Chapter XXXIII: Appendix: D (2)

_The Caturiges._ } Independent peoples on the upper channels of the Durance
_The Centrones._ } and the Isère, and in the mountains of the
_The Graioceli._ } Tarentaise.

[64] _De Bello Gallico_, III. 10.

[65] Four hundred, according to Appian (_Civil War_, II. 150); three hundred and five, according to Flavius Josephus (_Wars of the Jews_, II. xxviii. 5); three hundred, according to Plutarch (_Cæsar_, 15); about a hundred and forty, according to Pliny (_Hist. Nat._, III. 5; IV. 31-33).

[66] “Nevertheless, it was said at Rome that it was not only the Treviri and the Ædui who revolted, but the sixty-four states of Gaul.” (Tacitus, _Annal._, III. 44.)--The revolt in question was that of Sacrovir, under Tiberius.

[67] Strabo, IV., p. 163, edit. Didot.

[68] Although of Germanic origin, like the Nervii, and glorying in it (Tacitus, _Germania_, 28), the Treviri were often at war with the Germans. (Cæsar, _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 68.)

[69] PEOPLES OF BELGIC GAUL:

_The Aduatuci_, who occupied a part of the province of Namur.

_The Ambiani_, a people of the department of the Somme. Their chief town was Samarobriva (_Amiens_).

_The Ambivareti_, established on the left bank of the Meuse, to the south of the marsh of Peel.

_The Atrebates_, the people of the ancient Artois, and a part of French Flanders. Their principal _oppidum_ was Nemetocenna (_Arras_).

_The Bellovaci_, occupying the greater part of the department of the Oise (the ancient Beauvaisis), and who extended, probably, to the sea. (Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, IV. 17.)

_The Caletes_, whose territory answered to the ancient Pays de Caux (the western and central part of the department of the Seine-Inférieure).

_The Leuci_, who occupied the southern part of the department of the Meuse, the greater part of that of the Meurthe, and the department of the Vosges.

_The Mediomatrices_. They extended from the upper course of the Meuse to the Rhine (department of the Moselle, and part of the departments of the Meuse, the Meurthe, the Upper Rhine, and the Lower Rhine).

_The Menapii_, who occupied the territory comprised between the Rhine and the mouths of the Scheldt.

_The Morini_, who inhabited the western part of the department of the Pas-de-Calais, and extended to near the mouths of the Scheldt.

_The Nervii_, established between the Sambre and the Scheldt (French and Belgic Hainaut, provinces of Southern Brabant, of Antwerp, and part of Eastern Flanders). The writers posterior to Cæsar mention Bagacum (_Bavay_) as their principal town.

_The Ceutrones_, }
_The Geiduni_, } Clients (or dependents) of the Nervi, whose territories
_The Grudii_, } appear to have been situated on the left of
_The Pleumoxii_, } the Meuse, from Mézières to near Hasselt.
_The Levaci_, }

_The Remi_, whose territory embraced the greater part of the departments of the Marne and the Ardennes, a fraction of the departments of the Aisne and the Meuse, and of the province of Luxemburg. Their principal town was Durocortorum (_Rheims_).

_The Suessiones_, the people of the ancient Soissonais, whose territory comprised the greater part of the department of the Aisne. Principal _oppidum_, Noviodunum (_Soissons_).

_The Treviri_, separated from Germany by the Rhine, and occupying the whole lower basin of the Moselle (Rhenish Luxemburg, Prussia, and Bavaria). The Treviri had for clients--

_The Condrusi_, established to the south of the Meuse, in the
ancient Condroz, and who reached almost to Aix-la-Chapelle.

_The Eburones_, occupying part of the provinces of Liége and
Limburg, and reaching to the Rhine through the ancient duchy of
Juliers.

_The Ceresi_, }
_The Pæmani_, } whose territories extended on the east of the Meuse,
_The Segni_, } to the north of the Remi and the Treviri.

_The Triboces_, established on both banks of the Rhine, occupied the central part of the Grand Duchy of Baden and the north of the department of the Lower Rhine, perhaps already invaded, on the left bank. Their presence on the left bank of the Rhine appears from Cæsar’s account. (_De Bello Gallico_, IV. 10.)

_The Veliocasses_, whose territory embraced the ancient Vexin, and who occupied part of the departments of the Seine-Inférieure and the Eure.

_The Veromandui_, occupying the ancient Vermandois, the northern part of the Aisne, and the eastern part of the Somme.

[70] “Qui belli gloria Gallos omnes Belgasque præstabant.” (_De Bello Gallico_, II. 4, and VIII. 6.)

[71] Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, IV. xxxi, 17.

[72] PEOPLES OF CELTIC GAUL:

_The Arverni_ extended over a vast region, comprising the present departments of the Puy-de-Dôme and Cantal, and part of those of the Allier and the Upper Loire. Gergovia was their principal town. The Arverni had for clients--

_The Cadurei Eleutheri_, whose territory answered to the ancient Quercy (department of the Lot). [This epithet of Eleutheri, which is found in Cæsar (_De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 75) leads us to believe that in southern Quercy there existed Cadurci placed under the dominion of Rome.]

_The Gabali_, who occupied the ancient Gévaudan (the department of the Lozère).

_The Vellavi_, whose territory answered to the ancient Velay (department of the Upper Loire).

_The Aulerci_ formed an extensive nation, which was subdivided into three great tribes, established over the country from the lower course of the Seine to the Mayenné.

1. _The Aulerci Cenomanni_, a fraction of whom was, as early as the
sixth century of Rome, established in Cisalpine Gaul, between the
Oglio and the Adige, and who occupied in Gaul the greater part of
the territory now forming the department of the Sarthe;

2. _The Aulerci Diablintes_, the northern and central parts of the
department of the Mayenne.

3. _The Aulerci Eburovices_, the central and southern part of the
department of the Eure.

_The Bituriges_, a nation which had more than twenty towns. Avaricum (_Bourges_) was the principal. Their territory embraced the ancient Berry (departments of the Cher, the Indre, and part of the Allier).

_The Carnutes_ occupied the greatest part of the present departments of Eure-et-Loir, Loir-et-Cher, and Loiret. Genabum (_Gien_) was one of their most important towns.

_The Ædui_ occupied the modern departments of Saône-et-Loire and the Nièvre, and a part of the Côte-d’Or and the Allier. Their principal _oppidum_ was Bibracte (_Mont-Beuvray_), the place of which was subsequently taken by Augustodunum (_Autun_). Cabillonum (_Chalon-sur-Saône_), Matisco (_Mâcon_), and Noviodunum, afterwards called Nivernum (_Nevers_), were also reckoned among their most important places. The _Ædui_ had for clients--

_The Ambarri_, a small tribe situated between the Saône, the Rhone, and the Ain (department of the Ain).

_The Ambluaretes_, a people occupying a district around Ambierle (arrondissement of Roanne, department of the Loire). (?)

_The Aulerci Brannovices_, a tribe which dwelt between the Saône and the Loire, occupied the ancient country of Brionnais.

_The Blannovii_, who occupied a territory round Blanot (Saône-et-Loire). (?)

_The Boii_, a fraction of a great nomadic nation of this name, of Celtic origin, authorised by Cæsar to establish themselves on the territory of the Ædui, between the Loire and the Allier.

_The Segusiavi_, who occupied the ancient Forez (departments of the Rhône and the Loire), and extended to the left bank of the Saône.

_The Essuvii_, established in the department of the Orne.

_The Helvetii_, who were subdivided into four tribes or _pagi_; their territory occupied the part of Switzerland which extends from the north shore of the Léman to the Lake of Constance.

_The Lemovices_, whose territory answered to the Limousin (departments of the Upper Vienne and the greater part of the Corrèze and the Creuse).

_The Lingones_, whose territory embraced the greatest part of the department of the Haute-Marne and a fraction of the departments of the Aube, the Yonne, and the Côte-d’Or.

_The Mandubii_, established between the Ædui and the Lingones (department of the Côte-d’Or), occupied the ancient country of Auxois. Alesia (_Alise_) was their principal _oppidum_.

_The Meldœ_ occupied the north of the department of the Seine-et-Marne and a small part of the department of the Oise.

_The Nitiobriges_ occupied the greatest part of the department of the Lot-et-Garonne and a fraction of the Tarn-et-Garonne.

_The Parisii_, whose territory embraced the department of the Seine and a great part of the department of the Seine-et-Oise. Their principal town was Lutetia (_Paris_).

_The Petrocorii_, established in the ancient Périgord (department of the Dordogne).

_The Rauraci_, whose origin is perhaps German, established on both banks of the Rhine, towards the elbow which the river forms at Bâle.

_The Ruteni_ occupied the ancient province of Rouergne (department of the Aveyron).

_The Senones_, established between the Loire and the Marne. Their principal town was Agedincum (_Sens_). Their territory comprised a part of the departments of the Yonne, the Marne, the Loiret, Seine-et-Marne, and the Aube.

_The Sequani_, whose territory embraced the ancient Franche-Comté (Jura, Doubs, Haute-Saône, and part of the Haut-Rhin). Principal town, Vesontio (_Besançon_).

_The Turones_, who occupied Touraine (department of Indre-et-Loire).

The peoples whom Cæsar calls _maritime_, or _Armorican_, were--

_The Ambibari_, established at the point where the departments of
La Manche and Ille-et-Vilaine join.

_The Ambiliates_, whose territory comprised the part of the
department of Maine-et-Loire situated to the south of the Loire.

_The Andes_, occupying Anjon (department of Maine-et-Loire and a
fraction of the department of the Sarthe).

_The Curiosolitæ_, occupying the greatest part of the department of
the Côtes-du-Nord.

_The Lemovices Armorici_, fixed to the south of the Loire, in the
southern part of the department of the Loire-Inférieure and the
west of that of Maine-et-Loire.

_The Lexovii_, occupying the department of Calvados, and a fraction
of that of the Eure.

_The Namnetes_, who occupied, in the department of the
Loire-Inférieure, the right bank of the Loire.

_The Osismii_, whose territory answered to the department of
Finistère.

_The Pictones_, occupying Poitou (departments of La Vendée, the
Deux-Sèvres, and the Vienne).

_The Redones_, whose territory embraced the greatest part of the
department of Ille-et-Vilaine.

_The Santones_, occupying Saintonge, Aunis, and Angoumois
(department of the Charente and the Charente-Inférieure, and a part
of the department of the Gironde).

_The Unelli_, the people of the ancient Contentin (department of La
Manche).

_The Veneti_, whose territory included the department of Morbihan.

To these maritime peoples we must add--

_The Caletes_, }
_The Essuvii_, } mentioned above.
_The Morinu_, }

We may also join to the Celtic populations--

_The Nuntuates_, }
_The Seduni_, } Alpine tribes, established on the upper course of the
_The Veragri_, } Rhone, in the Valais and the Chablais.

[73] Tacitus. _Germania_, 28.

[74] PEOPLES OF AQUITAINE:

_The Ausci_, who occupied the central part of the department of the Gers, the most powerful of the nations of Aquitaine, according to Pomponius Mela (III. 2).

_The Bigerriones_ occupied Bigorre (department of the Hautes-Pyrénées).

_The Cocosates_, established on the coasts of the Gulf of Gascony, in the Landes (the southern part of the department of the Gironde and the northern of the department of the Landes).

_The Elusates_ occupied the north-west part of the department of the Gers and part of that of the Lot-et-Garonne.

_The Gates_, at the confluence of the Gers and the Garonne.

_The Garumni_, in the south of the department of the Haute-Garonne.

_The Ptianes_, probably towards Pau and Orthez.

_The Sibuzates_ appear to have occupied the ancient country of Soule (Basses-Pyrénées).

_The Sotiates_ occupied the south-west part of the department of Lot-et-Garonne and a part of the departments of the Landes and the Gers.

_The Tarbelli_ occupied all the territory bordering upon the head of the Gulf of Gascony (departments of the Landes and the Basses-Pyrénées).

_The Tarusates_, established on the Adour, in the ancient Tursan (the south-east part of the department of the Landes). PEOPLES OF AQUITAINE (_continued_).

_The Vasates_ or _Vocates_, established in the country of Bazas (the south-east part of the department of the Gironde).

_The Bituriges Vivisci_, the most northern of the peoples }
of Aquitane (department of the Gironde). }
}
_The Convenes_ (a confederacy of small tribes established } Not mentioned by
in the valleys of the Hautes-Pyrénées and the } Cæsar.
southern part of the department of the Haute-Garonne). }

[75] “Pagus, pars civitatis.” (_De Bello Gallico_, I. 12.)

[76] Cæsar mentions in different pasages the existence of _vici_ among the Helvetii (I. 5), the Allobroges _trans Rhodanum_ (I. 11), the Remi (II. 7), the Morini (III. 29), the Menapii (IV. 4), the Eburones (VI. 43), the Boii (VII. 14), the Carnutes (VIII. 5), and the Veragri (III. 1).

[77] _De Bello Gallico_ VII. 15, 25, 68.

[78] The “Commentaries” name twenty-one _oppida_: Alesia, Avaricum, Bibracte, Bibrax, Bratuspantium, Cabillonum, Genabum, Genava, Gergovia, Gorgobina, Lutetia, Lemonum, Melodunum, Noviodunum Æduorum, Noviodunum Biturigum, Noviodunum Suessionum, Uxellodunum, Vellaunodunum, Vesontio, the _oppidum_ Aduatucorum, and the _oppidum_ Sotiatum.

[79] “Oppidum dictum quod ibi homines opes suas conferunt.” (Paulus Diaconus, p. 184, edit. Müller.)

[80] The Gauls lived in houses, or rather in huts, constructed of wood and with hurdles, tolerably spacious and of a circular form, covered with a high roof. (Strabo, IV. 163, edit. Didot.)--The Gauls, to avoid the heat, almost always built their habitations in the neighbourhood of woods and rivers. (Cæsar, _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 30.)

[81] See a very curious passage in Solinus, chap. 25, on the practice of tattooing among the Gauls.

[82] Diodorus Siculus (V. 28) says that the Gauls were of tall stature, had white flesh, and were lymphatic in constitution. Some shaved; the majority had beards of moderate size.--According to Titus Livius, the Gauls possessed a tall stature (_procera corpora_), flowing hair of an auburn colour (_promissæ et rutilatæ comæ_), a white complexion (_candida corpora_). (Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 17, 21, and Ammianus Marcellinus, XV. 22.) The latter adds that the Gauls had generally a threatening and terrible tone of voice, which is also stated by Diodorus Siculus (V. 31).--The skeletons found in the excavations at Saint-Etienne-au-Temple are 1·80m. to 1·90m. in length.

[83] Strabo, p. 163, edit. Didot.

[84] Isidorus Hispalensis, _Origines_, I. 19, 24.

[85] Diodorus Siculus, V. 30.

[86] Diodorus Siculus, V. 33.

[87] Pliny, XXXIII. 24.--Gold was very abundant in Gaul; silver was much less common. The rich wore bracelets, rings on the leg, and collars, of the purest gold and tolerably massive; they had even breastplates of gold. (Diodorus Siculus, V. 27.)--A great number of these rings and circles of gold, of very good workmanship, have been found in the Gaulish burying-places. The Museum of Saint-Germain contains bracelets and earrings of chased gold, found, in 1863, in a tumulus situated near Châtillon-sur-Seine.

[88] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 14.

[89] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 13.

[90] Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, VIII. xlviii. lxxiii., p. 127, edit. Sillig.

[91] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 22.--Pliny, XXXIV. xvii., p. 162, edit. Sillig.

[92] “Deinde et argentum incoquere simili modo cœpere, equorum maxime ornamentis, jumentorumque ac jugorum, in Alesia oppido.” (Pliny, XXXIV. xvii., p. 162.--Florus, III. 2.)

[93] Milk and the flesh of wild or domestic animals, especially swine’s flesh fresh or salted, formed the principal food of the Gauls. (Strabo, IV., p. 163.)--Beer and mead were the principal drink of the Gauls. (Posidonius quoted by Athenæus, IV., p. 151, _Fragmenta Historicum Græc._, III. 260.)--This statement is made also by Diodorus Siculus (V. 26), who informs us that this beer was made with barley.

[94] Cicero already remarked the propensity of the Gauls to drunkenness (_Orat. pro Fonteio_), and Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 12) also addresses the same reproach to them, which is again stated in Diodorus Siculus (V. 26).

[95] “The Gauls, in their great hospitality, invited the stranger to their meal as soon as he presented himself, and it was only after drinking and eating with them that they inquired his name and country.” (Diodorus Siculus, V. 28.)

[96] Strabo (IV., p. 162) says that the Gauls were of a frank character and good-hearted (literally, without malice).--Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 12), who wrote at the end of the fifth century, represents the Gauls as excessively vain.--Strabo (IV., p. 165) assures us that they were much inclined to disputes and quarrels.

[97] Cæsar often speaks of the fickleness of temper of this people, which, during a long period, gave great trouble to the Roman people. “Omnes fere Gallos novis rebus studere, et ad bellum mobiliter celeriterque excitari.” (_De Bello Gallico_, III 10.)--Lampridius, in his _Life of Alexander Severus_, 59, expresses himself thus: “But the Gauls, those tempers hard to deal with, and who regret all they have ceased to possess, often furnished grave cares to the emperors.”--“Gallorum subita et repentina consilia.” (_De Bello Gallico_, III. 8.)

[98] _De Bello Gallico_, III. 19.

[99] Diodorus Siculus (V. 31) says that the language of the Gauls was very concise and figurative, and that the Gauls made use of hyperbole in blaming and praising.

[100] Diodorus Siculus, V. 32.--Strabo, IV., p. 165.--Athenæus, XIII., p. 603.

[101] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 47 and 48.--Among the Gauls, the women were equal to the men, not only in size, but also in courage. (Diodorus Siculus, V. 32.)--The Gaulish women were tall and strong.--Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 12) writes: “Several foreigners together could not wrestle against a single Gaul, if they quarrelled with him, especially if he called for help to his wife, who even exceeds her husband in her strength and in her haggard eyes. She would become especially formidable if, swelling her throat and gnashing her teeth, she agitated her arms, robust and white as snow, ready to act with feet or fists; to give blows as vigorous as if they came from a catapult.”

[102] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 18: “Ab Dite patre prognatos.”

[103] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 18.

[104] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 19.

[105] The Gauls, like most of the barbarian peoples, looked upon the other life as resembling the present. And with this sentiment, at the funeral, they threw into the funereal pile, letters addressed to the dead, which they imagined he read. (Diodorus Siculus, V. 28.)

[106] Titus Livius tells us (XXXVIII. 17) that the Gauls had long swords (_prælongi gladii_) and great bucklers (_vasta scuta_). In another passage (XXII. 46) he remarks that the swords of the Gauls were long and without point (_prælongi ac sine mucronibus_).--Their bucklers were long, narrow, and flat (_scuta longa, cœterum ad amplitudinem corporum parum lata et ea ipsa plana_). (Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 21.)--“Et Biturix longisque leves Suessones in armis.” (Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I. 422.)--Didorus Siculus (V. 30) says that the Gauls had iron coats of mail. He adds: “Instead of glaive (ξἱφος), they have long swords (σπἁθη), which they carry suspended to their right side by chains of iron or bronze. Some bind their tunics with gilt or silvered girdles. They have spears (λὁγχη or λογχἱς) having an iron blade a cubit long, and sometimes more. The breadth is almost two palms, for the blade of these _saunions_ (the Gaulish dart) is not less than that of our glaive, and it is a little longer. Of these blades, some are forged straight, others present undulated curves, so that they not only cut in striking, but in addition they tear the wound when they are drawn out.”

[107] Strabo, IV., p. 163, edit. Didot.--Pseudo-Cicero (_Ad Herennium_, IV. 32) writes _materis_.

[108] The _amentum_ was a small strap of leather which served to throw the javelin and doubled its distance of carriage, as recent trials have proved. In the _De Bello Gallico_, V. 48, there is mention of a Gaul throwing the javelin with the _amentum_; but this Gaul was in the Roman service, which explains his having more perfect arms. Strabo says that the Gauls used javelins like the Roman _velites_, but that they threw them with the hand, and not by means of a strap. (Strabo, edit. Didot, II. 65.)

[109] Diodorus Siculus, V. 30.

[110] Diodorus Siculus, V. 30.--Varro, _De Lingua Latina_, V. 116.--The Museum of Zurich possesses a Gaulish breastplate formed of long plates of iron. The Louvre and the Museum of Saint-Germain possess Gaulish breastplates in bronze.

[111] “Optimus excusso Lucus Remusque lacerto.” (Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I. 424.)

[112] “Pugnaces pictis cohibebant Lingonas armis.” (Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I. 398.)

[113] Strabo, IV., p. 163, edit. Didot.

[114] Pausanias (_Phocid._, XIX. 10, 11), speaking of the ancient Gauls, who had penetrated to Delphi, says that “each horseman had with him two esquires, who were also mounted on horses; when the cavalry was engaged in combat, these esquires were poised behind the main body of the army, either to replace the horsemen who were killed, or to give their horse to their companion if he lost his own, or to take his place in case he were wounded, while the other esquire carried him out of the battle.”

[115] _De Bello Civili_, I. 39.

[116] _De Bello Gallico_, III. 20 and VII. 22.

[117] _De Bello Gallico_, III. 21 and VII. 22.

[118] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 14.

[119] Diodorus Siculus, V. 29.--See the bas-reliefs from Entremonts in the Museum of Aix, representing Gaulish horsemen, whose horses have human heads suspended to the poitrel.

[120] Cæsar, _De Bello Gallico_, IV. 5; VII. 3.

[121] Titus Livius (V. 46) represents the Gauls as very religious.

[122] The existence of human sacrifices among the Gauls is attested by a great number of authors. (Cicero, _Orat. pro Fonteio_, xiv. 31.--Dionysius of Halicarnassus, I. 38.--Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I. 444; III. 399, _et seq._--Solinus, 21.--Plutarch, _De Superstitione_, p. 171.--Strabo, IV., p. 164, edit. Didot.)

[123] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 17.

[124] _Pharsalia_, I., lines 445, 446.

[125] “So, in spite of their love of money, the Gauls never touched the piles of gold deposited in the temples and sacred woods, so great was their horror of sacrilege.” (Diodorus Siculus, V. 27.)

[126] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 13, _et seq._

[127] “The Gauls have poets who celebrate in rhythmic words, on a sort of lyre, the high deeds of heroes, or who turn to derision disgraceful actions.” (Diodorus Siculus, V. 31.) And he adds: “They have philosophers and theologians, who are held in great honour, and are named _Druids_ (according to certain texts, _Saronides_). They have diviners, whose predictions are held in great respect. These consult the future by the aid of auguries and the entrails of the victims; and, in solemn circumstances, they have recourse to strange and incredible rites. They immolate a man by striking him with a sword above the diaphragm, and they draw presages from the manner in which he falls, in which he struggles, or in which the blood flows. They authority of the Druids and bards is not less powerful in peace than in war. Friends and enemies consult them, and submit to their decision; it has often been sufficient to arrest two armies on the point of engaging.”--Strabo (VI., p. 164, edit. Didot) relates nearly the same facts. He makes a distinction also between the bards, the priests, and the Druids.

[128] Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 9) speaks as follows of the ancient Druids: “The men of that country (Gaul), having become gradually polished, caused the useful studies to flourish which the bards, the _euhages_ (prophets), and the Druids had begun to cultivate. The bards sang, in heroic verse, to the sound of their lyres, the lofty deeds of men; the _euhages_ tried, by meditation, to explain the order and marvels of nature. In the midst of these were distinguished the Druids, who united in a society, occupied themselves with profound and sublime questions, raised themselves above human affairs, and sustained the immortality of the soul.” These details, which Ammianus Marcellinus borrows from the Greek historian Timagenes, a contemporary of Cæsar, and from other authors, show that the sacerdotal caste comprised three classes--1, the bards; 2, the prophets; 3, the Druids, properly so called.

[129] Amédée Thierry, II. 1.

[130] See Paulus Diaconus, p. 4, edit. Müller.

[131] Diodorus Siculus, V. 29.

[132] _De Bello Gallico_; III. 22.

[133] Cæsar mentions the names of ten kings: 1. Catamantalœdes, among the Sequani (I. 3); 2. Divitiacus and Galba, among the Suessiones (II. 4, 13): 3. Commius, among the Atrebates (IV. 21, 27, 35; V. 22; VI. 6; VII. 75, 76, 79; VIII. 6, 7, 10, 21, 23, 47, 48); 4. Catuvolcus, among the Eburones (V. 24, 26; VI. 31); 5. Tasgetius, among the Carnutes (V. 25, 29); 6. Cavarinus, among the Treviri (V. 54; VI. 5); 7. Ambiorix, among the Eburones (V. 24, 26, 27, 29, 38, 41; VI. 5, 6, 19, 29, 30, 31, 32, 42, 47; VIII. 24, 25); 8. Moritasgus, among the Senones (V. 54); 9. Teutomatus, among the Nitiobriges (VII. 31, 46).

[134] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 88; VIII. 12.

[135] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 16.

[136] Thus the _Civitates Armoricæ_ (V. 53; VII. 75; VIII. 81); Belgium (V. 12, 24, 25; VIII. 46, 49, 54; the Aulerci Cenomanni and the Aulerci Eburovices (II. 34; III. 17; VII. 4, 75; VIII. 7). See the interesting memoir by Mr. Valentino Smith.

[137] Ambarri, necessarii et consanguinei Æduorum (I. 11); Suessiones fratres consanguineosque Remorum, qui eodem jure et iisdem legibus utuntur (II. 3); Suessiones qui Remis erant adtributi (VIII. 6).

[138] _In fide_; thus the Ædui with the Bellovaci (II. 14); with the Senones (VI. 4); with the Bituriges (VII. 5).

[139] Eburonum et Condrusorum, qui sunt Trevirorum clientes (IV. 6); Carnutes ... usi deprecatoribus Remis, quorum erant in clientela (VI. 4); imperant Æduis atque eorum clientibus Segusiavis, Ambluaretis, Aulercis Brannovicibus, Brannoviis (VII. 75)

[140] The known federations of this kind are--1, that of the Belgæ against the Romans, in the year 57 before Jesus Christ (_De Bello Gallico_, II. 4); 2, that of the Veneti with the neighbouring tribes, in the year 56 (_De Bello Gallico_, III. 9); 3, that of the Treviri, the Nervii, The Aduatuci, and the Menapii, in the year 53 (_De Bello Gallico_, VI. 2); 4, that of the peoples who invested Camulogenus with the supreme power, in 52 (_De Bello Gallico_, VII. 57); 5, the great federation which placed all the forces of Gaul under the command of Vercingetorix (_De Bello Gallico_, VII. 63).

[141] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 11.

[142] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 11.

[143] _De Bello Gallico_, V. 3, 54; VI. 11; VII. 75; VIII. 22.

[144] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 30.

[145] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 63.

[146] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 11.

[147] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 12.

[148] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 4.

[149] _Précis des Guerres de César_, by the Emperor Napoleon I., p. 53, Paris, 1836.

[150] The hostility which prevailed between the Sequani and the Ædui was further augmented, according to Strabo, by the following cause: “These two tribes, separated by the Arar (the _Saône_), both claimed the right of tolls.” (Strabo, p. 160, edit. Didot.)

[151] “Divitiacus, introduced to the Senate, explained the subject of his mission. He was offered a seat, but refused that honour, and pronounced his discourse leaning on his buckler.” (Eumenius, _Panegyric of Constantine_, cap. 3.)

[152] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 12.

[153] The limits of Illyria, in the time of Cæsar, are hardly known; yet it appears that this province comprised the modern Istria and part of Carniola. Aquileia was its capital, situated at the head of the gulf of the Adriatic Sea, not far from the Isonzo. In fact, Strabo (I., p. 178) says that Aquileia was situated without the frontiers of the Veneti, in whose territory this town was included under Augustus. On another side, Titus Livius (XXXIX. 55) informs us that the colony of Aquileia had been founded in Istria; and Herodotus (I. 196), as well as Appian, reckons the Istrians among the peoples of Illyria.

[154] “Molita cibaria.” (_De Bello Gallico_, I. 5.)

[155] Inhabitants of the country of Bâle. The Rauraci inhabited the diocese of Bâle, which was called _Augusta Rauracorum_.

[156] Inhabitants of the south of the Grand Duchy of Baden. The town of Stulingen, near Schaffhausen, is believed to derive its name from the Tulingi.

[157] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 3, 4, and 5.--Scholars have taken great pains to determine the concordance between the ante-Julian calendar and the Julian calendar; unfortunately, the results at which they have arrived are very imperfect. We have asked M. Le Verrier to solve this difficult problem, and we owe to his courtesy the tables placed at the end of this volume. (_Appendix A._)

[158] The bed of the Rhone has changed at several points since the time of Cæsar; at present, according to the report of those who live on its banks, there are no fords except between Russin, on the right bank, and the mill of Vert, on the left bank. (_See Plate 3._)

[159] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 6.

[160] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 18.

[161] This part of the Jura on the left bank of the Rhone is called the _Mont du Vuache_.

[162] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 8.

[163] M. Queypo, in his learned work on the weights and measures of the ancients, assigns to the Roman foot, subdivided into twelve inches, a length of 0·29630m. The Roman pace was five feet, so that the mile was equivalent to a length of 1481·50m.

[164] Dio Cassius says that “Cæsar fortified with retrenchments and walls the most important points.” (XXXVIII. 31.)

[165] The retrenchments which Cæsar calls _murus fossaque_ could not be a wall, in the usual acceptation of the word: first, because a wall would have been but a weak obstacle; further, because the materials were not found on the spot; and lastly, because if so great a quantity of stones had been collected on the bank of the Rhone, we should still find traces of them. I have therefore sought another explanation, and thought that _murus_ might be understood of a natural escarpment rendered steeper by a slight work. Penetrated with this idea, I sought Baron Stoffel, the commandant of artillery, to inspect the localities, and the result of his researches has fully confirmed my suppositions. The following is a summary of his report:--

Considered in its _ensemble_, from Geneva to the Pas-de-l’Ecluse, the Rhone presents the appearance of an immense fosse from 100 to 120 mètres broad, with abrupt and very elevated scarp and counter-scarp. The parts where it does not present this character are few, and of relatively small extent. They are the only ones where operations for passing the river could be attempted--the only ones, consequently, which Cæsar would have need to fortify on the left bank.

1. From Geneva to the confluence of the Arve and the Rhone, an extent of 1½ kilomètres. Breadth of the river, 90 to 100 mètres.--The left bank is flat in the whole of this extent. The right bank has escarpments almost vertical, the height of which varies from 15 to 35 mètres. (_See Plate 3_, mean profile between Geneva and the Arve.) No attempt at passage could have taken place, neither at Geneva, nor between the town and the Arve.

2. From the Arve to the plateau of Aire-la-Ville, extent 12½ kilomètres.--After leaving the confluence of the Arve, the heights of the right bank of the Rhone increase in elevation; the escarpments become formidable.--The left bank is bordered with similar escarpments, and the river runs thus between high and abrupt banks, everywhere impassable. It preserves this character to a kilomètre above the ravine of Avril, near Peney. The profiles _a a_ and _b b_ give an idea of the escarpments of the banks from the Avre to the ravine of Avril. (_See Plate 3_.)--The heights which, on the right bank of the Rhone, extend from Vernier to Peney, sink gradually from one of these villages towards the other, and they form to the east of the ravine of Avril a plateau, the mean elevation of which above the bed of the river is only 20 mètres. Opposite, on the left bank, extends the plateau of Aire-la-Ville. Length 1,700 mètres; breadth, 700 mètres; mean elevation above the bed of the Rhone, 20 to 25 mètres. The heights of the Peney are well disposed for the establishment of an army, and the plateau of Aire-la-Ville would permit an army, the Rhone once passed, to deploy easily. But, in spite of these advantages, it is certain that the Helvetii attempted no operation on this side, for the Rhone flows at the foot of a slope of the height of from 14 to 16 mètres and an inclination of at least 45 degrees.

3. From the plateau of Aire-la-Ville to the point of Epeisses, extent 6 kilomètres.--Down the river from the escarpments of Peney, the heights of the right bank (heights of Russin) form with those of the left bank an immense amphitheatre, nearly circular, the arena of which would be the ground represented green on Plate 3 (diameter, 1½ kilomètres). From the heights of Russin we can descend into the plain to the water of the river. The Rhone, in this part, has never been deep or rapid. The left bank is little elevated, entirely flat opposite the mill of Vert, and the slope of the heights which command it is far from impracticable.

Thus, it was here possible for the Helvetii to effect the passage of the river, and climb the heights of the left bank, if they had not been fortified or guarded. This operation presented least difficulty in the part _t t o_. And we can hardly doubt that the Romans fortified it to add to the natural obstacles, which were insufficient in this extent. (_See the profile c c._)

An attentive examination of the locality, the discovery of certain irregularities of ground, which we may be allowed to consider as vestiges, lead us to explain in the following manner the expression _murum fossamque perducit_.

Cæsar took advantage of the mean heights at the foot of which the Rhone flows, to cause to be made, on the slope towards the river, and beginning with the crest, a longitudinal trench, of such a depth that the main wall had an elevation of 16 feet. The earth arising from the excavation was thrown down the side of the slope, and the crest was furnished with palisades. (_See the profile of the retrenchment._) It was, properly speaking, a fosse, the scarp of which was higher than the counter-scarp.

The hills on the left bank, which rise opposite Russin, are accessible, especially in an extent of 900 mètres, reckoning from the point where the ravine which descends to Aire-la-Ville opens upon the river. They form there, among other peculiarities of the ground, a terrace 8 mètres in breadth, rising from 13 to 14 mètres above the plain, and descending to this by a tolerably uniform _talus_ of 45 degrees.

The Romans would be able to prevent the access by means of the trench just described. They, no doubt, continued it to the point _o_, where the terrace ceases, and the heights become impracticable. It would then have been from 800 to 900 mètres long.

If we continue to descend the Rhone, we meet, on the left bank, first with the perpendicular escarpments of Cartigny, which are 70 or 80 mètres in height, and then abrupt beaches to near Avully. Below Cartigny, the Rhone surrounds a little plain, very slightly inclined towards the river, and presenting a projection of land (_v r_) from 5 to 6 mètres high, with a _talus_ of less than 45 degrees. The bank being of small elevation, the Helvetii might have landed there. To prevent this, the Romans opened, in the _talus_ which fronted the Rhone, a trench similar to the preceding; it was 250 mètres long.

The heights of Avully and Epeisses leave between them and the river a tolerably vast space, composed of two distinct parts. The first is formed of gentle slopes from Avully to a projection of land, _q p_; the other part is a plain comprised between this projection of land and the left bank of the river. On the right bank a torrent-like river, the London, debouches into flat ground named La Plaine. The Helvetii might have made their preparations for passing the Rhone there, and directed their efforts towards the western point of La Plaine, in face of the low and flat land comprised between the left bank and the escarpment _q p_. In this part the left bank is only from 1½ to 2 mètres high. Moreover, the slopes of Avully are not difficult to climb, and therefore the Romans must have sought to bar the passage in this direction. (_See the broken profile d e f._) The escarpment _q p_, from its position and height, is easy to fortify. Its length is 700 mètres; its mean elevation above the plain, 18. It presents to the river a _talus_ of less than 45 degrees. The Romans made in this _talus_, along the crest, a trench, forming wall and fosse. Its length was 700 mètres.

4. From the point of Epeisses to the escarpments of Etournel, extent 6 kilomètres.--From Epeisses to Chancy the Rhone flows in a straight line, and presents the appearance of a vast fosse, 100 mètres wide, the walls of which have an inclination of more than 45 degrees. (_See the profile g g_.)

At 200 mètres above Chancy, at _k_, the character of the banks changes suddenly. The heights on the right sink towards the river in tolerably gentle slopes, through an extent of 2,300 mètres, reckoning from _k_ to the escarpments of Etournel. Opposite, on the left bank, extends the plateau of Chancy. It presents to the Rhone, from _k_ to _z_, in a length of 1,400 mètres, an irregular crest, distant from 50 to 60 mètres from the river, and commanding it by about 20 mètres. The side towards the Rhone, from _k_ to _z_, presents slopes which are very practicable. (_See the profile h h._)

The position of Chancy was certainly the theatre of the most serious attempts on the part of the Helvetii. Encamped on the heights of the right bank, they could easily descend to the Rhone, and there make their preparations for passing, on an extent of 1,500 mètres. The river once crossed, they had only before them, from _k_ to _z_, slopes which were practicable to debouch on the plateau of Chancy.

The Romans had then to bar the gap _k z_ by joining the impassable escarpments which terminate in _k_ with those which commence at _z_, and which are also inaccessible. To effect this, they opened from one of these points to the other, in the upper part of the slope at the foot of which the Rhone flows, a longitudinal trench _k z_, similar to that already spoken of. It was 1,400 mètres in length.

5. From the escarpments of Etournel to the Pas-de-l’Ecluse, an extent of 6 kilomètres.--At the escarpments of Etournel, the Rhone removes from the heights on the right, and only returns to them towards the hamlet of the Isles, 2 kilomètres farther down. These heights form a vast semi-elliptical amphitheatre, embracing a plain slightly inclined towards the river. It is marked by a green tint on Plate 3. People can descend from all sides and approach the Rhone, the bank of which is flat. Opposite, the left bank presents insurmountable obstacles until below Cologny, at _s_. But below this point, from _s_ to _y_, the bank is flat, and the heights situated behind are accessible on an extent of 2 kilomètres.

The Helvetii, established on the heights of Pougny and Colonges, could descend to the Rhone, and cross it between Etournel and the hamlet of Les Isles. The Romans had thus to unite the escarpments which terminate at Cologny with the impracticable slopes of the mountain of Le Vuache. Here again we shall see that they took advantage of the peculiarities of the ground.

At the village of Cologny, the heights form a triangular plateau, _s u x_, of which the point _s_ advances like a promontory towards the Rhone, which it commands perpendicularly by at least 20 mètres. A projection of land, _s u_, bounds it in front, and separates it from a plain which extends to the river. The escarpment produced by this projection of land presents to the Rhone a slope of about 45 degrees. It rises over the plain about 14 mètres towards its extremity _s_, but diminishes gradually in height, until it is only 2 to 3 mètres in height near the point _u_. (_See the profile n n._) The Romans hollowed, on the slope of the escarpment from _s_ to _u_, a length of 800 mètres, a trench forming wall and fosse. The plateau of Cologny, situated in the rear, offered a favorable position for the defence of this retrenchment. (_See the profile p p._) They prolonged their works towards the west as far as _y_; beyond that, the heights presented sufficient natural obstacles. We may thus estimate that, from Cologny to the mountain of Le Vuache, the Romans executed from 1,600 to 1,700 mètres of retrenchments.

To sum up: the works executed on five principal points, between Geneva and the Jura, represent a total length of about 5,000 mètres, that is, less than the sixth part of the development of the course of the Rhone.

Admitting that Cæsar had at his disposal 10,000 men, we may suppose that he distributed them in the following manner:--3,000 men on the heights of Avully, his head-quarters; 2,500 at Geneva; 1,000 on the plateau of Aire-la-Ville; 2,000 at Chancy; and 1,500 on the plateau of Cologny. These 10,000 men might be concentrated: in two hours, on the heights between Aire-la-Ville and Cartigny; in three hours, on the heights of Avully; in three hours and a half, on the plateau of Chancy; in three hours and a half, these troops, with the exception of those encamped at Geneva, might be brought together between Cologny and the fort of L’Ecluse. It would require five hours to carry the detachment from Geneva thither.

The detachments mentioned above, with the exception of that of Geneva, were established in what Cæsar calls the _castella_. These were constructed on the heights, in the proximity of the retrenchments which had to be defended--namely, at Aire-la-Ville, Avully, Chancy, and Cologny. They consisted probably of earthen redoubts, capable of containing a certain number of troops. They are represented by squares in Plate 3.

Cæsar could reconnoitre every instant the march and designs of the Helvetii, the heights of the left bank of the Rhone presenting a great number of positions where it was easy to place advantageously posts of observation. Commandant Stoffel has pointed out six, which are marked on Plate 3. As it will be observed, the Helvetii, in crossing the Rhone, could not be disturbed by darts thrown from the top of the retrenchments, for these darts would not carry to the left bank of the river. Now there exists at present, between this bank and the foot of the heights in which these trenches were cut, flat ground of more or less extent. Admitting, then, that the Rhone flowed nineteen centuries ago in the same bed as at the present day, we may ask if the Romans did not construct, in these low parts near the bank, ordinary retrenchments, composed of a fosse and rampart. The excavations undertaken by the Commandant Stoffel have revealed everywhere, in these plains, the existence of ground formed by alluvium, which would lead us to believe that the Rhone once covered them. However, even if at that epoch these little plains had been already uncovered, either wholly or in part, we can hardly suppose that Cæsar would have raised works there, since the heights situated in the rear permitted him, with less labour, to create a more redoubtable defence--that of the trenches opened along the crests. As we see, the obstacle presented to the assailants began only with these trenches, at the top of the slopes.

As to the vestiges which still appear to exist, they may be described as follows. The slopes which the Romans fortified at Chancy, from _k_ to _z_, and at Cologny, from _s_ to _y_, present, in the upper parts, in some places, undulations of ground, the form of which denotes the work of man. On the slope of Chancy, for instance, the ground presents a projection, _i i_ (_see the profile h h_), very distinctly marked, and having the remarkable peculiarity that it is about 11 feet high and 8 to 9 feet broad. Now, is it not evident that, if one of the fosses which have been described should get filled up, either naturally, by the action of time, or by the processes of agriculture, it would take absolutely the form _i i_, with the dimensions just indicated? It would not, therefore, be rash to consider these peculiarities of the ground, such as _i i_, as traces of the Roman trenches.

We must further mention the projection of land _v r_, situated below Cartigny. Its form is so regular, and so sharply defined, from the crest to the foot of the _talus_, that it is difficult not to see in it the vestiges of a work made by men’s hands.

It is easy to estimate approximately the time which it would have taken Cæsar’s troops to construct the 5,000 mètres of trenches which extended, at separate intervals, from Geneva to the Jura.

Let us consider, to fix our ideas, a ground A D V, inclined at 45 degrees, in which is to be made the trench A B C D. The great wall A B C had 16 Roman feet in elevation: we will suppose that A B was inclined at 5 on 1, and that the small wall D C was 6 feet high.

The amount of rubbish removed would be as follows:--Section A B C D = 64 square feet, or, reducing it into square mètres, A B C D = 5 square mètres 60 centimètres.

The mètre in length of the earth thrown out would give thus 5·60 cubic mètres.

If we consider the facility of labour in the trench, since the earth has only to be thrown down the slope, we shall see that two men can dig three mètres in length of this trench in two days. Therefore, admitting that the 10,000 men at Cæsar’s disposal had only been employed a quarter of the time, from two to three days would have been sufficient for the execution of the complete work.

[166] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 8.

[167] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 9.--The country of the Sequani comprised the Jura, and reached to the Pas-de-l’Ecluse. (_See Plate 2_, Map of Gaul.)

[168] It has been considered to have been an error of Cæsar to place the Santones in the proximity of the Tolosates: modern researchers have proved that the two peoples were not more than thirty or forty leagues from each other.

[169] Several authors have stated wrongly that Cæsar went into Illyria; he informs us himself (_De Bello Gallico_, III. 7) that he went thither for the first time in the winter of 698.

[170] We believe, with General de Gœler, from the itinerary marked on the Peutingerian table, that the troops of Cæsar passed by Altinum (_Altino_), Mantua, Cremona, Laus Pompei (_Lodi Vecchio_), Pavia, and Turin; but, after quitting this last place, we consider that they followed the route of Fenestrella and Ocelum. Thence they directed their march across the Cottian Alps, by Cesena and Brigantium (_Briançon_); then, following the road indicated by the Theodosian table, which appears to have passed along the banks of the Romanche, they proceeded to Cularo (_Grenoble_), on the frontier of the Vocontii, by Stabatio (_Chahotte_ or _Le Monestier_, Hautes-Alpes), Durotineum (_Villards-d’Arenne_), Melloseeum (_Misoen_ or _Bourg-d’Oysans_, Isère), and Catorissium (_Bourg-d’Oysans_ or _Chaource_, Isère).

[171] “Locis superioribus occupatis.” (_De Bello Gallico_, I. 10.)

[172] There is difference of opinion as to the site of Ocelum. The following remark has been communicated to me by M.E. Celesia, who is preparing a work on ancient Italy: _Ocelum_ only meant, in the ancient Celtic or Iberian language, _principal passage_. We know that, in the Pyrenees, these passages were called _ports_. There existed places of the name of _Ocelum_, in the Alps, in Gaul, and as far as Spain. (Ptolemy, II. 6.)--The itineraries found in the baths of Vicarello indicate, between Turin and Susa, an _Ocelum_, which appears to us to have been that of which Cæsar speaks; there was a place similarly named in Maurienne, on the left bank of the Arc, at an equal distance from the source of that river and the town of Saint-Jean; it is now _Usseglio_. There was another in the valley of the Lanzo, on the left bank of the Gara, from which appears to be derived the name of Garaceli or Graioceli; it was called _Ocelum Lanciensium_. The Ocelum of Cæsar, according to M. Celesia, who adopts the opinion of D’Anville, was called _Ocelum ad Clusonem fluvium_; it was situated in the valley of the Pragelatto, on the road leading from Pignerol to the defile of Fenestrella. This place has continued to preserve its primitive name of _Ocelum_, _Occelum_, _Oxelum_, _Uxelum_ (_Charta Adeladis_, an. 1064), whence by corruption its modern name of _Usseau_. According to this hypothesis, Cæsar would have passed from the valley of Chiusone into that of Pragelatto, and thence, by Mount Genèvre, to Briançon, in order to arrive among the Vocontii.--Polyænus (_Stratag._, VIII. xxiii. 2) relates that Cæsar took advantage of a mist to escape the mountaineers.

[173] “Segusiavi sunt trans Rhodanum primi.” (_De Bello Gallico_, I. 10.) It is to be supposed that there existed a bridge on the Rhone, near Lyons.

[174] Cæsar had deferred his reply till the Ides of April (April the 8th). If it were then decided to bring the legions from Aquileia, the time necessary to bring them would have been as follows:

6 days employed by the couriers to proceed from Geneva to Aquileia.
This time does not appear to us too short, since Cæsar had employed
8 days to go from Rome to Geneva, and that the distance from Geneva
to Aquileia is only 1,000 kilomètres, while it is 1,200 from Geneva
to Rome;

8 days to assemble the legions--in 581, it required only eleven
days to enroll four legions (Titus Livius, XLIII. 45);

28 days from Aquileia to Ocelum (_Usseau_) (681 kilom.)reckoning 24
kilomètres for a day’s march;

6 days’ halts;

7 days from Ocelum to Grenoble (174 kilom.) (_De Bello Gallico_, I.
10);

5 days from Grenoble to Lyons (126 kilom.)
--
60

According to this reckoning, Cæsar required 60 days, reckoning from the moment when he decided on this course, to transport his legions from Aquileia to Lyons; that is to say, if he sent, as is probable, couriers on the 8th of April, the day he refused the passage to the Helvetii, the head of his column arrived at Lyons towards the 7th of June.

[175] To estimate the volume and weight represented by the provisions for three months for _three hundred and sixty-eight thousand_ persons of both sexes and of all ages, let us allow that the ration of food was small, and consisted, we may say, only in a reserve of meal, _trium mensium molita cibaria_, at an average of ¾ of a pound (¾ of a pound of meal gives about a pound of bread); at this rate, the Helvetii must have carried with them 24,840,000 pounds, or 12,420,000 kilogrammes of meal. Let us allow also that they had great four-wheeled carriages, capable each of carrying 2,000 kilogrammes, and drawn by four horses. The 100 kilogrammes of unrefined meal makes 2 cubic hectolitres; therefore, 2,000 kilogrammes of meal make 4 cubic mètres, so that this would lead us to suppose no more than 4 cubic mètres as the average load for the four-wheeled carriages. On our good roads in France, levelled and paved, three horses are sufficient to draw, at a walking pace, during ten hours, a four-wheeled carriage carrying 4,000 kilogrammes. It is more than 1,300 kilogrammes per collar.

We suppose that the horses of the emigrants drew only 500 kilogrammes in excess of the dead weight, which would give about 6,000 carriages and 24,000 draught animals to transport the three months’ provisions.

But these emigrants were not only provided with food, for they had also certainly baggage. It appears to us no exaggeration to suppose that each individual carried, besides his food, fifteen kilogrammes of baggage on an average. We are thus left to add to the 6,000 provision carriages about 2,500 other carriages for the baggage, which would make a total of 8,500 carriages drawn by 34,000 draught animals. We use the word animals instead of horses, as at least a part of the teams would, no doubt, be composed of oxen, the number of which would diminish daily, for the emigrants would be led to use the flesh of these animals for their own food.

Such a column of 8,500 carriages, supposing them to march in file, one carriage at a time, on a single road, could not occupy less than _thirty-two_ leagues in length, if we reckon fifteen mètres to each carriage. This remark explains the enormous difficulties the emigration would encounter, and the slowness of its movements: we need, then, no longer be astonished at the twenty days which it took three quarters of the column to pass the Saône.

We have not comprised the provisions of grain for the animals themselves: yet it is difficult to believe that the Helvetii, so provident for their own wants, had neglected to provide for those of their beasts, and that they had reckoned exclusively for their food on the forage they might find on the road.

[176] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 11.