This town, which is supposed to be the Monoglossum emporium of Ptolemy (A.D. 150) (see Bird, 115), is spelt Mánglúr by the Muhammadan historians. Barbosa (A.D. 1511-1514), under the name of Surati-mangaler, calls it a 'very good port where many ships from Malabár touch for horses, wheat, rice, cotton goods, and vegetables.' In A.D. 1531 the city was taken by the Portuguese general Sylveira with a vast booty and a great number of prisoners (Churchill's Travels, III. 529). It is incidentally mentioned in the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1590). In A.D. 1638 Mandelslo describes it as famous for its linen cloth, and in A.D. 1700 it is mentioned by Hamilton (New Account, I. 136) as a place of trade.

[826] This has been rendered by Bird, 353, 'the mountain of Dínár,' as if Koh Dínár.

[827] H. 992 (1584 A.D.) according to the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Elliot, V. 428).

[828] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 422. Compare Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 386.

[829] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 426: Farishtah, I. 503; Elliot, V. 434. In honour of this victory the Khán Khánán built, on the site of the battle, a palace and garden enclosing all with a high wall. This which he named Jítpur the City of Victory was one of the chief ornaments of Áhmedábád. In November 1613 the English merchant Wittington writes (Kerr's Voyages, IX. 127): A kos from Sarkhej is a pleasant house with a large garden all round on the banks of the river which Chon-Chin-Naw (Khán Khánán) built in honour of a great victory over the last king of Gujarát. No person inhabits the house. Two years later (1615) another English merchant Dodsworth (Kerr, IX. 203) describes the field of Victory as strongly walled all round with brick about 1 1/2 miles in circuit all planted with fruit trees and delightfully watered having a costly house called by a name signifying Victory in which Khán Khánán for some time resided. In 1618, the emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Persian Text, 210-213) on his way to Sarkhej visited the Khán-i-Khánán's Bághi Fateh or Garden of Victory which he had built at a cost of two lákhs of rupees ornamenting the garden with buildings and surrounding it with a wall. The natives he notices call it Fateh-Wádi. In 1626 the English traveller Herbert (Travels, 66) writes: Two miles nearer Áhmedábád than Sirkhej are the curious gardens and palace of Khán Khánán where he defeated the last of the Cambay kings and in memory built a stately house and spacious gardens the view whereof worthily attracts the traveller. Mandelslo writing in 1638 is still louder in praise of Tschietbág the Garden of Victory. It is the largest and most beautiful garden in all India because of its splendid buildings and abundance of fine fruits. Its site is one of the pleasantest in the world on the border of a great tank having on the water side many pavilions and a high wall on the side of Áhmedábád. The lodge and the caravanserai are worthy of the prince who built them. The garden has many fruit trees oranges, citrons, pomegranates, dates, almonds, mulberries, tamarinds, mangoes, and cocoanuts so closely planted that all walking in the garden is under most pleasing shade (Mandelslo's Travels, French Ed. 111-112). When (A.D. 1750) the Mirat-i-Áhmedi was written several of the buildings and the remains of the summer house were still to be seen (Bird's History of Gujarát, 375). A few traces of the buildings known as Fateh Bádi or Victory Garden remains 1879). (Áhmedábád Gazetteer, 292.)

[830] Two lákhs of mahmúdis. The mahmúdi varied in value from about one-third to one-half of a rupee. See Introduction page 222 note 2.

[831] Morvi (north latitude 29° 48'; east longitude 70° 50'), a town in Káthiáváda, about twenty-one miles south of Kachh.

[832] Jagat (north latitude 22° 15'; east longitude 69° 1'), the site of the temple of Dwárka, at the western extremity of the peninsula of Káthiáváda.

[833] Verával (north latitude 20° 55'; east longitude 70° 21'), on the south-west coast of Káthiáváda. On the south-east point of Verával bay stood the city of Dev or Mungi Pátan and within its walls the temple of Somanátha.

[834] Jehángír's Memoirs, Persian Text, 23; Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 470. Bahádur died about A.D. 1614: Jehángír's Memoirs, 134.

[835] Now belonging to His Highness the Gáikwár about twenty-seven miles north-west of Áhmedábád.

[836] Belpár, belonging to the Thákor of Umeta in the Rewa Kántha.

[837] This Mándwa is probably the Mándwa under His Highness the Gáikwár in his district of Atarsumba, but it may be Mándwa on the Narbada in the Rewa Kántha. Atarsumba is about ten miles west of Kapadvanj in the British district of Kaira.

[838] Jehángír's Memoirs, Persian Text, 75.

[839] Now belonging to the Rája of Dharampur, east of the British district of Surat.

[840] In this year (A.D. 1611) the English East India Company sent vessels to trade with Surat. The Portuguese made an armed resistance, but were defeated. The Mughal commander, who was not sorry to see the Portuguese beaten, gave the English a warm reception, and in A.D. 1612-13 a factory was opened in Surat by the English, and in A.D. 1614 a fleet was kept in the Tápti under Captain Downton to protect the factory. In A.D. 1615, Sir Thomas Roe came as ambassador to the emperor Jehángír, and obtained permission to establish factories, not only at Surat but also at Broach, Cambay and Gogha. The factory at Gogha seems to have been established in A.D. 1613. The emperor Jehángír notes in his memoirs (Persian Text, 105) that Mukarrab Khán, viceroy from A.D. 1616-1618, regardless of cost had bought from the English at Gogha a turkey, a lemur and other curiosities. On his return from Jehángír's camp at Áhmedábád in January 1618 Roe obtained valuable concessions from the viceroy. The governor of Surat was to lend ships to the English, the resident English might carry arms, build a house, practise their religion, and settle their disputes. Kerr's Voyages, IX. 253. The Dutch closely followed the English at Surat and were established there in A.D. 1618.

[841] At first Jehángír, who reached Áhmedábád in the hot weather (March A.D. 1618), contented himself with abusing its sandy streets, calling the city the 'abode of dust' gardábád. After an attack of fever his dislike grew stronger, and he was uncertain whether the 'home of the simoom' samumistán, the 'place of sickness' bímáristán, the 'thorn brake' zakumdár, or 'hell' jahánnamábád, was its most fitting name. Even the last title did not satisfy his dislike. In derision he adds the verse, 'Oh essence of all goodnesses by what name shall I call thee.' Elliot's History of India, VI. 358; Jehángír's Memoirs Persian Text, 231. Of the old buildings of Áhmedábád, the emperor (Memoirs, Persian Text, 208-210) speaks of the Kánkariya tank and its island garden and of the royal palaces in the Bhadar as having nearly gone to ruin within the last fifty years. He notes that his Bakhshi had repaired the Kánkariya tank and that the viceroy Mukarrab Khán had partly restored the Bhadar palaces against his arrival. The emperor was disappointed with the capital. After the accounts he had heard it seemed rather poor with its narrow streets, its shops with ignoble fronts, and its dust, though to greet the emperor as he came on elephant-back scattering gold the city and its population had put on their holiday dress. The emperor speaks (Memoirs, Persian Text page 211) of having met some of the great men of Gujarát. Chief among these was Sayad Muhammad Bukhári the representative of Sháhi Álam and the sons of Sháh Wajíh-ud-dín of Áhmedábád. They came as far as Cambay to meet the emperor. After his arrival in the capital Jehángír with great kindness informally visited the house and garden of Sikandar Gujaráti the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari, to pick some of the author's famous figs off the trees. Jehángír speaks of the historian as a man of a refined literary style well versed in all matters of Gujarát history, who six or seven years since had entered his (the imperial) service (Memoirs, 207-211). On the occasion of celebrating Sháh Jehán's twenty-seventh birthday at Áhmedábád Jehángír records having granted the territory from Mándu to Cambay as the estate of his son Sháh Jehán (Prince Khurram). Memoirs, Persian Text, 210-211. Before leaving Gujarát the emperor ordered the expulsion of the Sevadas or Jain priests, because of a prophecy unfavourable to him made by Mán Sing Sewda (Memoirs, Persian Text, 217).

[842] This was probably the gold ashrafi or seraph of which Hawkins (1609-1611) says, 'Serraffins Ekberi, which be ten rupees a-piece.' Thomas Chron. Pat. Kings of Dehli, 425.

[843] The peaked masonry tomb over Aurangzíb's after-birth with its mosque, enclosure, and intact endowment is one of the curiosities of Dohad. In a letter to his eldest son Muhammad Muâzzam then (A.D. 1704) viceroy of Gujarát the aged Aurangzíb writes: My son of exalted rank, the town of Dohad, one of the dependencies of Gujarát, is the birth-place of this sinner. Please to consider a regard for the inhabitants of that town incumbent on you, and continue in office its decrepid old Faujdár. In regard to that old man listen not to the whisperings of those suffering from the disease of self-interest: "Verily they have a sickness in their hearts and Allah addeth to their ailments." (Letters of the Emperor Aurangzíb: Persian Text, Cawnpur Edition, Letter 31.)

[844] Elliot, VII. 24.

[845] The words used in the text is tuyúl. In meaning it does not differ from jágir.

[846] This is one of the first mentions in history of peninsular Gujarát as Káthiáváda, or as anything other than Sorath or Sauráshtra. The district referred to was probably united to the eastern possessions of the Kháchar Káthis and Panchál.

[847] The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi says that in his time, A.D. 1746-1762, these Navánagar koris were current even in Áhmedábád, two koris and two-thirds being equal to one imperial rupee. They were also called jámis. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, 225) calls them mahmúdis. The legend on the reverse was the name of the Gujarát Sultán Muzaffar and on the obverse in Gujaráti the name of the Jám. Usually two mahmúdis and sometimes three went to the imperial rupee. The author says that in Áhmedábád up to his day (A.D. 1756) the account for ghi clarified butter was made in mahmúdis. When the order for melting the mahmúdis was passed a mint was established at Junágadh but was afterwards closed to suit the merchants from Diu and other parts who transmitted their specie to Áhmedábád.

[848] The traveller Mandelslo, who was in Áhmedábád in 1638, says: No prince in Europe has so fine a court as the governor of Gujarát. Of none are the public appearances so magnificent. He never goes out without a great number of gentlemen and guards on foot and horse. Before him march many elephants with housings of brocade and velvet, standards, drums, trumpets, and cymbals. In his palace he is served like a king and suffers no one to appear before him unless he has asked an audience. (Travels, French Edition, 151.) Of the general system of government be says: The viceroy is absolute. It is true he summons leading lords of the country to deliberate on judgments and important matters. But they are called to ascertain their views not to adopt them. On the one hand the king often changes his governors that they may not grow overpowerful. On the other hand the governors knowing they may be recalled at any time take immense sums from the rich merchants especially from the merchants of Áhmedábád against whom false charges are brought with the view of forcing them to pay. As the governor is both civil and criminal judge if the merchants did not temper his greed they would be ruined beyond remedy. (Ditto, 150.) The frequent changes of viceroys in Gujarát is explained by Terry, 1615-17 (Voyage to East Indies, 364): To prevent them from becoming popular the king usually removes his viceroys after one year sending them to a new government remote from the old one. Terry adds a curious note: When the king sends any one to a place of government they never cut their hair till they return into his presence as if they desired not to appear beautiful except in the king's sight. As soon as he sees them the king bids them cut their hair (Ditto, 365). It does not seem to have been cheating to keep up fewer horse than the number named. Terry (Voyage to East Indies, 391) says: He who hath the pay of five or six thousand must always have one thousand or more in readiness according to the king's need of them, and so in proportion all the rest.

[849] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, II. 46-47. Pinjárás are cotton teasers, Mansúris are Pinjárás who worship Mansúr a tenth century (3rd century Hijrah) saint.

[850] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, 237.

[851] Jhábua, now under the Bhopáwar Agency.

[852] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, 249.

[853] Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, 274, 279.

[854] Ráygad (north latitude 18° 14'; east longitude 73° 30'), the name given in A.D. 1662 to Rairi, a hill fortress in the Mahád sub-division of the Kolába collectorate. Shiváji took the place and made it his capital in A.D. 1662.

[855] Janjira (north latitude 17° 59' to 18° 32') that is Jazírah the Island, on the western coast, about forty-four miles south of Bombay.

[856] Another post of Islámábád was at Punádra in the parganah of Ázamábád on the Wátrak about twenty-one miles east-south-east of Áhmedábád. Ázamábád was built by Ázam Khán during his viceroyalty (A.D. 1635-1642) and at his request by permission of the emperor Sháh Jehán was erected into a parganah. For the pay of the garrison twelve villages were attached from the neighbouring parganahs of Bahyal and Kapadvanj.

[857] The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, 311) adds that Bahlol's following of Kasbátis was so poorly equipped that he had to mount many of them, for whom he could not find horses, on bullocks. The sense of security in the mind of the Ídar chief bred by contempt at the sight of this motley crowd was the chief cause of Bahlol's success.

[858] The zakát or purification is the tax required by law to be given annually to the poor. It is levied on camels, oxen, buffaloes, sheep, goats, horses, asses, mules, and gold or silver whether in money or ornaments or vessels. The tax is not levied on any one who owns less than a minimum of five camels, thirty oxen, forty-five sheep, five horses, two hundred dirhems or twenty dinárs. The proportion to income is generally one-fortieth; the amount may be paid either in kind or in money. Compare Stanley Lane Poole's Arabian Society in the Middle Ages, 14.