Chapter IV: 1796 to 1799

These years represent a period in the history of England of which Englishmen must always be proud. Standing almost alone against the French Republic, before whose victorious armies almost every other nation in Europe succumbed, her Government and people never hesitated to protest, both by word and deed, against the unlawful ambition of the French Directorate. Blinding the French people to a sense of their hardships and their rapidly-increasing debt by the glare of military success, and attributing these same successes to the sudden development of martial spirit and liberty which followed the downfall of the monarchy, the selfish and dishonest leaders of the Republic were enabled not merely to encourage their own army, but to sow doubt and dissension in the ranks of their opponents. By flattering the people they ruled, they were enabled to sin against every rule of good government, and by creating discontent with existing authority among other nations, for which purpose they spared no labour nor expense, they brought France in 1798 to a pinnacle of greatness, to which it had never yet attained. England alone remained to defy them; and to conquer England, either by means of invasion, isolation, or by fomenting rebellion, was their fixed determination. The effect on England of suspended commerce and monetary uncertainty can be realised by the point at which the Three [Sidenote: Annual Registers.] per Cents. stood during these years. In 1796 they fell to 66; in 1797, to 56½; in 1798, the year of the Irish rebellion, they reached 49⅝; and, after its suppression, they rose again to 55. In 1796 the Bank of England suspended payment; and the discontent of the Navy was such as to render very probable the mutinies, which took place in the following year. The same dissatisfaction prevailed in the Army, although to a less extent; but open expression of it was prevented by the wisdom of the Duke of York in obtaining for the troops an increase of pay, and thus removing the grievance, which provoked the discontent among men, who could barely subsist on the miserable pittance that was allowed them. The Board of Ordnance made a similar increase in the pay of the two Corps under their control; and it may be interesting to state the new rates allowed for the [Sidenote: B. O. Warrant, 27 May, 1797.] Artillery. The Master-General, Lord Cornwallis, prefaces his Warrant on the subject by reminding the Corps of their former good conduct and high character, to which he had often been a witness on the most arduous occasions, and to which he had often borne the most ample and honourable testimony, when he had had the honour of commanding them. He felt sure, he wrote, that it was not in the power of the most artful traitor to seduce the soldiers of the Royal Artillery from their loyalty and attachment to their King and country; and then he urged them never to prefer unreasonable requests, whose inevitable refusal might produce discontent,--but at the same time to rely upon his readiness to redress any real grievance. The improvement in the pay of the soldier may be briefly summarised from the lengthy verbiage of the Warrant. Up to 1797, in addition to the provision made for his clothing, pension, quarters, and medical assistance,--and also besides his allowance of beer, &c., provided in quarters, and of bread provided at a reduced rate when in camp,--the soldier received a daily sum of 9½_d._, besides a further daily sum of 2_d._, which under a previous Warrant had been given in lieu of certain allowances; but, under the new Warrant, an additional sum of 3¾_d._ was granted, making the daily pay of the soldier 1_s._ 3¼_d._ Out of this sum, however, the extra price of the bread and meat ration, which had hitherto been borne by the public, was now to be deducted; and, as this averaged 1¾_d._, the net increase of pay was 2_d._ The pay of the various ranks after this Warrant stood as follows, viz.:--

_s._ _d._
Sergeant 2 2 per diem.
Corporal 2 0¼ ”
Bombardier 1 10¼ ”
Gunner and Drummer 1 3¼ ” each.

In the year 1873, the date of the publication of this volume, the rates of pay for the same ranks in the Corps are as follows, viz.:--

_s._ _d._
Sergeant 3 0 per diem.
Corporal 2 4 ”
Bombardier 2 2 ”
Gunner 1 5¼ ”

As in 1797 beer was allowed _in kind_, in addition to the daily pay, the one penny a day subsequently allowed in lieu of it has not been included in the pay of the various ranks in 1873, given above.

The increase of pay produced a feeling of contentment in the whole army; and if sedition had no chance of thriving in the Artillery before, it certainly had none after. An unsuccessful attempt having been made at Woolwich in 1797 to stir up discontent among the men, we gather, from a General Order published shortly afterwards, that the non-commissioned officers and men subscribed a sum of money, which they offered as a reward for the detection of the offenders; and, further, signed voluntarily a paper declaring anew their loyalty to the King and fidelity to the country. This latter step--to modern eyes somewhat superfluous in _attested_ soldiers--was doubtless called forth by certain insults to the King which had been published, and which called forth the indignation of the whole community; and also by the fact that certain soldiers serving in Ireland had been seduced from their colours by the rebels, who, under the name of United Irishmen, were traversing the whole country. The same feeling which prompted this action at Woolwich expressed itself in subscriptions from the Regiment at home and abroad to Mr. Pitt’s Loyalty Loan. It is recorded that the “officers and men of the Royal Artillery at Gibraltar, Martinique, and St. Domingo, having, as tokens of their [Sidenote: Cleaveland’s MSS.] love and attachment to their King and country, transmitted to England subscriptions, as detailed underneath, the Master-General thought it his duty to lay the same before His Majesty, and to observe to His Majesty how rapidly the spirit, which had so laudably shown itself in the Artillery at home, had spread to the detachments abroad. His Majesty, on receiving the information, was graciously pleased to express his approbation, and to permit the Master-General to communicate the same to the Regiment. [Sidenote: B. O. 4 June, 1798.] ‘The Master-General, Marquis Cornwallis, has the greatest satisfaction in obeying this His Majesty’s command, and takes the opportunity of congratulating the Royal Regiment of Artillery on that zeal and alacrity, which, in all services and in all climates and countries, have uniformly marked the character of the Corps.’

“_Subscriptions from Gibraltar._--Major-General Martin, 100_l._; Field Officers and Captains, 30 days’ pay each; subalterns, 14 days’ pay; non-commissioned officers and gunners, 7 days’ pay each.

“_From Martinique._--Officers, 30 days’ pay; non-commissioned officers and gunners, 20 days’ pay each.

“_From Cape Nicholas Mole._--Officers and men, 10 days’ pay each.”

* * * * *

This feeling of loyalty was general throughout the country, and was in no way affected either by temptation from without, or vapouring sedition within. And to this loyal feeling, and the noble successes of her fleets, did England owe her continued maritime superiority and the salvation of her commerce. [Sidenote: Annual Registers.] This latter had been steadily increasing; her imports and exports had risen from 27½ millions in 1784, to 49¼ millions in 1796; and, although checked and cramped by French legislation, her fleets kept the markets of the East and West open. It was during this period that the great naval victories of Camperdown and the Nile were gained, and that Nelson’s activity in the Mediterranean insured the capture of Malta and Minorca by England. Nor was any sea without the British flag. In 1799, there were in the Navy no less than 100,000 seamen, besides 20,000 marines; and both in the English seas and in the West Indies bomb-vessels, with artillerymen on board, were numerous. In the East Indies our armies were gaining renown; and in the West Indies hostilities were going on, in which the Royal Artillery took an active part, which resulted in the retention of all the English islands, and the capture from the French of St. Lucia, Martinique, St. Domingo, Trinidad, Guadaloupe, Tobago, and Curacao. The names of some of the officers of the Corps who were present during these operations are given by the author of ‘England’s Artillerymen.’[7] Consisting mainly of naval, or small detached military operations, the wars in the West Indies possess, as a rule, little but local interest. It may be mentioned, however, that they were much more fatal to our troops through the fevers and pestilence which prevailed, than the actual loss in battle.

The Board of Ordnance during this period did much good work in maturing the defences of the country, which were [Sidenote: Annual Registers.] under its control. In 1797, the cost of the Ordnance was 1,643,056_l._; in 1798, 1,303,580_l._; in 1799, 1,570,827_l._; and [Sidenote: Vol. i. p. 405.] in 1800, 1,695,956_l._ In 1795 the Board completed the Fifth Battalion of the Regiment; and in 1799 the Sixth [Sidenote: Vol. i. p. 410.] Battalion was added. From the very first the Sixth was a most efficient Battalion. It had as a nucleus the two companies known as the East India Detachment; and the [Sidenote: Communicated by Sir E. Perrott.] remaining companies were composed of trained English and Scotch Militiamen, who were permitted to volunteer for service in the Regiment.

It will thus be seen that, during a critical time, the courage and determination of the people of England and their rulers saved the country from much national hardship and danger. But while thus facing a foreign enemy, another foe appeared in their midst. The student of this chapter in British history finds that it includes the story of the great Irish rebellion of 1798.

If ever the sins of the fathers have been visited on the children, it has happened in the case of England’s connection with Ireland. The fathers ate sour grapes, and the children’s teeth are set on edge. If we need a proof of the strength of history as a motive power, we cannot do better than go to Ireland. Here is a brave, a genial, a chivalrous race, shrewd and able in the affairs of life, and yet the mention of injustice done to their forefathers produces to this day such a feeling of indignation and resentment, as blinds them to the fact that the descendants of those whose memory they detest are endeavouring, almost to the opposite extreme, to remove all tokens of former injustice. The history of Ireland, in its relations with England, repeats many familiar truths; it proves that national sins no more go unpunished, than personal; it shows that rebellion without organisation is useless; and it tells most distinctly that reasonable demands have often been refused from want of judgment in the time and manner of urging them. It proves, also, most clearly, yet another point, for which no additional proof is required--that the passions of a people are the very best instrument with which unscrupulous men can work to obtain their own private ends; and that, by stirring these up, they can so blind men to the real goal which it is intended to reach, as actually to make them in time believe their own--possibly legitimate--purpose to be identical with that of their leaders, which, if presented to them in cold blood, would have made them shudder. He who doubts this needs only to study the class of men called the “United Irishmen,” as they were when first organized, and as they became under the manipulation of cunning leaders, and in the face of an imprudent, unreasoning opposition. The Government of England would have yielded much to the quiet reformers, which they were bound to refuse to rebels; and it was this knowledge that made the arch plotters fan discontent into disturbance as quickly as possible, lest, with the satisfaction of just demands and the removal of admitted grievances, the discontent should disappear, and their own vocation with it.

The story of the rebellion in Ireland in 1798 is a sorry one; but it has its place in this history because, at some of the more important engagements between the troops and the rebels, such as those known as the battles of Ross, [Sidenote: Now A Battery, A Brigade; B Battery, A Brigade, and C Battery, A Brigade.] Wexford, and Vinegar Hill, that portion of the Regiment which had so recently been created--the Royal Horse Artillery--was present. Two guns of A, B, and C Troops respectively were present on these occasions. With the exception of these, and some Battalion gun detachments, the Artillerymen engaged during the rebellion in Ireland belonged to the national Corps--the old Irish Artillery--whose loyalty shone undimmed during that trying time.

Although the story of the rebellion itself needs not to be told here, certain facts connected with the Artillery arrangements will probably be found interesting.

From July 1795, care had been taken to impart some knowledge of Artillery drills to the Infantry regiments in Ireland, the custodians of the battalion guns being required to instruct in each regiment at least 30 rank and file, [Sidenote: G. O., 7 July, 1795.] under a subaltern and two sergeants. At this date the battalion guns were not _brigaded_ on field-days, as was afterwards done; but always marched past at the head of [Sidenote: General Regulations for the march of the army in Ireland, 12 Nov. 1796.] the regiments to which they were attached. The ammunition waggons _followed_ the column.

On the 20th February, 1797, battalion guns were issued to the following regiments of Militia, viz., Donegal, Clare, Limerick City, Antrim, Kilkenny, North Mayo, Queen’s County, and Armagh; and one “useful, well-instructed” [Sidenote: G. O., 20 Feb. 1797.] gunner from the Irish Artillery accompanied each pair of guns, which were “to be worked by soldiers of the “regiments.” This had been approved by the Lord-Lieutenant on the 13th February, and orders had been given for the immediate instruction in Artillery duties of over 300 Militiamen. This confidence in the loyalty of the Irish troops shows that the rebellion had but little real hold in the country, except among those with whom it will ever find a welcome, the ignorant and fanatic.

It had always been a dream of France to annex Ireland, or, failing that, to secure its independence; and the time seemed favourable for the purpose. But, owing to circumstances too long to be narrated here, the practical assistance afforded by the French was almost nothing; and the rebellion, although encouraged by French promises, received in the end but little of French performance. It would really seem, after dispassionate study, that the rebellion, in the absence of the excited opposition of the Orangemen, would never have occurred; that the removal of the disabilities of the Catholics would at first have completely gratified those who, after a time, would accept nothing but national independence; and that such removal would in all probability have been granted, had not the moderate reformers among the United Irishmen unfortunately accepted the leadership of men like Wolfe Tone and others, about whose extreme and impossible views there was no doubt whatever. The feeling of discontent was also increased by the intemperate language of the priests, who, in the heated expressions of their opponents, detected a possible future for their Church, even more gloomy than its existing state; but this last-named reason had less to do with the birth of the rebellion, than the causes already stated. To panic-stricken, and therefore cruel, opposition on the part of the Protestants, and to the association of injudicious leaders with their cause, is the fact due that men, whose claims have been admitted by subsequent legislation to be just, landed in 1798 in a most unfortunate rebellion.

In even the most solemn matters there is often an element of the ludicrous; and one who is acquainted with the national character would not be surprised to find such in an Irish rebellion. The guns which were given to the Irish Militia were not at first horsed; and very great difficulty was experienced in procuring horses for the purpose. The loyal Colonel of the Tipperary Militia, Colonel Bagwell, offered to lend his own horses for the purpose, and his [Sidenote: Dated “Royal Hospital,” 25 Feb. 1797.] offer was readily accepted. A letter was then sent to the commanding officers of other Militia Regiments, inviting them to follow Colonel Bagwell’s example, and offering, on the part of the Ordnance, to pay for the horses’ forage, &c., during the time they should be employed. With very few exceptions, the invitation was declined, and a further perusal of the official documents suggests a very natural reason for what would at first sight seem somewhat ungracious, if not disloyal. On the 27th February, 1798, a letter was addressed to the officers commanding the various districts in Ireland, pointing out that it had reached the ears of the Commander-in-Chief “that the limbers of the guns attached to battalions are used for market cars, and other conveniences for the officers and women of the regiments, and that the horses are ridden by officers and their servants about the country at all hours.” The knowledge of this by the officers commanding the regiments would naturally make them reluctant to expose their own horses to such treatment; and a result of these irregularities was the change [Sidenote: Vol. i. p. 165, ‘Royal Irish Artillery.’] which took place from _battalion guns_ to _brigades_, already described. It may be here stated that a considerable number of the men of the Irish Artillery were employed in gun-boats in the Shannon and elsewhere during the rebellion.

The detachments of the Royal Artillery, which were present with the battalion guns attached to the regiments from England, were six in number, each detachment consisting of 1 non-commissioned officer and 9 men. The whole were under the command of Captain Henry Geary, assisted by three subalterns. The regiments to which they were attached were the Guards (three Battalions), the Queen’s, 29th, and 100th Regiments. A reinforcement of two companies was asked for by General Lake, but the successes at Wexford rendered it unnecessary to meet his demand.

[Sidenote: D. A. General to Lord Cornwallis, 28 June, 1798.]

At this time, H.R.H. the Duke of York ordered two 12-pounder guns to be attached to each troop of Horse Artillery, and, as will be seen hereafter, these guns remained part of the armament of the troop of Horse Artillery which formed part of the expedition to the Helder, in 1799. Two guns, from four troops respectively, went to Ireland to assist in quelling the rebellion, but only those belonging to A, B, and C Troops took part in the active operations. The strength of the Horse Artillery sent to Ireland was as follows:--

[Sidenote: Embarkation Returns, dated Woolwich, 26 Nov. 1797.]

2 Captains.
3 Subalterns.
1 Assistant-Surgeon.
2 Staff-Sergeants.
12 Non-Commissioned Officers.
92 Gunners.
51 Drivers.
6 Artificers.
1 Trumpeter.
177 horses (and 13 from Driver Corps).
8 guns.
15 ammunition waggons.
N.B.--The guns were two 12-pounders, two 5½-inch howitzers, four 6-pounders.

The total strength of Horse Artillery left in England was as follows: 968 of all ranks, 920 horses, 42 guns, and 72 waggons.

This included a reserve of 5 guns at Woolwich.

After the rebellion had been quelled, the men of the Royal Artillery, who during the operations had been under the Irish Branch of Ordnance, returned to England; and the following table gives the distribution and strength of the Royal Irish Artillery in the succeeding year. (_See_ pp. 80 and 81.)

Returning to England, the student will find not a few matters of domestic interest which occurred during this period, and which are worthy of being chronicled. A new organisation of the Ordnance Medical Department took place; and on a recommendation of a committee it was [Sidenote: B. O. Proceedings, 5 May, 1797.] resolved, on the 5th May, 1797, that, after the 1st July following, the system of obliging surgeons to furnish the medicines for the troops out of a fixed money allowance should cease, and that one of the Ordnance chemists should be appointed Regimental apothecary. An increase of pay was also granted to the medical officers.

DISTRIBUTION of the ROYAL IRISH REGIMENT of ARTILLERY, October 1799.

INDEX.
A. Lieut.-Colonels.
B. Majors.
C. Captains.
D. Capt-Lieutenants.
E. 1st Lieutenants.
F. 2nd Lieutenants.
G. Staff Sergeants.
H. Sergeants.
I. Corporals.
J. Bombardiers.
K. Drummers.
L. Gunners.
M. Total.

+---------------------------------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
| | A.| B.| C.| D.| E.| F.| G.| H.| I.| J.| K.| L. | M. |
+---------------------------------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
|Brigades { East { Two at Island Bridge | 1| | 1| 2| 2| 1| 1| 3| 3| 4| 2| 80| 99|
| { { One Naas | | | 1| | 2| | | 1| | 3| | 32| 38|
| { { One Arklow | | | | | 1| | | 2| | 2| | 29| 35|
| { { One Wexford | | | | | 1| | | | 1| 1| | 22| 26|
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| { North { Two Charlemont | | 1| | | | 3| | 2| 3| 5| 1| 73| 88|
| { { One Belfast | | | 1| | 1| | | 1| 1| 2| | 36| 42|
| { { One Omagh | | | | 1| 1| | | | 2| 2| | 32| 38|
| { { One Strabane | | | | | 2| | | | 4| | | 32| 38|
| { { One Coleraine | | | | 1| 1| | | 1| 1| 2| | 32| 38|
| { { One Dundalk | | | 1| | 1| | | | 2| 2| | 32| 38|
| { { One Enniskillen | | | | | | 2| | 1| | 3| | 32| 39|
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| { South { One Clonmel | 1| | 1| 1| | 1| | 1| 1| 4| 1| 50| 61|
| { { Two Cork | 1| | 1| 1| 2| | 1| 2| 5| 3| 1| 80| 97|
| { { One Bandon | | | | 1| 1| | | 2| | 1| | 32| 37|
| { { One Limerick | | | 1| | 1| | | 1| 1| 1| 1| 32| 38|
| { { One Tarbert | | | | 1| 1| | | | 1| 2| | 32| 37|
| { { One Waterford | | | 1| | 1| | | | 2| 2| | 29| 35|
| { { One Kilkenny | | | | | 1| 1| | 1| 2| 1| | 31| 37|
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| { West { Two Athlone | 1| | 1| | 1| 1| 1| 1| 4| 4| | 81| 95|
| { { One Galway | | | 1| | 1| | | 1| 2| 1| 1| 32| 39|
| { { One { Carrick-on-Shannon| | | | 1| 1| | | | 1| | | 18| 21|
| { { Castle-bar | | | | | 1| | | | | 2| | 16| 19|
|Batteries. { Charlemont | | | | | | | | 1| 1| 1| | 12| 13|
| { Carrickfergus | | | | | | | | | 1| 1| | 7| 9|
| { Cromie Head | | | 1| | 1| | | | 7| 1| 2| 10| 12|
| { Tanitt | | | | | 1| | | 1| 2| | | 9| 10|
| { Cork Harbour | | | | | 1| | | | | 2| | 78| 92|
| { Charles Fort | | | | 1| | | | 1| 2| | | 12| 15|
| { Duncannon | | | | | | | | 1| | | | 9 | 11|
| { Bantry | | | | | | | | 1| | 1| | 16| 21|
| { Tarbert | | | | | | | | | | | | 13| 14|
| +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
| Total | 4| 2| 11| 10| 26| 9| 2| 25| 49| 53| 8| 1031| 1232|
| +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
|Five { Present | | | 2| 5| 7| | | 4| 17| 15| | 340| 399|
|Companies { Sick, leave, &c. | | | 2| 1| 2| 3| | | | | | | 5|
|in West { To return to Ireland | | | | 1| | 2| | | | | | | 1|
|Indies. { Under orders to proceed} | | | | | 1| | | | | | | | 4|
| { from Ireland } | | | | | | | | 6| 3| 5| 1| 75| 92|
| { Wanting | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
| Total | | | 4| 7| 10| 5| | 10| 20| 20| 10| 415| 501|
| +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
|Invalid { On command { Duncannon | | | | | | | | 1| 1| 1| | 10| 12|
|Company. { Charlemont | | | 1| | | | | | | | | 4| 5|
| { Sick--absent | | | | | 1| | | | | | | | 4|
| { Employed in the Line | | | | | | | | | | | | | 4|
| { Serving in the Militia | | | | | | | | | | 1| | 1| 2|
| { At the Powder-mills | | | | | | | | | | | | 2| 2|
| { Totally unfit for any duty | | | | | | | | | 1| | 1| 22| 22|
| { In and about Head-quarters | | | | | | 1| | | | 1| | 4| 7|
| { Wanting to complete | | | | | | | | | | | | | 1|
| |---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
| Total | | | 1| | 1| 1| | 1| 2| 3| 1| 43| 53|
| +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
|Joined lately from West Indies, and not } | | | | | | | | 4| 1| 2| 1| 11| 19|
| included in any of above numbers } | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
+---------------------------------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+

A change was also made in the Paymasters of the Regiment. It will be remembered that Mr. Cox had been appointed Paymaster to the Artillery in 1759. He was [Sidenote: Cleaveland’s MSS.] succeeded in 1783 by Mr. Adair, who was followed by Messrs. Meyrick. On the 1st July, 1797, the Paymastership [Sidenote: Letters from D. A. G.] was resumed by Messrs. Cox and Greenwood, and continued in that house (subsequently Messrs. Cox and Co.) until [Sidenote: Confirmed by J. C. Woollacott, Esq.] abolished on the 30th September, 1858, since which date they have been agents to the Corps.

In 1797 the first Regimental School was established at Woolwich for soldiers’ children. On the 13th August, Captain--afterwards Sir William--Robe recommended its [Sidenote: MS. by Sir W. Robe, in R. A. Record Office.] formation; and was strongly supported by the Commandant, General Lloyd. A building, then unfinished, and now part of the Horse Artillery Square in Woolwich Barracks, was procured for the purpose; the Duchess of York subscribed 20 guineas for the purchase of books, and this was followed by subscriptions from all the officers at Head-quarters. A sergeant, named Dougherty, was appointed Schoolmaster; and the success of the institution was so great as to induce the Board of Ordnance to undertake its management and support. The first pupil was a difficult, but very creditable subject. He was the son of a gunner in the Invalid Battalion, who lost both his arms when firing the evening gun at an out-station for his father. So remarkable was his progress at school, that it attracted the attention of the military authorities; and this, taken in conjunction with the way in which he had received his injury, obtained for him from the Board a pension for life as a drummer,--although he had never been enlisted as such.

There were a great many officers and men employed in the Bomb service during this time; and as no stoppages were made for rations while the men were employed on board the [Sidenote: Ordnance Letter-books, 20 Sept. 1797.] vessels, the service was a very popular one. Most of the Bomb vessels were employed in the English Channel, the Mediterranean, and among the West India Islands.

The employment of Artillery officers on the Staff of the Army became more common than it had hitherto been; but, with great short-sightedness, it was discouraged by the Board. It was, indeed, too often made a great favour on the part of the Master-General to allow officers to be so employed. Among the names of officers, who can be traced as having received the requisite permission, are Major James M. Hadden, R.H.A., who was appointed Adjutant-General in Portugal, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Sir J. Erskine, who resigned; Lieutenant-Colonel Koehler, who was selected as Quartermaster-General in the Eastern District; and Captain Duncan, who was employed on the personal staff of H.R.H. the Duke of York. The nucleus of an appointment, which to this day has more of a Regimental than an Army nature, dates from this period. [Sidenote: D. A. Gen.’s Correspondence, and Kane’s List.] On 9th June, 1797, Lieutenant A. T. Spearman was appointed Garrison Adjutant in Woolwich. On 7th July, 1802, the title of this office was changed to Brigade-Major, the same officer continuing to hold it; and on 1st April, 1873, the title was again altered, the incumbent, Major A. T. G. Pearse, being styled Assistant Adjutant-General of the Woolwich District. The Director-General of Artillery during the period treated of in this chapter was Major-General Duncan Drummond; the Commandants were, successively, Generals Farrington, Congreve, and Lloyd; and General Blomefield was Inspector of Artillery. In 1797 the Committee of Field Officers, which met periodically to consider warlike inventions, received a more permanent form than hitherto, foreshadowing the Ordnance Select Committee which subsequently came into existence,--Captain Maclean being on the 26th February appointed a standing Secretary to the Committee.

On the 25th December, 1798, certain augmentations in the pensions of widows of officers in the Army were granted; and the Board of Ordnance, as was invariably the case--for in such matters the Artillery and Engineers had no cause [Sidenote: B. O. Letter, 13 Jan. 1799.] for complaint--followed suit. It was decided that widows of officers in the Royal Artillery and Corps of Captain-Commissaries (or Driver Corps) should receive pensions at the following rates:--

£
Widow of Colonel, or Colonel Commandant 80 per annum.
” Lieutenant-Colonel 50 ”
” Major 40 ”
Widow of Captain and Captain-Lieutenant 30 ”
” First Lieutenant 26 ”
” Second Lieutenant 20 ”
” Chaplain 20 ”
” Surgeon-General 30 ”
” Surgeon 26 ”
” Assistant-Surgeon 20 ”
” Captain-Commissary 30 ”
” Lieutenant-Commissary 26 ”
” Quartermaster 20 ”

These rates, as is well known, have been increased since the Warrant of 1799, although still so inadequate as to render Regimental Provident Funds a necessity; but the reader can hardly fail to be struck with the disadvantage under which the widows of non-combatant officers laboured in old times,--a disadvantage which disappeared with the introduction into the Service of what is known as _relative rank_--an arrangement which enabled non-combatant officers to acquire by length of service the same privileges, as fell to the lot of their combatant brethren.

A few statistics may be appended here, as very few domestic chapters will be given between 1799 and the date at which this work comes to an end. The strength of the Regiment, at the commencement of the period embraced by this chapter, was as follows:--

[Sidenote: Return rendered to H.R.H. the Duke of York, 26 Nov. 1795.]

Royal Horse Artillery 1,085 of all ranks.
Marching Battalions 5,560 ”
Invalid Battalion 505 ”
Corps of Captain-Commissaries 1,466 ”
-----
Total 8,616
-----

These were distributed as follows:--

6 Troops of Horse Artillery.
52 Companies of Artillery.
5 Companies of Driver Corps, or Captain-Commissaries.
11 Companies of Invalids.
1 Company of Gentlemen Cadets.

[Sidenote: Kane’s List.]

The geographical distribution of the Regiment, as far as the _combatant_ companies were concerned, was as follows,--the year 1797 being selected as a year of comparative peace, _between_ the two Continental Expeditions under the Duke of York:--

On Home Stations 29 Troops and Companies.
In Portugal 1 Company.
In Canada 4 Companies.
At Cape of Good Hope 2 Companies.
At Gibraltar 5 Companies.
In East Indies 2 Companies (belonging to no Battalions).
In Jamaica 4 Companies.
In Newfoundland 1 Company.
In Nova Scotia and Cape Breton 2 Companies.
In the West Indies (exclusive 8 Companies.
of Jamaica).

Of these companies, as has already been stated, many men were employed on board the bomb vessels. The companies stationed at the Cape of Good Hope deserve special notice at this time, as also subsequently did those at Gibraltar, for their loyalty at a time of mutiny among the other forces on [Sidenote: D. A. General, R.A., 4 Feb. 1798, and Colonel Cleaveland’s MS. Notes.] the station. On the 4th February, 1798, the following letter was published to the Regiment by Colonel Macleod, having been transmitted to him by order of Major-General Dundas, commanding the troops at the Cape of Good Hope, who had in the first instance addressed it to Lieutenant-Colonel Yorke, who commanded the Royal Artillery on that station:--

“Castle of Good Hope,
“15 November, 1797.

“SIR,

“The Corps of Artillery having had the greatest part of the
extraordinary duty which the late disturbances on board the fleet
have occasioned, as their alacrity in discharging their duty was
no less conspicuous than on former occasions, when the Artillery
have been called upon to act, I am directed by Major-General
Dundas to express his entire approbation of their
conduct,--honourable to themselves and to the Service.

“I have, &c.,
(Signed) “P. ABERCROMBIE,
“Major of Brigade.”

Commendation of loyal conduct in time of civil disturbance is as noble a record to hoard in the story of a regiment, as the chronicle of valour in the field. Military discipline is indeed a miserable weapon, if it is not found true in time of national discontent, as well as in the hour of national danger. The great lesson for a soldier to learn is obedience; and if that obedience is to be conditional on the soldier’s inclination, then the nation which trains an armed force is but cherishing a possible enemy. The lesson of silent obedience is becoming every day more difficult to learn; discipline in civil life is rarer than it was, and impatience of control is almost a popular cry. What a noble mission, then, an army may follow in time of peace! To show that men with skill and power, and with a consciousness of these qualities, can yet subordinate themselves for the good of the commonwealth, instead of the individual, is surely a grand object for an army’s purpose. And in the daily life of such a force a nation might read a lesson, which, if taught from the mouths of rulers or the pulpits of preachers, would fall on deaf, because doubting ears; for a suspicion dogs the heels of the mere speaker, which vanishes before the open and consistent life of the actor.

Yet a few more statistics before the chapter closes. It has been necessary to talk with disparagement of the field brigades, as distinguished from the troops of Horse Artillery in the conclusion of the last century. But if the quality of the Field Artillery was indifferent, its quantity would have [Sidenote: B. O. Return to H.R.H. the Duke of York.] satisfied an alarmist. On the 19th February, 1798, there were, in England alone, 126 battalion 6-pounder guns, besides brigades and parks of artillery, consisting of 29 12-pounders, 36 long 6-pounders, and 28 5½-inch howitzers. These were distributed in Newcastle, Hull, Woodbridge, Colchester, Warley, Canterbury, Dover, Lewes, Plymouth, and St. Austell; and there was a further reserve at Woolwich of 12 12-pounders, 30 long 6-pounders, 3 8-inch howitzers, 12 5½-inch howitzers, and 30 light 6-pounders.

This seems a formidable force on paper, and it doubtless soothed many a terrified alarmist, and silenced many an honourable member on the Opposition benches. But, alas! both these desirable ends may often be attained by an official return, and yet the evil may not be removed. Had the House demanded that the means of locomotion for this powerful force of artillery should be produced, it is to be feared that the men would have been scarce and the horses scarcer. And yet the official return had its value. The authorities concerned always managed--it may be at great expense--to produce the necessary armament at the eleventh hour; and the balance was merely so much dust thrown in the eyes of honourable members, as a sort of Parliamentary tribute.

Official returns may be misleading, and yet the units of the force to which they relate may be worthy of all praise. Rising from the contemplation of faded pages, and the analysis of the Regimental correspondence between 1796 and 1799, the chronicler feels that there were in the Corps at that time men whose hearts were so engrossed in their work, even in this time of sad rebellion, of national depression, of uninteresting warfare, that they could truly say, with the poet who was to come in later years--and with no exaggeration, but merely in a simple expression of what was uppermost in their daily thoughts--

“I rather dread the loss of use, than fame.”