Chapter I (2)

[FN-3] Mr. John Salmon, late of Livingston County, (N. Y.) who was a member of a detachment of the rifle corps in this expedition, in a letter written for Mary Jemison's Narrative, speaks of a second stand made by the Indians at a place above Newtown called the Narrows--"Where," he says, "they were attacked by our men, who killed them in great numbers, so that the sides of the rocks next the river appeared as though blood had been poured on them by pailfuls. The Indians threw their dead into the river, and escaped the best way they could." No other account makes mention of any such incident, unless, indeed, Mr. Salmon refers to the killing of the eight warriors whose scalps were taken during the flight, according to one of Sullivan's letters to a gentleman in Boston, which may be found in Almon's Remembrancer, and which is the authority for this statement in the text. The MS. journal of Capt. Fowler, in the author's possession, commences only the day after the battle.

[FN-4] "On the next morning [after Sullivan's arrival at Catharine's town,] an old woman of the Cayuga nation was found in the woods, who informed us that on the night after the battle of Newtown, the enemy having fled the whole time, arrived there in great confusion early the next day; that she heard the warriors tell their women that they were conquered, and must fly; that they had a great many killed, and vast numbers wounded. She likewise heard the lamentations of many at the loss of their connexions. In addition, she assured us that some other warriors had met Butler at that place, and desired him to return and fight again. But to this request they could obtain no satisfactory answer; for, as they observed, 'Butler's mouth was closed.' The warriors, who had been in the action, were equally averse to the proposal."--_Sullivan's Official Account._

[FN-5] The strength of the enemy's force at Newtown was never ascertained with any degree of certainty; although, as heretofore stated in the text, it was the opinion of Sullivan, and also of his general officers, that it must have exceeded fifteen hundred. Still, the two prisoners taken estimated them only at eight hundred. They admitted, however, that, in addition to the five companies of rangers engaged in the action, all the warriors of the Senecas, and six other nations of Indians, were engaged. In order to determine the amount of their force with as much accuracy as could be attained, General Sullivan examined their breast-work, the extent of which was more than half a mile. The lines were flanked in every part by bastions in front, and a dwelling-house also, in front of the works, had been converted into a block-house and manned. The breast-work appeared to have been fully manned, though, as Sullivan supposed, by only a single rank. Some part of the works being low, the enemy were compelled to dig holes in the ground to cover themselves in part. A very thin scattering line, designed, as was supposed, for communicating signals, was continued from those works to that part of the mountain ascended by General Poor, where a large body had been stationed, as heretofore stated, for the purpose of falling upon the flank of the Americans. The distance from the breast-work to that point was at least one mile and a half. From thence to the hill on the American right was another scattering line of about one mile, and on the hill a breast-work, with a strong party, destined, as it was supposed, to fall upon the American rear. But this design was frustrated by the movements of Clinton, as already mentioned.--_Vide Sullivan's Official Report._

The Americans encamped that night on the field of battle, and on the following day, the wounded, together with the heavy artillery, and wagons, and all such portions of the baggage as would not be required, and could not well be transported in the farther prosecution of the flying campaign now to be performed, were sent back to Tioga. Only four brass three-pounders and a small howitzer were retained; and the whole army was at once placed upon short allowance,--the soldiers submitting cheerfully to the requisition, the moment the necessity of the measure was explained to them in a speech by their commander. These and other dispositions having been made, the army moved forward on the 31st, in the direction of Catharine's town, situated near the head of Seneca Lake, and the residence of the celebrated Catharine Montour. On their way thither, Sullivan destroyed a small settlement of eight houses, and a town called Knawaholee, of about twenty houses, situated on a peninsula at the conflux of the Tioga and Cayuga branches. Several cornfields were destroyed at this place, and a number of others, also very large, about six miles up the Tioga, by Colonel Dayton and the rifle corps, who were detached thither upon that service.

The Indians and Tories acted unwisely in retreating so far as they did from the battle of Newtown, since the march of Sullivan thence to Catharine's town was of the most difficult and fatiguing description. They were compelled to traverse several narrow and dangerous defiles with steep hills upon either side, the passage of which might have been rendered exceedingly annoying to their invaders by a vigilant enemy. The route lay along the streams; and such was the sinuous course of one of them, almost swelling to the size of a river, that they were obliged to ford it several times--the men up to their middles in water. Worse than all, they were compelled to thread their way through a deep-tangled hemlock swamp. The night came on exceedingly dark, and the sufferings of the troops were great. General Sullivan was advised not to enter the swamp until the next day, but he rejected the counsel, and obstinately pushed forward. So fatigued, however, was the army, that General Clinton, whose division brought up the rear, was obliged to pass the night in the swamp without pack or baggage. Neither Brant nor the Butlers displayed their wonted sagacity on this occasion, or the Americans might have been mads to suffer severely for their rashness in penetrating such a thicket at such an hour. The excuse of the Indians, who were roasting corn not many miles distant, was, that the way was so bad, and the night so dark, they did not dream of Sullivan's advancing under such circumstances.

Disappointed by the Oneidas, upon whose assistance General Sullivan had counted as guides and runners through the Indian country, but only four of whom had continued with the expedition, the General despatched one of these from Catharine's town to the castle of that nation, with an address, calling upon all who were friendly to the Americans, to prove the sincerity of their professions by joining his forces immediately. The messenger, Oneigat, was also instructed to give his nation an account of the battle at Newtown. He did not, however, rejoin the expedition until near its close. He then reported that on his arrival at the Oneida castle, a council was convened, and that his people were delighted with the news of which he was the bearer. Obedient, moreover, to the summons which he had borne thither, seventy of their warriors had set out with him to join the army, and thirty more were to follow the next day. But on that day, near the Onondaga village, they met their brother, Conowaga, from the army, who informed them that the General had already advanced as far as Kanasadagea, and had men enough--only wanting a few good guides. In consequence of this information, the Oneida warriors had turned back--transmitting, however, by him, an address to the General, interceding in behalf of a clan of the Cayugas, who, they declared, had always been friendly to the United States. As an evidence of this fact, they referred to the cases of several prisoners, who, as it was alleged, had been surrendered by them to General Schuyler. The Oneidas, therefore, besought General Sullivan not to destroy the fields of these friendly Cayugas, who, if deprived of their corn, would fall upon them for support, and they already had a heavy burden upon their hands in the persons of the destitute Onondagas. General Sullivan immediately sent a speech in reply, commending the Oneidas for their fidelity to the United States, but expressing his surprise at their interposing a word in behalf of any portion of the Cayugas, whose whole course had been marked, not only by duplicity, but by positive hostility. He therefore distinctly informed the Oneidas that the Cayugas should be chastised. Nor did he fail to execute his purpose, as will in due time appear. [FN]

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[FN] See Sullivan's address, and the message of the Oneidas in reply, Almon's Remembrancer, for 1780, Part I.

The brigade of General Clinton rejoined the main army on the 2d of September, and the whole encamped at Catharine's town, which was entirely destroyed on the following day, together with the corn-fields and orchards. The houses, thirty in number, were burnt. The work of destruction, marking that extraordinary campaign, was now begun in earnest It was considered necessary by the Commander-in-chief, or his orders would not have been so peremptory upon the subject, nor his satisfaction so great after its accomplishment. [FN-1] Still, at this distance of time, when the mind glances back not only to the number of towns destroyed, and fields laid waste, but to the war of extermination waged against the very orchards, it is difficult to suppress feelings of regret--much less to bestow a word of commendation. It has been asserted that some of the officers, among whom were General Hand and Colonel Durbin, objected to this wanton destruction of the fruit-trees, as discreditable to American soldiers; but the Indians had been long and cruelly provoking the Americans by the ferocity of their attacks upon the border settlements, and it had been judged expedient to let the arm of vengeance fall heavily upon them. "The Indians," said Sullivan, "shall see that there is malice enough in our hearts to destroy every thing that contributes to their support;" [FN-2] and well did he fulfill the threat.

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[FN-1] See letter of Washington to Colonel John Laurens, Sept. 28, 1779; to the President of Congress, Oct 9; and to the Marquis de Lafayette, October 20, of the some year--_Sparks, Vol. vi._

[FN-2] Gordon.

The comparative state of civilization to which the Six Nations had arrived, has been glanced at in the opening of the present chapter. Still it is apprehended that but few of the present generation are thoroughly aware of the advances which the Indians, in the wide and beautiful country of the Cayugas and Senecas, had made in the march of civilization. They had several towns, and many large villages, laid out with a considerable degree of regularity. They had framed houses, some of them well finished, having chimneys, and painted. They had broad and productive fields; and in addition to an abundance of apples, were in the enjoyment of the pear, and the still more delicious peach. But after the battle of Newtown, terror led the van of the invader, whose approach was heralded by watchmen stationed upon every height, and desolation followed weeping in his train. The Indians everywhere fled as Sullivan advanced, and the whole country was swept as with the besom of destruction. On the 4th, as the army advanced, they destroyed a small scattering settlement of eight houses; and two days afterward reached the more considerable town of Kendaia, containing about twenty houses neatly built, and well finished. These were reduced to ashes, and the army spent nearly a day in destroying the fields of corn and the fruit-trees. Of these there were great abundance, and many of them appeared to be very ancient. While thus engaged, the army was joined by one of the inhabitants of Wyoming, a captive who had escaped from the Indians. He informed them that all had been terror among tho Indians since the battle of Newtown, and that Kendaia had been deserted two days before in the greatest confusion. He likewise stated various reasons for believing that the enemy had suffered greatly in that battle--that he had heard some of the Indian women lamenting the loss of their connexions, and that Brant had taken most of the wounded up the Tioga river in water craft, which had been previously made ready in case of defeat. It was farther believed that the King of Kanadaseagea had been killed at Newtown. He had been seen on his way thither, and had not returned. From the description given of his dress and person, moreover, it was believed by General Sullivan that he had seen his body among the slain.

On the 7th of September, Sullivan crossed the outlet of the Seneca Lake, and moved in three divisions upon the town of Kanadaseagea--the Seneca capital--containing about sixty houses, with gardens, and numerous orchards of apple and peach trees. It was Sullivan's object to surround the town, and take it by surprise. But, although Butler had endeavored to induce the Indians to make a stand at that place, his importunities were of no avail. They said it was of no use to contend with such an army; and their capital was consequently abandoned, as the other towns had been, before the Americans could reach it. A detachment of four hundred men was sent down on the west side of the lake, to destroy Gotheseunquean, [FN-1] and the plantations in the neighborhood; while at the same time a number of volunteers, under Colonel Harper, made a forced march in the direction of the Cayuga Lake, and destroyed Schoyere. Meantime the residue of the army was employed, on the 8th, in the destruction of the town, together with the fruit-trees, and fields of corn and beans. [FN-2] Here, as elsewhere, the work of destruction was thorough and complete.

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[FN-1] Thus spelled by General Sullivan, whose official account is in part the basis of this narrative. Captain Theodosius Fowler, in his diary, writes it Karhauguash.

[FN-2] Journal of Capt. Fowler.

In leaving their town, the Indians had fled with such precipitancy that a young white male child, about seven or eight years old, was left behind, asleep. It was taken in charge by an officer, who, from ill health, was not on duty. In retiring from the campaign, for the same cause, he took the child with him, and nothing more of its history is known. This flight of the Indians was universal; and of all commanders, Sullivan seems to have been least successful in finding the enemy of whom he was in search, save only when the enemy wished to be found. Upon this feature of the present campaign it has been remarked, that although the bravery of this officer was unimpeachable, yet he was altogether unacquainted with the science of Indian warfare, and was sure to use the best means to keep the savages at such a distance, that they could not be brought unwillingly to an engagement. For instance, he persisted in the practice of having cannon fired from his camp, mornings and evenings, forgetting what every one else perceived, that the Indians were thus notified of his position and the rapidity of his marches--thus being enabled daily to retreat from his approach exactly in time. [FN]

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[FN] Letter of John Salmon, in the Appendix of Mary Jemison's Life.

From this point a detachment of sixty men, with the lame and sick, was sent back to Tioga. The main army then moved forward upon Kanandaigua, at which place it arrived in two days. Here they "found twenty-three very elegant houses, mostly framed, and in general large," [FN] together with very extensive fields of corn--all of which were destroyed. From Kanandaigua they proceeded to the small town of Honeoye, consisting of ten houses, which were immediately burnt to the ground. A post was established at Honeoye, to maintain which a strong garrison was left, with the heavy stores and one field-piece. With this precautionary measure the army prepared to advance upon the yet more considerable town of Genesee--the great capital of the western tribes of the confederacy--containing their stores, and their broadest cultivated fields.

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[FN] General Sullivan's official account.

Hearing of Sullivan's continued advance, and of his purpose to strike their towns upon the Genesee, the Indians once more began to think of giving battle. A council of their towns was convened, the result of which was a determination to intercept the invaders, and strike another blow in defence of their homes. They felt that if unopposed, the destruction of their towns would be inevitable, and their fate could be no worse should they meet and fight the conqueror--whatever might be the result. Their first precaution was to place their women and children in a place of security, in the woods at a distance from their town; so that, in the event of being themselves defeated, the non-combatants would have an opportunity to escape. Having made their preparations, the warriors took the field again--selecting for their battle-ground a position between Honeoye Creek and the head of Connissius Lake. [FN] Placing themselves in ambush, they awaited the approach of Sullivan's forces. They rose, however, upon the advance-guard of the Americans, and after a brisk skirmish, the latter fell back upon the main body--of which the Indians did not await the arrival. The only fruit of this attack, on behalf of the Indians, was the capture of two Indian prisoners of the Oneida tribe. Of itself, this incident was insignificant; but a transaction grew out of it of thrilling interest, and strongly illustrative of Indian character. One of the Indians thus taken, was General Sullivan's guide, and had, moreover, been very active in the contest, rendering the Americans frequent and important services. On that account he was a prisoner of consequence. But there was another feature in the case not altogether unworthy of note. This faithful Indian had an elder brother engaged with the enemy, who, at the beginning of the war, had exerted all his power to persuade the younger into the British service also, but without success. At the close of this skirmish the brothers met for the first time since their separation, when they had respectively chosen to travel different war-paths; the younger a prisoner to the elder. The latter had no sooner recognized his brother after the _melée_, than his eyes kindled with that fierce and peculiar lustre which lights up the burning eyes of a savage when meditating vengeance. Approaching him haughtily, he spoke as follows:--

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[FN] At or near a place now called Henderon's Flatta, Vide Life of Mary Jemison and letter of John Salmon.

"Brother! You have merited death! The hatchet or the war-club shall finish your career! When I begged of you to follow me in the fortunes of war, you were deaf to my cries: you spurned my entreaties!

"Brother! You have merited death, and shall have your deserts! When the rebels raised their hatchets to fight their good master, you sharpened your knife, you brightened your rifle, and led on our foes to the fields of our fathers!

"Brother! You have merited death, and shall die by our hands! When those rebels had driven us from the fields of our fathers to seek out new houses, it was you who could dare to step forth as their pilot, and conduct them even to the doors of our wigwams, to butcher our children and put us to death! No crime can be greater! But though you have merited death, and shall die on this spot, my hands shall not be stained with the blood of a brother!--_Who will strike?_"

A pause of but a moment ensued. The bright hatchet of Little Beard, the sachem of the village, flashed in the air like the lightning, and the young Oneida chief was dead at his feet. [FN] The other captive, who was also an Oneida sachem, was then informed by Little Beard that he was warring only against the whites, and that his life should be spared; adding, farther, that at a suitable time he should be restored to liberty. Distrusting the good faith of the chief, however, the captive watched an opportunity for escape, and very shortly afterward accomplished his purpose--but in a manner which produced another tragic catastrophe, as will presently appear.

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[FN] This was truly a shocking transaction, but not _so_ shocking as that of the horrible fratricide before recorded at Wyoming, nor so shocking as the attempt of the brother of Colonel Frey at Oriskany. The Indian had far the most humanity, and far the highest sense of honor and duty.

From Honeoye, General Sullivan advanced in two days upon a town containing twenty-five houses, called Kanaghsaws. There were large corn-fields to be destroyed here also, and a bridge to be constructed over an unfordable creek intervening between Kanaghsaws and Little Beard's town, lying next in the route to Genesee--so called from the name of a celebrated chief then residing there. While delayed by these obstacles, Lieutenant Boyd, of the rifle corps, was detached with twenty-six men to reconnoiter that chieftain's town, where also was a castle. Having performed that duty, and in doing so killed and scalped two Indians [FN-1] in the otherwise deserted village, he had commenced his return to the main division. It so happened that Boyd was passing at no great distance from the party of Indians having the Oneida prisoner in charge. The latter was guarded by two Indians, between whom he was walking arm in arm, when, at a favorable moment, he suddenly broke from their grasp, and fled at the top of his speed in the direction of Sullivan's army. The Indians, in goodly numbers, turned out in pursuit, and while running, fell in with the party of Lieutenant Boyd. [FN-2] By this time the Indians in pursuit after the fugitive numbered several hundred, under the immediate command of Joseph Brant, who seems suddenly to have made his appearance for the occasion. [FN-3] Indeed, according to one authority, Brant was not concerned with the pursuit, but had previously secreted himself in a deep ravine, with a large party of his Indians and Butler's rangers, for the express purpose of cutting off Boyd's retreat. [FN-4] Discovering his situation, and in fact surrounded by fearful odds, Boyd saw, of course, that his only chance of escape was to strike at some given point, and cut his way through the ranks of the enemy. It was a bold measure; but there was no alternative, and he made three successive attempts to accomplish his purpose. In the first, several of the enemy fell, without the loss of a single man on his own part. But he was repulsed. The Indians stood their ground nobly; and in the second and third attempts upon their line by Boyd, his whole party fell except himself and eight others. In the next moment several of these were killed, while a few succeeded in flight--among whom was the bold Virginian, Murphy. Boyd was himself taken prisoner, and one other man named Parker. The Lieutenant immediately solicited an interview with Thayendanegea, and making himself known as a Freemason, was assured by the chief of protection. [FN-5] One of the party under Lieutenant Boyd was a brave Oneida warrior, named Honyerry, who served him as a guide. This faithful Indian had served long with the Americans, and, as the reader has already seen, was particularly distinguished in the battle of Oriskany, where so many of the Mohawk and Seneca warriors fell. On the present occasion, moreover, he acquitted himself with signal courage. Being an excellent marksman, his rifle did great execution. The Indians knew him, and as they closed in upon the little band, poor Honyerry was literally hacked to pieces. [FN-6] It was a dear victory, however, to the enemy. The firing was so close before the brave party was destroyed, that the powder of the enemy's muskets was driven into their flesh. The enemy had no covert, while Boyd's party was, for a portion of the time at least, possessed of a very advantageous one. The enemy were, moreover, so long employed in removing their dead, that the approach of General Hand's brigade obliged them to leave one of the number among the dead riflemen; together with a wagon load of packs, blankets, hats, and provisions, which they had thrown off to enable them to act with more agility in the field. [FN-7]

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[FN-1] Captain Fowler's Journal. One of these Indians was shot and scalped by Murphy, whose name has already occurred in connexion with the Schoharie wars.

[FN-2] Life of Mary Jemison.

[FN-3] Captain Fowler and John Salmon both state the number of Indians engaged in this affair at upward of five hundred.

[FN-4] John Salmon's letter.

[FN-5] Idem.

[FN-6] Captain Fowler's Journal.

[FN-7] Sullivan's Official Account.

From the battle-field Brant conducted Lieutenant Boyd and his fellow captive to Little Beard's town, where they found Colonel Butler with a detachment of the rangers. While under the supervision of Brant, the Lieutenant was well treated and safe from danger. But the chief being called away in the discharge of his multifarious duties, Boyd was left with Butler, who soon afterward began to examine him by questions as to the situation, numbers, and intentions of General Sullivan and his troops. He, of course, declined answering all improper questions; whereat Butler threatened that if he did not give him full and explicit information, he would deliver him up to the tender mercies of the Indians. Relying confidently upon the assurances of the generous Mohawk chieftain, Boyd still refused, and Butler fulfilled his bloody threat--delivering him over to Little Beard and his clan, the most ferocious of the Seneca tribe. [FN-1] The gallant fellow was immediately put to death by torture; and in the execution there was a refinement of cruelty, of which it is not known that a parallel instance occurred during the whole war. Having been denuded, Boyd was tied to a sapling, where the Indians first practised upon the steadiness of his nerves by hurling their tomahawks apparently at his head, but so as to strike the trunk of the sapling as near to his head as possible without hitting it--groups of Indians, in the meantime, brandishing their knives, and dancing around him with the most frantic demonstrations of joy. His nails were pulled out, his nose cut off, and one of his eyes plucked out His tongue was also cut out, and he was stabbed in various places. [FN-2] After amusing themselves sufficiently in this way, a small incision was made in his abdomen, and the end of one of his intestines taken out and fastened to the tree. The victim was then unbound, and driven round the tree by brute force, until his intestines had all been literally drawn from his body and wound round its trunk. His sufferings were then terminated by striking his head from his body. It was then raised upon a pole in triumph. Parker, the other captive, was likewise beheaded, but not otherwise tortured. After the conclusion of this tragedy, the Indians held a brief council to determine whether to offer any farther resistance to General Sullivan, or to yield their country to his ravages without opposition. They finally came to the decision that they were not sufficiently powerful to oppose the invaders with success, and thereupon decided to leave their possessions, for the preservation of their lives and those of their families. The women and children were thereupon sent away in the direction of Niagara, while the warriors remained in the forests about Little Beard's town, to watch the motions of the Americans. [FN-3]

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[FN-1] Letter of Salmon. There is some reason to doubt which of the Butlers was the actor in this instance--the father, Colonel John, or the more severe Captain, his son.

[FN-2] Sullivan's Official Account.

[FN-3] Life of Mary Jemison. According to Colonel Butler's statement, after his examination Boyd was sent forward with a guard to Niagara; but, while passing through Genesee village, an old Indian rushed out and tomahawked him. But Salmon says he was put to death by the most cruel tortures, and so says the official report of General Sullivan. Mary Jemison, who was with the Indians gives the details from which the present account is drawn. It is to be hoped, however, that Colonel Butler was not accessory to the cruelty; and in justice to his memory, it must be admitted that it was not a transaction characteristic of him.

As soon as the main division had heard of the situation of Boyd, they moved forward--arriving, however, only in season to bury the bodies of the slain. [FN-1] This tragic occurrence took place on the 13th of September. On the same day Sullivan moved forward to a place called Gathtsegwarohare, where the enemy, both Indians and rangers, were apparently disposed to make a stand. The troops were immediately brought into order of battle, and General Clinton's brigade commenced a movement with a view of outflanking and gaining the enemy's rear. But discovering the movement, the enemy retreated with precipitation. Sullivan encamped on the ground--the men sleeping on their arms, in the expectation of an attack. But the enemy did not disturb their repose; and on the 14th the army continued its advance, and crossed the Genesee river. Arriving at Little Beard's town, [FN-2] they found the mutilated bodies of Boyd and Parker, which were buried on the bank of Beard's Creek, under a clump of wild plum trees. [FN-3]

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[FN-1] They were buried at a place now called Groveland, where the grave was very recently to be seen.

[FN-2] The place is now called Leicester.

[FN-3] On the road now running from Moscow to Genesee.

The valley of the Genesee, for its beauty and fertility, was beheld by the army of Sullivan with astonishment and delight. Though an Indian country, and peopled only by the wild men of the woods, its rich intervales presented the appearance of long cultivation, and were then smiling with their harvests of ripening corn. Indeed, the Indians themselves professed not to know when or by whom the lands upon that stream were first brought into cultivation. Nearly half a century before, Mary Jemison had observed a quantity of human bones washed down from one of the banks of the river, which the Indians held were not the remains of their own people, but of a different race of men who had once possessed that country. The Indians, they contended, had never buried their dead in such a situation. Be all this, however, as it may, instead of a howling wilderness, Sullivan and his troops found the Genesee flats, and many other districts of the country, resembling much more the orchards, and farms, and gardens of civilized life. But all was now doomed to speedy devastation. The Genesee castle was destroyed. The troops scoured the whole region round about, and burnt and destroyed every thing that came in their way. Little Beard himself had officiated as master of ceremonies at the torturing of Boyd; and his town was now burnt to the ground, and large quantities of corn, which his people had laid up in store, were destroyed by being burnt or thrown into the river. "The town of Genesee contained one hundred and twenty-eight houses, mostly large and very elegant. It was beautifully situated, almost encircled with a clear flat, extending a number of miles; over which extensive fields of corn were waving, together with every kind of vegetable that could be conceived." [FN-1] But the entire army was immediately engaged in destroying it, and the axe and the torch soon transformed the whole of that beautiful region from the character of a garden to a scene of drear and sickening desolation. Forty Indian towns, the largest containing one hundred and twenty-eight houses, were destroyed. [FN-2] Corn, gathered and ungathered, to the amount of one hundred and sixty thousand bushels, shared the same fate; their fruit-trees were cut down; and the Indians were hunted like wild beasts, till neither house, nor fruit-tree, nor field of corn, nor inhabitant, remained in the whole country. The gardens were enriched with great quantities of useful vegetables, of different kinds. The size of the corn-fields, as well as the high degree of cultivation in which they were kept, excited wonder; and the ears of corn were so remarkably large, that many of them measured twenty-two inches in length. So numerous were the fruit-trees, that in one orchard they cut down fifteen hundred. [FN-3]

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[FN-1] Sullivan's Account.

[FN-2] It has already been seen that this wide-spread destruction was the result of the express instructions of General Washington. It was in reference to this fact, that, when addressing President Washington at an Indian council held in Philadelphia, in 1792, Cornplanter commenced his speech in the following strain:--"Father: The voice of the Seneca nation speaks to you, the Great Counselor, in whose heart the wise men of all the Thirteen Fires have placed their wisdom. It may be very small in your ears, and we therefore entreat you to hearken with attention: for we are about to speak to you of things which to us are very great. When your army entered the country of the Six Nations, we called you the Town Destroyer; and to this day, when that name is heard, our women look behind them and turn pale, and our children cling close to the necks of their mothers. Our counselors and warriors are men, and cannot be afraid; but their hearts are grieved with the fears of our women and children, and desire that it maybe buried so deep as to be heard no more."

[FN-3] Ramsay. See, also, History of the British Empire, 2 volumes--anonymous. While Sullivan was at Genesee, a female captive from Wyoming was re-taken. She gave a deplorable account of the terror and confusion of the Indians. The women, she said, were constantly begging the warriors to sue for peace; and one of the Indians, she stated, had attempted to shoot Colonel Johnson for the falsehoods by which he had deceived and ruined them. She overheard Butler tell Johnson that after the battle of Newtown it was impossible to keep the Indians together, and that he thought they would soon be in a miserable situation, as all their crops would be destroyed, and they could not be supplied at Niagara.

It is in connexion with this campaign that the name of the celebrated Seneca orator, _Sagayewatha,_ or _Red Jacket,_ first occurs in history, or rather, will now for the first time thus occur, since it has never yet been mentioned at so early a date by any previous writer. It is well known by all who are acquainted with Indian history, that Brant and Red Jacket were irreconcilable enemies. The origin of this enmity has never yet been known to the public, and it has by some been imputed to the jealousy entertained by Brant of the growing reputation of his younger and more eloquent rival. But such is not the fact Brant ever acknowledged the great intellectual powers of Red Jacket, but always maintained that he was not only destitute of principle, but an arrant coward. In support of these opinions, he asserted that Red Jacket had given him much trouble and embarrassment during this campaign of General Sullivan, and was in fact the principal cause of the disgrace and disasters of the Indians. In relating a history of the expedition to a distinguished American gentleman, [FN] Brant stated that after the battle of Newtown, Red Jacket was in the habit of holding private councils with the young warriors, and some of the more timid sachems, the object of which was to persuade them to sue for peace, upon any--even ignominious terms; and that at one time he had so far succeeded as to induce them to send privately, and without the knowledge of the principal war chiefs, a runner into General Sullivan's camp, to make known to him the spirit of dissatisfaction and division that prevailed among the Indians, and to invite him to send a flag of truce with certain propositions calculated to increase their divisions and produce a dishonorable peace. Brant, who was privately informed of all these proceedings, but feared the consequences of disclosing and attempting to suppress them by forcible means, despatched, secretly also, two confidential warriors to way-lay the flag when on its route from the American to the Indian camp, and to put the bearer of it to death, and then return secretly with his despatches. This was accomplished as he directed, and all attempts at farther negotiations thereby prevented. It was certainly a bold measure; and how far Brant's conduct therein is susceptible of justification, or even palliation, will depend on a variety of minute circumstances which it is now too late to ascertain.

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[FN] The late Secretary of War, General Peter B. Porter.

Having completed the objects contemplated by the expedition to the point at which he had arrived, General Sullivan re-crossed the Genesee with his army on the 16th of September, and set out an his return. Why he did not follow up his success and strike at the enemy's citadel at Niagara, which at that time was in no situation for formidable resistance, is a question difficult of solution. Unquestionably, in the organization of the expedition, the conquest of Niagara, the head-quarters of the foe of all descriptions, and the seat of British influence and power among the Indians, was one of the principal objects in view. But perhaps the forces of the American General had become too much weakened by sickness and fatigue, (they had not lost a hundred men in battle,) to allow of a farther advance. Certain it is, that the most important feature of the enterprise was not undertaken; and it will be seen in the sequel, that but small ultimate advantage resulted from the campaign. Stimulated by a yet keener thirst for revenge, clouds of savages were afterward again and again seen to sweep through the valley of the Mohawk with the scalping knife and the torch. The excuse offered by Sullivan himself was, the want of provisions; but this deficiency might have been most abundantly supplied from the ample stores of the Indians, which were either burnt or thrown into the river.

The return of the army was along the same track by which it had advanced. On the 20th, having re-crossed the outlet of Seneca Lake, Colonel Zebulon Butler was detached with the rifle corps and five hundred men, to pass round the foot of Cayuga Lake, and lay waste the Indian towns on its eastern shore; while on the next day, Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn, with two hundred men, was detached to perform the same service along the south-western shore. The main army pursued the most direct route to the Chemung and Tioga. On the 26th Colonel Dearborn's detachment returned, and on the 28th they were rejoined by Colonel Butler, who had burnt three towns of the Cayugas, including their capital. [FN] Dearborn had burnt six towns in his route, destroying at the same time large quantities of corn. On the same day Colonels Van Courtlandt and Dayton were detached upon a similar service, for the destruction of large fields of corn growing upon the banks of the Tioga and its tributaries.

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[FN] The Oneidas, it will be recollected, had been interceding in behalf of the Cayugas, or at least a portion of them. Upon this point General Sullivan wrote in his official report as follows:--"I trust the steps I have taken in respect to the Cayugas will prove satisfactory. And here I beg leave to mention, that on searching the houses of these pretended neutral Cayugas, a number of scalps were found, which appeared to have been lately taken, which Colonel Butler showed to the Oneidas, who said that they were then convinced of the justice of the steps I had taken."

On the 30th of September the army reached its original point of concentration at Tioga, where, it will be recollected, a fort had been thrown up, and left in charge of a small garrison. This work was destroyed on the 3d of October. The army then resumed its return march, and passing through Wyoming, arrived at Easton on the 15th. The distance thence to the Genesee castle was two hundred and eighty miles. With the exception of the action at Newtown, the achievements of the army in battle were not great. But it had scoured a broad extent of country, and laid more towns in ashes than had ever been destroyed on the continent before. The red men were driven from their beautiful country--their habitations left in ruins, their fields laid waste, their orchards uprooted, and their altars and the tombs of their fathers overthrown.

There was, however, an episode to this campaign, if such a phrase may be allowed in military history, which, unexplained as it has been, appears like a very strange movement on the part of General Sullivan. It has been seen in the earlier portion of the present work, that when the great body of the Mohawks retired to Canada with the Johnsons, preparatory to taking up the hatchet against the Americans, the clan at the lower castle declined accompanying them. Thus far, moreover, during the whole progress of the war, they had preserved a strict neutrality. They had neither molested their white neighbors, nor been molested themselves; but were living quietly, cultivating their grounds in the midst of the best settled portion of Tryon County, or following the chase at their pleasure--and on terms of perfect amity and good-will with their white neighbors. By some means or other, however, General Sullivan had imbibed a distrust of these people, and on the 20th of September, while at the foot of Seneca Lake, he detached Colonel Gansevoort, with a corps of one hundred men, to Fort Schuyler From thence his orders were peremptory that he should proceed forthwith down the Mohawk to the said lower Indian castle, make all the Indians captives if possible, destroy their castle, and then proceed immediately with the said prisoners to head-quarters--the order explicitly forbidding that any of the prisoners so taken should be left at Albany; and the Colonel was at the same time enjoined, amidst all these measures of hostility, to show the Indians, so to be dispossessed and carried away by violence, "such necessary marks of civility and attention as might engage a continuance of their friendship, and give evidence of our pacific disposition toward them!" This was truly a surprising order, and, as the event proved, as uncalled for and unjust as it was incomprehensible. As Colonel Gansevoort's official report of his proceedings under this order will present the best view of the whole transaction, it is inserted entire:--

"Colonel Gansevoort to General Sullivan.

"_Albany, October_ 8, 1779.

"Sir,

"Agreeably to my orders, I proceeded by the shortest route to the lower Mohawk castle, passing through the Tuscarora and Oneida castles (towns), where every mark of hospitality and friendship was shown the party. I had the pleasure to find that not the least damage nor insult was offered any of the inhabitants. On the 25th I arrived at Fort Schuyler, where, refreshing my party, I proceeded down the river, and on the 29th effectually surprised the lower Mohawk castle, making prisoners of every Indian inhabitant They then occupied but four houses. I was preparing, agreeable to my orders, to destroy them, but was interrupted by the inhabitants of the frontiers, who have been lately driven from their settlements by the savages, praying that they might have liberty to enter into the Mohawks' houses, until they could procure other habitations; and well knowing those persons to have lately lost their all, humanity tempted me in this particular to act in some degree contrary to orders, although I could not but be confident of your approbation; especially when you are informed that this castle is in the heart of our settlements, and abounding with every necessary; so that it is remarked that these Indians live much better than most of the Mohawk river farmers. Their houses were very well furnished with all necessary household utensils, great plenty of grain, several horses, cows, and wagons; of all which I have an inventory, leaving them in the care of Major Newkirk, of that place, who distributed the refugees in the several houses. Such being the situation, I did not allow the party to plunder at all.

"The prisoners arrived at Albany on the 2d instant, and were closely secured in the fort. Yesterday, the 7th, I received a letter from General Schuyler, (of which I enclose a copy,) respecting the prisoners, desiring that the sending the prisoners down might be postponed until an express shall arrive from General Washington. Agreeably to this request, a sergeant and twelve men are detained to keep charge of the prisoners until his pleasure is known.

"It is with the greatest regret I mention my indisposition being so great as to hinder my taking charge of the party to headquarters. I have been several days confined, and my surgeon informs me that my complaint is bilious fever. Captain Sytez takes command of the detachment, and will proceed with all expedition to head-quarters with the baggage of the several regiments, where I hope shortly to join the army. I remain, &c., &c."

It seems that General Schuyler, then at the head of the Northern Commission of the Indian Department, having heard of the harsh measure adopted in regard to the lower castle Mohawks, had interposed in their behalf. The following is the letter referred to by Colonel Gansevoort, a copy of which was enclosed to General Sullivan:--

"General Schuyler to Colonel Gansevoort.

"_Albany October_ 7, 1779.

"Dear Sir,

"Having perused Gen. Sullivan's orders to you respecting the Indians of the lower Mohawk castle and their property, I conceive they are founded on misinformation given to that gentlemen; these Indians have peaceably remained there under the sanction of the public faith repeatedly given them by the commissioners of Indian affairs, on condition of peaceable demeanor; this contract they have not violated to our knowledge. It is therefore incumbent on us, as servants of the public, to keep the public faith inviolate; and we therefore entreat you to postpone the sending the Indians from hence until the pleasure of his Excellency, Gen. Washington, can be obtained, and a letter is already despatched to him on the occasion, and in which we have mentioned this application to you. I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

"Ph. Schuyler,
_President of the Board of Commissioners
of Indian affairs, N. Department._"

Copies of these letters were at the same time enclosed to the Commander-in-chief by Colonel Gansevoort, and the result was a speedy release of the poor Indians, with directions from General Washington that the Commissioners should "lay them under such obligations for their future good behavior as they should think necessary." [FN]

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[FN] MS. letter of Washington to Colonel Gansevoort. In justice to General Sullivan respecting this crusade against the little neighborhood of friendly Mohawks, it should be stated that he acted under misinformation. In his official report, written from Tioga, September 30, he said:--"I directed Colonel Gansevoort to destroy the lower Mohawk castle in his route, and capture the inhabitants, consisting of only six or seven families, who were constantly employed in giving intelligence to the enemy, and in supporting their scouting parties when making incursions on our frontiers. When the Mohawks joined the enemy, those few families were undoubtedly left to answer those purposes, and keep possession of their lands."

Thus ended the memorable campaign of General Sullivan against the country of the Six Nations; and, however harshly that officer may have been spoken of by others, it is certain, from the letters of the Commander-in-chief, that his conduct was viewed in that quarter with the most decided approbation. The officers of the several corps engaged in the expedition held separate meetings, and testified the warmest regard in his behalf, and their approbation of the manner in which he had conducted the campaign. On the 14th of October Congress passed a resolution of thanks to General Washington for directing this expedition, and to "General Sullivan and the brave officers and soldiers under his command for its effectual execution." But at the very time of the adoption of the resolution, it was evident that it was carried by a reluctant vote. Sullivan had made such high demands for military stores, and had so freely complained of the government for inattention to those demands, as to give much offence to some members of Congress and to the Board of War. [FN] He, in consequence, resigned his commission on the 9th of November, under the convenient pretext of ill health. The resignation was accepted by Congress on the 30th of that month--accompanied, however, by a vote of thanks for past services.

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[FN] Allen's Biographical Dictionary.

But there was yet another expedition against the Indians, devised and executed in conjunction, or rather simultaneously, with that of General Sullivan. This movement took place under the direction of Colonel Daniel Brodhead, then commanding at Fort Pitt, and was originally designed by the Commander-in-chief, after accomplishing the destruction of the Mingo, Munsey, and a portion of the Seneca Indians settled on the Allegheny river, for co-operation with that of Sullivan, by a junction at Niagara--a point, as it happened, unattained by either. Preparatory to this campaign, Washington had written to Colonel Brodhead, on the 22d of March, directing him to throw forward detachments of troops, the first to take post at Kittaning, and the second at Venango, and to build stockade forts at both places--observing the greatest possible secrecy in regard to ulterior operations. [FN-1] From various unforeseen difficulties, the project of a direct co-operation with Sullivan was abandoned on the 21st of April, and Colonel Brodhead was directed to make the necessary reconnaissances for a movement against Detroit, should such an expedition be deemed advisable. [FN-2] The result, however, was an independent campaign against the tribes or clans of Indians last above mentioned, inhabiting the head waters of the Allegheny river, French Creek, and other tributaries of the Ohio. Colonel Brodhead left Pittsburgh on the 11th of August, at the head of six hundred rank and file, including volunteers and militia, with provisions for one month. The first Indian town designed to be attacked was Cannowago. On their way thither, four days after their departure from Fort Pitt, Colonel Brodhead's advanced guard met a party of between thirty and forty Indian warriors descending the Allegheny in canoes. The Indians landed to give battle; but were defeated after a sharp brush, and put to flight, leaving five warriors dead, and evident marks that others had been carried off wounded. On arriving at Cannowago, the troops were mortified to find that the town had been deserted for eighteen months. Proceeding onward, however, they successively entered several towns, which were abandoned by the Indians on their approach. They were all destroyed, together with the adjacent corn-fields. At the upper Seneca town, called Yoghroonwago, they found a painted image, or war-post, clothed in dog-skin. There were several towns in the vicinity of this place, containing, in all, one hundred and thirty houses, some of which were large enough to accommodate three or four families each. These were all destroyed, together with their fields of corn, so extensive that the troops were occupied three days in accomplishing the object. The old towns of Buckloons and Maghinquechahocking, consisting of thirty-five large houses, were likewise burnt. The Indians had fled so precipitately as to leave some packages of skins and other booty, to the value of three thousand dollars--all of which was taken. Fields of corn were destroyed at least to the extent of five hundred acres. From the number of new houses building, and the extent of lands preparing for cultivation, it was conjectured that it was the intention of the whole Seneca and Munsey nation to plant themselves down in those settlements. [FN-3] The distance traversed by Colonel Brodhead, going and returning, was four hundred miles, and not a man was lost during the expedition.

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[FN-1] Letter from Washington to Colonel Brodhead, March 22, 1779--Vide Sparks's Life and Correspondence, vol. vi.

[FN-2] Letter from the same to the same, April 21, 1779.

[FN-3] Official account of Colonel Brodhead. Upon this expedition, in connexion with that of Sullivan, the historian, Ramsay, remarks--"In this manner the savage part of the war was carried on. Waste, and sometimes cruelty, were inflicted and retorted, with infinite variety of scenes of horror and disgust. The selfish passions of human nature, unrestrained by social ties, broke over all bounds of decency or humanity."