Chapter I (1)

Sullivan's campaign into the Seneca country--Different characteristics
among the Indian Nations--Mistakes upon the subject--Progress of
civilization among the Six Nations--Plan of the campaign--The command
offered to General Gates--His conduct--Clinton's preparations at
Canajoharie--Transportation of boats and stores across to Otsego
Lake--Arrest and execution of Newberry--Attempts to engage the
Oneidas--The Indians alarmed by an address from Gen. Haldimand--The
address--Intelligence from the enemy--Arrival of Oneida deputies at
Clinton's head-quarters--Their speech--Designs of the enemy--Letter of
Gen. Clinton to his brother--Remarkable escape of Elerson from an Indian
scout-Brave defence of his house by Mr. Shankland--Descent of the
Susquehanna--Dilatory proceedings of Sullivan--Junction of the
forces--Movement from Tioga to Newtown--Battle of the
Chemung--Destruction of the crops--Advance to Catharine's town--Message
to the Oneidas--Destruction of Catharine's town--Evidences of
civilization--Destruction of Kendaia and Kanadaseaga--March upon
Kanandaigua--Its destruction--Honeoye destroyed--Melancholy story of the
Oneida brothers--Kanaghsawa destroyed--Horrible fate of Lieutenant
Boyd--Contrast between the conduct of Brant and Butler in the case of
Boyd--Indians in council resolve to fight no more--Sullivan advances to
Genesee--Beauty of the country--Conduct of Red Jacket--Origin of Brant's
hostility to him--Sullivan sets out on his return--Destruction of the
Cayuga towns--Return of the army to Tioga--Strange directions to Colonel
Gansevoort respecting the Mohawks of the lower castle--Their
capture--Correspondence--Their release--Close of Sullivan's
campaign--His resignation--Colonel Brodhead's expedition against the
Senecas on the Allegheny--Huron and Shawanese chiefs meet him at Fort
Pitt--Their speeches--Severe Indian battle on the Ohio--Closing
incidents of the year.

The policy of waging a more decisive war against the Indians, and the loyalists associated with them in their barbarous irruptions upon the frontier settlements, has been adverted to more than once already. General Washington had long entertained the opinion that the mere establishment of a chain of military posts along the Western and North-western frontiers would not answer the purpose; and that the only method of affording efficient protection to the inhabitants of those borders, would be to carry the war into the heart of the enemy's country. By a resolution of the 25th of February, Congress had directed the Commander-in-chief to take the most effectual means for protecting the inhabitants, and chastising the Indians for their continued depredations; and it was now his determination to put the resolve in execution, by carrying the war directly into the most populous country of the Six Nations; to cut off their settlements, destroy their crops, and inflict upon them every other mischief which time and circumstances would permit. [FN]

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[FN] Letter of Washington of March 4, to Governor Clinton, and also from the same to General Gates of March 6, 1779.

Those who have been accustomed to contemplate the whole race of North American aboriginals as essentially alike, viewing them all as the same roving, restless, houseless race of hunters and fishermen, without a local habitation, and with scarce a name, have widely misunderstood the Indian character, and must know but little of its varieties. They have, indeed, many traits and characteristics in common; but in other respects the moody Englishman is not more unlike his mercurial neighbor on the other side of the channel, than is the Mohawk unlike the Sioux. It is the remark of a popular writer of the day, [FN-1] that "those who are familiar with the reserved and haughty bearing of the forest tribes, cannot fail, when an opportunity of comparison is afforded, to be struck with the social air and excitable disposition which mark their prairie brethren, and so decidedly distinguish the '_gens du large_' from _les gens des feuilles,_' as the voyageurs term the different races. The Pawnees, following the buffalo in his migrations, and having always plenty of animal food to subsist upon, are a much better fed and larger race than those who find a precarious subsistence in the forest chase. While the woodland tribes, who, though not so plump in form, are of a more wiry and perhaps muscular make, have again a decided advantage in figure and gait over the '_gens du lac,_' or fishing and trapping tribes of the North-west, that pass most of their time in canoes. This difference in character and physical appearance between the different Indian races, or rather between those tribes who have such different methods of gaining a livelihood, has never been sufficiently attended to by modern authors, though it did not escape the early French writers on this country. And yet, if habit have any effect in forming the temper and character of a rude people, it must of course follow, that the savage who lives in eternal sunshine upon flowery plains, and hunts on horseback with a troop of tribesmen around him, must be a different being from the solitary deer-stalker, who wanders through the dim forest, depending upon his single arm for a subsistence for his wife and children." But the higher state of social organization among the Six Nations greatly increased the difference. They had many towns and villages giving evidence of permanence. They were organized into communities, whose social and political institutions, simple as they were, were still as distinct and well-defined as those of the American confederacy. They had now acquired some of the arts, and were enjoying many of the comforts, of civilized life. Not content with small patches of cleared lands for the raising of a few vegetables, they possessed cultivated fields, and orchards of great productiveness, at the West. Especially was this the fact with regard to the Cayugas and Senecas. The Mohawks having been driven from their own rich lands, the extensive domains of the two westernmost tribes of the confederacy formed the granary of the whole. And in consequence of the superior social and political organization just referred to, and the Spartan-like character incident to the forest life, the Six Nations, though not the most numerous, were beyond a doubt the most formidable, of the tribes then in arms in behalf of the Crown. [FN-2] It was justly considered, therefore, that the only way to strike them effectively, would be to destroy their homes and the growing products of their farms; and thus, by cutting off their means of supply, drive them from their own country deeper into the interior, and perhaps throw them altogether upon their British allies for subsistence. It was likewise the design to extend the operations of the expedition as far as Niagara, if possible--that post, of all others in the occupation of the enemy, enabling his officers to maintain an extensive influence over his savage allies. [FN-3]

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[FN-1] Charles F. Hoffman, Esq.

[FN-2] "The Six Nations were a peculiar and extraordinary people, contra-distinguished from the mass of Indian nations by great attainments in polity, in negotiation, in eloquence, and in war."--_Discourse of De Wilt Clinton before the New-York Hist. Society--_1811.

[FN-3] Since these sheets were in the hands of the printer, the author has discovered an official manuscript account of a grand Indian council held at Niagara, in September, 1776, by Colonel John Butler, and Lieutenants Matthews, Burnit, and Kinnesley, and Ensign Butler, with the Hurons, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatamies, Missiasagas, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Mohawks, Delawares, Nanticokes, Squaneghiges{?}, and Conagreves{?}--in presence of Lieut. Colonel John Caldwell, then in command at Niagara. It appears that only one Oneida sachem was present and one Tuscarora. They {illegible} an address which was unanimously signed{?} by the chiefs attending the Congress declaring their intention to embark in the war, and abide the result of the contest of the King with his people. They also made a strong appeal to the Oneidas and the Tuscaroras, "to quit the {illegible}, and be strong and determined to fulfill their engagements to the King." They also exhorted the Mohawks to be strong, and assured them "that they all their western brethren, would fly to their assistance at the first cal," &c.--_Manuscripts of Gen Gansevoort._

{Transcriber's Note: The above footnote, [FN-3], from the word "Delawares" forward, the following paragraph, and its footnote are on a page that did not scan well. It is nearly illegible. The transcription presented here is a best guess.}

The plan of this campaign was well devised and matured{?}. It was to be commenced by a combined movement of two divisions--the one from Pennsylvania {transiting?} the valley of the Susquehanna to the intersection of the Tioga river under General Sullivan, who was invested with the command in chief; and the other from the north under General James Clinton, which was to descend the Susquehanna from its principal source, and after forming a junction with Sullivan, the whole to proceed, by the course of the Chemung river, into the fertile country of the Senecas and Cayugas. The expedition was intended as the principal campaign of the year; since the relative military strength and situation of the two contending powers rendered it impossible that any other offensive operations could be carried on by the Americans at the same time. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] It was the original purpose of General Washington to invest General Gates with the command of this expedition, and the appointment was tendered to that officer by letter, on the 6th of March. Gates declined it, in a manner not very agreeable to the Commander-in-chief. The latter, in writing subsequently to the President of Congress upon the subject, in the course of sundry explanations, not unmingled with strictures upon the conduct of Gates, wrote as follows:--"The plan of operations for the campaign being determined, a commanding officer was to be appointed for the Indian expedition. This command, according to all present appearances, will probably be of the second, if not of the first, importance for the campaign. The officer conducting it has a flattering prospect of acquiring more credit than can be expected by any other this year; and he has the best reason to hope for success. General Lee, from his situation, was out of the question; General Schuyler, (who, by the way, would hare been most agreeable to me,) was so uncertain of continuing in the army, that I could not appoint him; General Putnam I need not mention. I therefore made the offer of it, for the appointment could no longer be delayed, to General Gates, who was next in seniority, though, perhaps, I might have avoided it, if I had been so disposed, from his being in a command by the special appointment of Congress. My letter to him on the occasion I believe you will think was conceived in very candid and polite terms, and that it merited a different answer from the one given to it"--_Letter of Washington to the President of Congress, April_ 14th, 1779. The answer of Gates referred to by the Commander-in-chief; was in the following words:--"Last night I had the honor of your Excellency's Letter. The man who undertakes the Indian service, should enjoy youth and strength; requisites I do not possess. It therefore grieves me that your Excellency should offer me the only command to which I am entirely unequal. In obedience to your command, I have forwarded your letter to General Sullivan," &c--_Sparks's Life and Correspondence of Washington._

On the 2d of June, General Clinton received his instructions from Sullivan, to proceed forthwith in the measures of co-operation according to the plan of the campaign already indicated, viz: the descent of the Susquehanna by the northern forces to unite with the main division at Tioga. Preparations for the enterprise, however, were already in a state of great forwardness, since General Washington had been in free communication with Governor Clinton upon the subject; and the latter, with the General his brother, had been actively engaged in anticipation of the order. [FN] Accordingly, batteaux had already been provided at Schenectady, which, after ascending the Mohawk to Canajoharie, were thence to be transported over land to the head of Otsego Lake at Springfield, while at the same time a large quantity of provisions had been thrown into Fort Schuyler in case of emergency. After making all his arrangements, and ordering the different corps which were to compose his command, to concentrate at Canajoharie, General Clinton arrived at that post on the 16th of June, where he found himself at the head of fifteen hundred troops.

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[FN] General James Clinton was at that time in command of the Northern department. The troops assigned for this campaign were, the brigades of Generals Clinton, Maxwell, Poor, and Hand, to which last brigade were assigned, in addition, all the detached corps of Continental troops on the Susquehanna. The independent companies of the State of Pennsylvania were likewise ordered upon the expedition together with Colonel Van Courtlandt's regiment, Butler's, Alden's, and the rifle corps. Colonel Gansevoort's regiment formed a part of Clinton's brigade. The brigade had already been ordered by the Commander-in-chief himself to rendezvous at Canajoharie, subject to the orders of Sullivan, either to form a junction with the main body by the way of Otsego, or to proceed up the Mohawk and co-operate as circumstances might best permit.--_Letter of instructions from the Commander-in-chief to General Sullivan._

The portage from the Mohawk river at Canajoharie to the head of Otsego Lake is about twenty miles. On the 17th, General Clinton commenced the transportation of his boats and stores across the country--the region being hilly, and the roads excessively bad. Two hundred boats were found to be necessary, and four horses were required for the draught of each boat. The troops were disposed by regiments along the route, both for safety, and to assist at difficult points of ascent. But, notwithstanding these obstacles, and the magnitude of the enterprise, General Clinton was enabled to announce to his immediate superior, by letter on the 26th, that one hundred and seventy-three of the boats had already reached the head of the lake; that thirty more were on their way; and that the residue, making up the complement of two hundred and twenty, would be forwarded thither immediately on their arrival from Schenectady. The provisions and stores for a three months' campaign had likewise been already transported across the carrying-place; so that the expedition was nearly in readiness to commence its final movement. [FN-1] In a letter to General Schuyler announcing the same intelligence, the General spoke particularly of the alacrity and spirit with which the inhabitants of the country had rallied to his assistance. He likewise bestowed high praise upon Colonel Willett, acting as a volunteer, for his timely and energetic assistance in forwarding the arrangements. In performing this labor, no other interruption took place than what arose from the arrest of two spies, formerly inhabitants of the county, one of whom was named Hare, a lieutenant in the British service, and the other a Tory sergeant named Newberry,--the same wretch whose name has already occurred as a brutal murderer at Cherry Valley. They had left the Seneca country with sixty warriors of that tribe, to be divided into three parties, one of which was to fall upon Cherry Valley again, the other upon Schoharie, and the third to be employed in lurking about Fort Schuyler. They were tried by a court-martial, convicted, and "hanged pursuant to the sentence of the court, and to the entire satisfaction of all the inhabitants of the county." [FN-2]

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[FN-1] General Washington was greatly displeased at the amount of stores and baggage by which Clinton was encumbered, apprehending "the worst consequences" from the obstacles his stores would interpose to the rapidity of his march, and also from the publicity which would as a consequence be given to his movements. Although he had left it optional with Sullivan to direct Clinton to join him by the route of the Susquehanna, yet the Commander-in-chief evidently preferred that the more northern route should be taken. He wrote to Sullivan upon the subject with more sharpness than he was wont to do--[_See Letter of Washington to Sullivan, July_ 1, 1779.] The event, however, aided by the sagacity of Clinton in the adoption of a measure presently to be noted, proved that he took the right direction.

[FN-2] Letter from General Clinton to General Schuyler. In General Schuyler's answer to this letter, he says, speaking of the execution of Hare--"In executing Hare, you have rid the State of the greatest villain in it. I hope his abettors in the country will meet with a similar exaltation."--_Gov. Clinton's Manuscripts._

It was the desire of General Sullivan that Clinton should employ in his division as large a number of the Oneida warriors as could be induced to engage in the service. The latter officer was opposed to this arrangement; but at the importunities of Sullivan, the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, their missionary, who was now a chaplain in the army, had been summoned to Albany for consultation. From thence Mr. Kirkland was despatched to Pennsylvania directly to join Sullivan's division, while to Mr. Deane, the interpreter connected with the Indian commission at Fort Schuyler, was confided the charge of negotiating with the Oneida chiefs upon the subject. At first all went smoothly with the Indians. The Oneidas volunteered for the expedition, almost to a man; while those of the Onondagas who adhered to the cause of the Americans, were equally desirous of proving their fidelity by their deeds. Under these circumstances Clinton wrote to Sullivan on the 26th, that on the following Saturday, Mr. Deane, with the Indian warriors, would join him at the head of the lake. A sudden revolution, however, was wrought in their determination by an address to the Oneidas from General Haldimand, received at Fort Schuyler on the 22d. This document was transmitted to them in their own language; and its tenor was so alarming, as to induce them suddenly to change their purpose--judging, very correctly, from the threats of Haldimand, that their presence was necessary at home for the defence of their own castles. Still, Mr. Deane wrote that an arrangement was on foot, by which he hoped yet to obtain the co-operation of a considerable number of the Oneida warriors. The basis of this arrangement was, that in the event of an invasion of their country by the Indians, whom the Canadian commander had threatened to let loose upon them, the garrison at Fort Schuyler should not only assist them, but receive their women and children into the fort for protection.

General Haldimand's address was written in the Iroquois language, of which the following translation was made by Mr. Deane, and enclosed to General Clinton:--

"_A translation of his Excellency Gen. Haldimand's speech
to the Oneida Indians in the Rebel Interest, as delivered
to them in the Iroquois language._" [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Copied by the author from the MS. among the papers of General
Clinton.

"Brothers: Be very attentive to what I, Ashanegown, the Great King of England's representative in Canada, am going to say. By this string of wampum I shake you by the hand to rouse you that you may seriously reflect upon my words.

"_A string of wampum._

"Brothers: It is now about four years ago since the Bostonians began to rise, and rebel against their Father, the King of England, since which time you have taken a different part from the rest of the Five Nations, your confederates, and have likewise deserted the King's cause, through the deceitful machinations and snares of the rebels, who intimidated you with their numerous armies, by which means you became bewildered, and forgot all of your engagements with, and former care, and favor from the Great King of England, your Father. You also soon forgot the frequent bad usage, and continual encroachments of the Americans upon the Indian lands throughout the Continent. I say, therefore, that at the breaking out of these troubles you firmly declared to observe a strict neutrality in the dispute, and made your declaration known to Sir Guy Carleton, my predecessor, who much approved of it, provided you were in earnest. I have hitherto strictly observed and examined your conduct, and find that you did not adhere to your assertion, although I could trace no reason on the side of government as well as the Indians, why you should act so treacherous and double a part; by which means, we, not mistrusting your fidelity, have had many losses among the King's subjects, and the Five Nations your friends and connexions; and finding you besides, proud and haughty on the occasion, as if you gloried in your perfidy, doubtless in sure confidence as if your friends, the rebels, were getting the better at last; and captivated with that pleasing opinion of yours, you have presumed twice, during the course of last winter, to send impertinent and daring messages to the Five Nations, as if you meant to pick a quarrel with them. In consequence of this your daring and insolent behavior, I must insist upon, by this belt of wampum, that you declare yourselves immediately on the receipt of this my speech and message, whether you mean to persist in this your daring and insulting course, and still intend to act as you have hitherto done, treacherously under the cloak of neutrality, or whether you will accept of this my last offer of re-uniting, and reconciling yourselves with your own tribes, the Five Nations. Do not imagine that the King has hitherto treated the rebels and their adherents with so much mildness and indulgence, out of any apprehensions of their strength, or getting the better! No, by no means. For you will find that in case you slight or disregard this my last offer of peace, I shall soon convince you that I have such a number of Indian allies to let loose upon you, as will instantly convince you of your folly when too late, as I have hardly been able to restrain them from falling upon you for some time past. I must therefore once more repeat to you that this is my last and final message to you; and that you do not hesitate, or put off giving me your direct and decisive declaration of peace or war, that in case of the latter, (knowing that there are still some of your nation who are friends to the King and the Five Nations,) I may give them timely warning to separate themselves from you.

"Brothers: Let me lastly convince you of the deceit and dissimulation of your rebel brethren, General Schuyler, Parson Kirkland, and others; have they not told you, in the beginning of the rebellion, that they wanted not your assistance, and to have your blood spilt; and you likewise declared that you would not join them, but remain neuter? Have either of you stuck to your word? No! you basely broke it, and seemed from the beginning to be of mutual hostile sentiments against the King and his allies, and soon after manifested it by your actions. What confirms me in this opinion, and proves your deceitful and treacherous dispositions, is your behavior during the course of the last war, when you likewise acted a double part in clandestinely joining and carrying intelligence to the French in this country; which I myself am a witness to, and also was told of it by your friend, the late Sir William Johnson, who, notwithstanding your base behavior, upon promising that you would be true and faithful for the future, forgave you, and received you into favor again, advising you to be more prudent and honest in time to come; and frequently after that loaded you with the King's bounty and favor. But he was no sooner dead than you ungratefully forgot his good advice and benedictions; and in opposition to his family and Indian friends, and every thing that is sacred, adopted the cause of rebels, and enemies to your King, your late patron Sir William Johnson, and your own confederacy and connexions. These are facts, Brothers, that unless you are lost to every sense of feeling, cannot but recall in you a most hearty repentance and deep remorse for your past file actions.

"_The belt._

"Fred. Haldimand."

On the 30th of June, Clinton wrote to Sullivan that his arrangements were complete--that all his stores and munitions of every description were at the lake, with two hundred and ten batteaux--and every thing in readiness for embarkation the moment his orders to that effect should be received. On the 1st of July he proceeded to the lake himself, and the expedition moved from its head to the Southern extremity--there to await the orders of his superior. While lying at this place, a letter was received from General Schuyler, announcing the return from Canada of a spy, who had been despatched thither for information. He brought word, that on the 18th of June four hundred and fifty regular troops, one hundred Tories, and thirty Indians, had been sent forward from Montreal to reinforce the Indians against whom this expedition was preparing; and that they were to be joined by half of Sir John Johnson's regiment, together with a portion of the garrison at Niagara. From this intelligence it was evident that the Indian country was not to be taken without a struggle.

On the 5th Mr. Deane arrived, at the head of thirty-five Oneida warriors. The object of their visit was in person to apologize for the absence of their brethren from the expedition, and to make those explanations, in regard to their own altered situation, already communicated by Mr. Deane by letter, together with the address of General Haldimand, which had caused their alarm. A conference took place with General Clinton on the same day, at which the Oneidas delivered their message in the following speech:--

"Brother: We suppose you imagine we have come here in order to attend you upon your expedition, but we are sorry to inform you that our situation is such as will not admit of it.

"Brother: From intelligence which we may depend upon, we have reason to believe that the Six Nations mean to embrace the opportunity of our absence in order to destroy our castles; these accounts we have by spies from among them, and we know that a considerable body of them are now collected at Cayuga for that purpose, waiting in expectation of our warriors leaving the castle to join you.

"Brother: It was our intention to have joined you upon your intended route, and hope you will not think hard of it that we do not; but such is our present danger, that in case we leave our castle it must be cut off, as a large party of the enemy are waiting for that purpose.

"Brother: This is a time of danger with us. Our brethren, the Americans, have always promised us assistance for our protection whenever we stand in need of it; we therefore request that, agreeable to these promises, we may have some troops sent to our assistance in this time of great danger. Should you send a body of troops to our assistance and protection, and the enemy attack us, and we should have the fortune to beat them, we will with those troops pursue them, and join you down in their country; or if they should not make an attack upon our castle in a short time, we will march through their castles until we join you."

_A belt._

To which General Clinton made the following reply:--

"Brethren: Our present expedition is intended to chastise those nations who have broken their faith with us, and joined our enemies. The force we have is quite sufficient for that purpose. Our route is planned in the great council of this country. It is not my desire that the whole of your warriors should leave their castles. I have given a general invitation to our Brethren the Oneidas, the Tuscaroras, and such Onondagas as may have entered into friendship with us. In order to give all our Indian friends an equal chance of evidencing their spirit and determination to partake of our fortune, I am entirely satisfied that such only should join me as think proper. It is not for want of warriors that I have given you this invitation, but that every warrior who is a friend to these United States may have an equal opportunity of punishing the enemies of our country.

"As your situation is such as causes you to suppose your castle in danger of being destroyed by your enemies in case of your absence, I by no means desire that more of your warriors should leave your castles than your council think proper to permit.

"As yet I am fully persuaded that all our enemies of the Six Nations will find too much to do at home, to suffer any of their warriors to go abroad to do mischief. If you should be satisfied after a little while that your castles are out of danger, and the whole or any part of your warriors think proper to come to us, I shall be glad to see you; and in the meantime perhaps you may be as serviceable where you are, as if you were with us.

"I shall immediately give orders to the officers commanding at Fort Schuyler to send some troops to your castle, and write to Colonel Van Schaick, who commands in my absence, to afford you every assistance in his power, as I am not authorized to order any of the troops now with me on any other command, being directed by our Great Chief and Warrior to proceed with the whole of these troops on the present route."

In the course of the interview, the sachems informed General Clinton that a party of about three hundred Indians, with a few Tories, had marched from Cayuga ten days before, for the purpose of hanging upon his outskirts and harassing his march to Tioga. Still it was supposed not to be their intention to do any serious fighting, until the invading forces should have advanced a considerable distance up the Tioga or Chemung river. Indeed, it was evidently the purpose of the enemy to make no stand, until the forces of Sullivan and Clinton should arrive in the neighborhood of the works of defence which the Indians and Tories had been constructing, even before the battle of Wyoming, on the banks of the Chemung.

In consequence of the requisition of the warriors, in their speech, General Clinton issued an order to the commanding officer at Fort Schuyler to detach a command of thirty or forty men to the Oneida fort, to be recalled as circumstances might require. With this understanding, and the assurances in the General's answer to their speech, the ten principal warriors, specially charged with the explanations, took their departure the same evening for their own castle--leaving the remaining twenty-five to accompany the expedition. [FN] General Clinton was impatient of delay, as appears by a letter addressed to his brother of the next day, from which the following is an extract:--

* * * * *

[FN] All but two of these, however, and those of the meaner sort, deserted the expedition before they arrived at Tioga.

"General to Governor Clinton.

"_Camp on the south end of }
Otsego Lake, July_ 6th, 1779, }

"Dear Brother,

"I have the pleasure to inform you that I am now at this place, with two hundred and eight boats, with all the stores, provisions, and baggage of the army; and I am well convinced that such a quantity of each hath never before been transported over so bad a road in so short a time and with less accidents, and that I am now in the most readiness to move down the Susquehanna, whenever I receive General Sullivan's orders for that purpose. I have thrown a dam across the outlet, which I conceive will be of infinite importance, as it has raised the lake at least two feet, by which the boats may be taken down with less danger than otherwise, although, from the intricate winding of the channel, I expect to meet some difficulties on the way. It is uncertain when I shall leave this place.

"I received a letter from General Sullivan yesterday, dated at Wyoming July 1st, in which he informs me that he was anxiously waiting the arrival of his stores from Sunbury--that he expected them daily--that it was determined in council that that army should proceed almost as far as Tioga previous to my leaving the lake, as by that means he might make a diversion in my favor, and facilitate my movements down the river. This I imagine to be in consequence of a letter which he probably has received from General Washington, and one I received from him dated the first instant, in which his Excellency expresses his surprise at my taking so much stores with me, when it was determined that all the supplies of the army should come up with General Sullivan, and that nothing more should be brought with me than was absolutely necessary for the troops until the junction was formed at Tioga. However, as it was General Sullivan's orders to bring what provision I could, and as his Excellency added in his letter to me that it was not his intention to contravene any orders I may receive from General Sullivan, I ordered the whole to be forwarded to this place; which I have happily effected, and of which I do not repent, as I believe I shall fall short of many articles. . . . The troops are in good health and high spirits, and every thing seems to promise a most favorable and successful campaign." . . .

No attempts were made by the enemy to molest General Clinton while thus detained at Otsego Lake. Still, his proceedings were not left entirely without observation, and there were two individual affrays happening in his vicinity, which deserve special mention. The name of David Elerson, one of the bold spirits associated with Murphy in Morgan's rifle corps, has already occurred in a former chapter. The detachment to which he belonged had been ordered from Schoharie to join his expedition. While lying at the head of the lake, Elerson rambled off to an old clearing, at the distance of a mile or more from camp to gather pulse for dinner. Having filled his knapsack, while adjusting it in order to return to camp, he was startled at the rustling of the tall and coarse herbage around him, and in the same instant beheld some ten or a dozen Indians, who had crept upon him so cautiously as to be just on the point of springing to grasp him. Their object was clearly rather to make him a prisoner than to kill him, since he might easily have been shot down unperceived. Perhaps they wanted him for an _auto-da-fe,_ perhaps to obtain information. Seizing his rifle, which was standing by his side, Elerson sprang forward to escape. A shower of tomahawks hurtled through the air after him; but as he had plunged into a thicket of tall weeds and bushes, he was only struck on one of his hands, his middle finger being nearly severed. A brisk chase was immediately commenced. Scaling an old brush-wood fence, Elerson darted into the woods, and the Indians after him. He was as fleet as a stag, and perceiving that they were not likely soon to overtake, the pursuers discharged their rifles after him, but luckily without effect. The chase was thus continued from eleven till three o'clock--Elerson using every device and stratagem to elude or deceive the Indians, but they holding him close. At length, having gained a moment to breathe, an Indian started up in his front. Drawing up his rifle to clear the passage in that direction, the whiz of a bullet fleshing his side, and the crack of a rifle, from another point, taught him that delays were particularly dangerous at that spot. The Indian in front, however, had disappeared on his presenting his rifle, and Elerson again darted forward. His wounded side bled a little, though not enough to weaken him. Having crossed a ridge, he paused a moment in the valley beyond, to slake his thirst--his mouth being parched, and himself almost fainting. On rising from the brook, the head of one of his pursuers peeped over the crest of the hill. He raised his rifle, but such was his exhaustion that he could not hold it steady. A minute more, and he would have been in the power of the savage. Raising his rifle again, and steadying it by the side of a tree, he brought the savage tumbling headlong down the hill. In the next moment his trusty rifle was re-loaded and primed, and in the next the whole group of his pursuers came rushing over the ridge. He again supposed his minutes were numbered; but being partly sheltered by the trunk of a huge hemlock, they saw not him, but only the body of their fallen comrade yet quivering in the agonies of death. Drawing in a circle about the body of their companion, they raised the death wail; and as they paused, Elerson made another effort to fly. Before they resumed the pursuit, he had succeeded in burying himself in a dark thicket of hemlocks, where he found the hollow trunk of a tree, into which he crept. Here he lay ensconced two full days, without food or dressings for his wound. On the third day he backed out of "the loop-hole of his retreat," but knew not which way to proceed--not discerning the points of the compass. In the course of two or three miles, however, he came to a clearing, and found himself at Cobleskill--having, during his recent chase, run over hill and dale, bog, brook, and fen, upward of twenty-five miles.

At about the same time, and probably by the same party of Indians, the premises of a Mr. Shankland, lying in their track, situated in the outskirts of Cherry Valley, were assaulted. Residing at the distance of two or three miles from the village, his house had escaped the common destruction the proceeding Autumn. But he had nevertheless removed his family to the valley of the Mohawk for safety, and had returned to his domicile accompanied only by his son. [FN-1] They were awakened just before dawn by the assailants, who were endeavoring to cut away the door with their hatchets. Taking down his two guns, Mr. Shankland directed his son to load them, while he successively fired to the best advantage. But not being able to see the enemy, he determined upon a sortie. Having a spear, or espontoon, in the house, he armed himself therewith, and carefully unbarring the door, rushed forth upon the besiegers, who fled back at his sudden apparition. One of the Indians whom he was specially pursuing, tumbled over a log, and as Mr. Shankland struck at him, his spear entered the wood, and parted from the shaft. Wrenching the blade from the log, he darted back into the house, barred the door, and again commenced firing upon the assailants. They had been so much surprised by his rushing out upon them, that they neither fired a shot, nor hurled a tomahawk, until he had returned to his castle, and barred the sally-port. During that part of the affray, his son, becoming somewhat frightened, escaped from the house, and ran for the woods. He was pursued, overtaken, and made captive. The father, however, continued the fight--the Indians firing through the casements at random, and he returning the shots as well as he could. At one time he thought of sallying forth again, and selling his life to the best advantage; but by thus doing, he very rightly judged that he should at once involve the life of his son. The Indians, growing wearied of fighting at such disadvantage, at last attempted to make sure of their victim by applying the torch, and the house was speedily in flames, but it so happened that between the rear of the house and the forest, a field of hemp interposed--into which Mr. Shankland contrived to throw himself from the house, unperceived by the Indians. Concealed from observation by the hemp, he succeeded in reaching the woods, and making good his retreat to the Mohawk. Meantime the Indians remained by the house until it was consumed, together, as they supposed, with the garrison. They then raised a shout of victory, and departed [FN-2]--several of their number having been wounded by the courageous proprietor.

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[FN-1] The late Thomas Shankland, Esq. of Cooperstown.

[FN-2] Campbell's Annals.

Greatly to his vexation, as appears from his letters. General Clinton was detained at Otsego, by the tardy movements of his commander below, during the whole month of July and the first week in August--until, indeed, his troops became impatient to a degree. [FN] But the General was not idle in respect to every arrangement that might add to their security or contribute to their success. In the letter to his brother, last quoted, he disclosed one capital stroke of generalship, which not only contributed largely to his successful descent of the river, but was of great service in other respects. The damming of the lake, and the accumulation, by this means, of a vast reservoir of water, by rendering more certain and expeditious the navigation of the river, was an exceedingly happy thought And when at length orders were received for his embarkation on the 9th of August, his flotilla was not only borne triumphantly along upon the pile of the impatient waters accumulated for the occasion, but the swelling of the torrent beyond its banks caused wide and unexpected destruction to the growing crops of the Indians on their plantations at Oghkwaga and its vicinity. They were, moreover, greatly affrighted at the sudden and unexpected rise of the waters in the dryest season of the year, especially as there had been no rains--attributing the event to the interposition of the "Great Spirit," who thus showed that he was angry with them. The whole expedition was indeed calculated to impress them with terror--as it might have done a more enlightened and less superstitious people. The country was wild and totally uninhabited, excepting by scattered families of the Indians, and here and there by some few of the more adventurous white settlers, in the neighborhood of Unadilla. The sudden swelling of the river, therefore, bearing upon its surge a flotilla of more than two hundred vessels, through a region of primitive forests, and upon a stream that had never before wafted upon its bosom any craft of greater burthen than a bark canoe, was a spectacle which might well appall the untutored inhabitants of the regions thus invaded.

* * * * *

[FN] By a letter from the Commander-in-chief to General Sullivan, it appears that in the organisation of the expedition the latter had been compelled to encounter greater difficulties than had been anticipated. He wan disappointed in regard to the Pennsylvania independent companies--to supply which deficiency, Lieutenant-Colonel Albert Pauling was directed to march across from Warwasing, and join Clinton at Oghkwaga. Governor Clinton himself had intended to lead this regiment, but General Washington, believing that the influence of his presence was needed elsewhere, induced him to relinquish that design. The delays of Sullivan, therefore, may not nave arisen from any fault of his own. Still, the inactivity of General Clinton at Otsego Lake, and of Sullivan at Wyoming, was no more irksome to the former than to Brant himself. This active warrior had probably led in person the three hundred Indians spoken of by the Oneidas as having gone forth to hang upon the flanks of General Clinton, and annoy his troops by skirmishes during the march. Becoming weary, however, of waiting for a foe whose movements were apparently so tardy, Brant determined on making the irruption into Minisink, of which a history has been given in the last preceding chapter.

During these energetic proceedings of Clinton, it has been seen that Sullivan was very dilatory in his movements, and his conduct in the early part of the campaign gave particular dissatisfaction to Congress. His requisitions for supplies were enormous, and several of his specifications of articles, such as eggs, tongues, and other luxuries, were considered so unsoldier-like as to create disgust. However, having completed his arrangements, he left Wyoming on the 31st of July, and ascended the Susquehanna to Tioga, with an expedition far more formidable as to numbers, and not less imposing in other respects, than was the descending division under General Clinton--though he had not the advantage of riding upon so majestic a flood. Sullivan reached Tioga on the 11th of August, and on the following day pushed out a detachment twelve miles toward Chemung, which was attacked by a body of Indians--losing, during the brush, seven men killed and wounded. The detachment returned to Tioga on the 13th, after having burnt one of the Indian towns.

General Clinton with his division, having been joined at Oghkwaga by a detachment of Colonel Pauling's levies from Warwasing, arrived at Tioga and formed a junction with Sullivan on the 22d of August. The entire command amounted now to five thousand, consisting of the brigades of Generals Clinton, Hand, Maxwell, and Poor, together with Proctor's artillery and a corps of riflemen. So long had the expedition been in progress, that it was well understood the Indians and Tories were not unprepared to receive them; and in moving up the Tioga and the Chemung rivers, the utmost degree of caution was observed to guard against surprise. A strong advanced guard of light infantry preceded the main body, which was well protected by large flanking parties. In this way they slowly proceeded in the direction of the works of the enemy, upon the Chemung at Newtown. On the 28th, an Indian settlement was destroyed, together with fields of corn, and other Indian products yet unharvested. [FN]

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[FN] The instructions of the Commander-in-chief were peremptory, that Sullivan was not even to listen to propositions of peace until after he should have "very thoroughly completed the destruction of their settlements."

The Indians, determined to risk a general action in defence of their country, had selected their ground with judgment, about a mile in advance of Newtown. [FN-1] Their force was estimated by General Sullivan at fifteen hundred, including five companies of British troops and rangers, estimated at two hundred men. The enemy, however, only allowed their force to consist of five hundred and fifty Indians, and two hundred and fifty whites--in all, eight hundred. [FN-2] Brant commanded the Indians, and the regular troops and rangers were led by Colonel John Butler, associated with whom were Colonels Sir John and Guy Johnson, Major Walter N. Butler, and Captain McDonald. [FN-3] The enemy had constructed a breast-work of half a mile in length, so covered by a bend of the river as to expose only the front and one of the flanks to attack; and even that flank was rendered difficult of approach by resting upon a steep ridge, "nearly parallel to the general course of the river, terminating somewhat below the breast-work. Farther yet to the left was still another ridge, running in the same direction, and leading to the rear of the American army. The ground was covered with pine, interspersed with low shrub oaks, many of which for the purpose of concealing their works, had been cut and brought from a distance, and stuck down in their front, exhibiting the appearance of untransplanted shrubbery. The road, after crossing a deep brook at the foot of the hill, turned to the right, and ran nearly parallel to the breast-work, so as to expose the whole flank of the army to their fire should it advance without discovering their position." [FN-4] Detachments of the enemy, communicating with each other, were stationed on both hills, for the purpose of falling upon Sullivan's right and rear the moment the action should commence.

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[FN-1] The site of the present town of Elmira.

[FN-2] Gordon.

[FN-3] It is not quite certain whether both the Johnsons were engaged in this action. Sir John was there, and the author has somewhere seen the name of Guy Johnson as having likewise been in the battle of the Chemung.

[FN-4] Marshall.

The enemy's position was discovered by Major Parr, commanding the advance guard, at about 11 o'clock in the morning of the 29th of August General Hand immediately formed the light infantry in a wood, at the distance of about four hundred yards from the breast-work, and waited until the main body of the army arrived on the ground. A skirmishing was, however, kept up by both sides--the Indians sallying out of their works by small parties, firing, and suddenly retreating--making the woods at the same time to resound with their war-whoops, piercing the air from point to point as though the tangled forest were alive with their grim-visaged warriors. Correctly judging that the hill upon his right was occupied by the savages, General Sullivan ordered Poor's brigade to wheel off, and endeavor to gain their left flank, and, if possible, to surround them, while the artillery and main body of the Americans attacked them in front. [FN-1] The order was promptly executed; but as Poor climbed the ascent, the battle became animated, and the possession of the hill was bravely contested. In front the enemy stood a hot cannonade for more than two hours. [FN-2] Both Tories and Indians were entitled to the credit of fighting manfully. Every rock, and tree, and bush, shielded its man, from behind which the winged messengers of death were thickly sent, but with so little effect as to excite astonishment. The Indians yielded ground only inch by inch; and in their retreat darted from tree to tree with the agility of the panther, often contesting each new position to the point of the bayonet--a thing very unusual even with militiamen, and still more rare among the undisciplined warriors of the woods. Thayendanegea was the animating spirit of the savages. Always in the thickest of the fight, he used every effort to stimulate his warriors, in the hope of leading them to victory. Until the artillery began to play, the whoops and yells of the savages, mingled with the rattling of musketry, had well-nigh obtained the mastery of sound. But their whoops were measurably drowned by the thunder of the cannon. This cannonade "was elegant," to adopt the phraseology of Sullivan himself in writing to a friend, and gave the Indians a great panic. Still, the battle was contested in front for a length of time with undiminished spirit But the severity of fighting was on the flank just described. As Poor gallantly approached the point which completely uncovered the enemy's rear, Brant, who had been the first to penetrate the design of the American commander, attempted once more to rally his forces, and with the assistance of a battalion of the rangers make a stand. But it was in vain, although he exerted himself to the utmost for that purpose--flying from point to point, seeming to be everywhere present, and using every means in his power to re-animate the flagging spirits, and re-invigorate the arms of his followers. Having ascended the steep, and gained his object without faltering, the enemy's flank was turned by Poor; and the fortunes of the day decided. Perceiving such to be the fact, and that there was danger of being surrounded, the retreat-halloo was raised, and the enemy, savages and white men, precipitately abandoned their works, crossed the river, and fled with the utmost precipitation--the Indians leaving their packs and a number of their tomahawks and scalping-knives behind them. The battle was long, and on the side of the enemy bloody. [FN-3] Eleven of their dead were found upon the field--an unusual circumstance with the Indians, who invariably exert themselves to the utmost to prevent the bodies of their slain from falling into the hands of their foes. But being pushed at the point of the bayonet, they had not time to bear them away. They were pursued two miles, their trail affording indubitable proof that a portion of their dead and wounded had been carried off. Two canoes were found covered with blood, and the bodies of fourteen Indian warriors were discovered partially buried among the leaves. Eight scalps were taken by the Americans during the chase. [FN-4] Considering the duration of the battle, and the obstinacy with which it was maintained, the loss of the Americans was small almost to a miracle. Only five or six men were killed, and between forty and fifty wounded. Among the American officers wounded were Major Titcomb, Captain Clayes, and Lieutenant Collis--the latter mortally. All the houses of the contiguous Indian town were burnt, and the corn-fields destroyed. [FN-5]

* * * * *

[FN-1] Letter from General Sullivan to a gentleman in Batten.

[FN-2] Idem. Vide Remembrancer, vol. vii.