Chapter XIII (2)

"When, in consequence of the warm support you gave my nephew, dispatches were received by the late Governor from England, in favor of the Indians, the Agent insinuated, through his instruments of intrigue, that he was about effecting something much to their detriment, should they not immediately prevent it. But finding that he could not succeed at the Grand River, a few of the common people went to Buffalo Creek, a village of the Five Nations within the American line, where they had a council, and then went to Niagara, [FN] where Mr. Claus, the Agent, dictated to them what was sent to England. . . . Several of the principal Chiefs from Buffalo, who signed, are pensioners to the Americans; one of them, Red Jacket, or the _Cow-killer,_ the speaker, and the greatest coward of all the Five Nations, at the Connecticut (in New-England) Assembly swore, or promised, kissing the portrait of General Washington, to be true to their interests. But to make their numbers appear more respectable, all the common people signed as Chiefs, from the villages on the American side, as did the few, with three or four petty chiefs, who went from the Grand River. The poor fellows, in consequence of the promises, and having signed together with the officers, have been long expecting to receive their commissions; and even some of them have been expecting to receive tidings of them by Teyoninhokarawen. The purport of the writing was, that the mission and proceedings of Teyoninhokarawen should be disallowed of and disavowed; that I should be displaced from being Chief; and that a few settlers introduced by the Chiefs--."

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[FN] Vide certificate of Captain Leonard, and other American officers, then stationed at Niagara.--Appendix, No. XIII.

Here the copy of this communication abruptly breaks off. But although the proceedings referred to were transmitted to England by the opponents of the Chief, and followed by consequences fatal to the mission of Norton; yet the failure, so far as the Chief himself was concerned, was as signal as the plot in all respects was indefensible and unjust. It was but a few months anterior to these proceedings, founded, in the main, upon alleged embezzlements, or mal-appropriations, of the revenue of his nation, that a General Council had been holden at Grand River, which was attended by the chiefs and warriors, the Deputy and Superintendent-General, and the principal military officers of the province, and at which the pecuniary transactions of Captain Brant had been fully investigated--found to be accurate, and approved. The proceedings at this council appear to have been dictated in the most amicable spirit; and from their complexion, nothing could have been more unlikely than the revival of charges, then so thoroughly shown to be without foundation in truth. [FN]

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[FN] See Appendix, No. XIV.

But the old Chief, did not remain passive under his persecutions. He took an early occasion to meet a council of the faction of his own nation who were opposing him, and to upbraid them in no very measured terms for their ingratitude. His address was written out in full, in the Mohawk dialect, and was afterward circulated in the form of an appeal to his nation. [FN] After a spirited review of his life, and the services he had rendered them from the commencement of the war of the Revolution, the appeal proceeded:--

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[FN] This document was never translated by Captain Brant. Portions of the manuscript are illegible; but all that can be read has been translated for the use of the author.

. . . "It astonishes me, therefore, after all that I have done for you, to hear almost all of you, young and old, joining your voices with Colonel Claus, and saying of me that I have embezzled your property, and such like hard speeches, which you know are false,--while you never so much as think of mentioning the many important services I have rendered you, the many privations I have suffered on your account, and the journies I have undertaken for your benefit--for the time and expenses of which you have never paid me one penny. . . . At Philadelphia the Americans spoke in a very friendly manner to me, and made me large offers of presents for myself and family if I would prevent any farther attacks from the Indians. But I positively refused to accept of any thing from them, lest I should injure your good name as the Six Nation Indians. And again, I knew that the King would not suffer me to be in want; and had I accepted anything at this time, it might have been thought that I had been bribed, and become a traitor, which, when made public, would have been disgraceful to me, and injurious to you as my people. I thought I could depend on our white brethren, the King's subjects, should I at any time need their assistance. . . . There was the Grand River Tract, upon which I might have had a farm, and lived on its produce. These considerations were more than sufficient to deter me from receiving the valuable presents offered for my acceptance. . . . I think the only way I could satisfy you, would be for me to pay out of my own purse for every item that has to be expended for your public uses. My only crime is, that I want to make you a happy people, and for you to be enabled to call your land your own forever; and not leaving it doubtful whether it is yours or not. I say you would be well pleased if every thing could be done for the general good of the Six Nations, without parting with a foot of land to pay for contingencies. Colonel Claus asks you where your money is gone to? He never asks where the proceeds of sales of your lands are gone to, else you might tell him that it is gone to assist in building his splendid house. Whenever I have had occasion to use any of your money, I have never touched any but the interest, and have left the principal entire. But your friend Claus has devoted principal and interest together; and yet you come to my house complaining. . . . I ask again, what do you find in my conduct to disapprove of? If you can point any thing out, I should like to hear it. Or, will you say that every thing that I have done has been for your injury and not for your benefit?"

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"I say I cannot find, in all that I have done, that anything has tended to your injury, or the injury of the King's cause. Yet you speak of me as one who is your enemy--as one who does what he can to injure you; and I have no doubt that you, who are hearing me, feel so toward me in your hearts, although I have reiterated in your hearing many instances where what I did tended to raise your name as well as my own; and in other instances, when I might have been enriched, I have refused receiving for fear of your name being tarnished. Still, you would almost brand me with the name of thief, although not one of you have ever subscribed a penny to pay my expenses when I have traveled on your public business."

The original manuscript of this address is much broken, especially in that portion of it containing a review of his services in connexion with the wars of the north-western Indians with the United States. The following fragments of sentences upon that subject, only, have been translated:--

. . . "Every man of us thought, that by fighting for the King, we should ensure to ourselves and children a good inheritance. . . . At another time, at the last council we held, when the Americans were talking with the Indians, I spoke to Otsinarenta, and said, 'if the Americans fail in . . . I should like to go and surprise Wayne when he least expects it.'"

It was very soon manifest that the pretended deposition of the veteran Mohawk, at the instigation of white men, and through the immediate agency of Red Jacket, was no act of the great body of the Six Nations, much less of his own nation; and the attempt to shake the faith of their "fathers in council," in the perfect integrity of the Chief who had so long been their leader in the cabinet and in the field, was a signal abortion. A meeting of the chiefs and warriors was soon afterward held, at which the whole controversy seems again, from the fragments of the proceedings yet in existence, to have been renewed. From one of the speeches, the following passages, connected immediately with the position and conduct of Brant, and the proceedings against him, are extracted:--

"Brother, listen! Is it not thus, when a present is given, that the bestower will not think of again grasping hold of it? But it seems as if we were in that predicament--not being considered as real proprietors. We are grieved and ashamed that so much should have been said on the subject, without it being confirmed according to the first promise.

"Brother: We find divisions among us. The young men think to take the lead, who know nothing of our affairs nor what we suffered in the war. According to the first formation of our confederacy, the Mohawk was the leading nation. So it has been since our establishment at the Grand River. Therefore our leading Chief, Captain Brant, has stood foremost in our affairs, with which he is thoroughly acquainted.

"Brother: There have been rumors concerning our money, and the application made of it. We, that have been engaged in the public affairs, know where it is gone. He has not been always traveling, and employed on his own concerns--it has been on those of the public. He has been to the other side of the water, and several times to Quebec; and always in these journies expended his own property, we never making any collection for him whatever. And now what he may have made use of is only the interest. Nothing has been taken from the principal. The payment for one township has been made without any delinquency whatever. We are perfectly satisfied with all his transactions.

"Brother, listen! That which was done at Buffalo, and which you have confirmed and sent to the other side of the water, was a thing that had never before taken place, in which they pretend to break our Chief, Captain Brant. But we assure you, brother, that this shall not be; for we know not his having so transgressed as to merit such treatment. Neither is it proper that such a proceeding within the American line, and done by Indians inhabiting that territory, should be countenanced by you."

At the same setting, _Tchaosennoghts,_ or _Duguoin,_ a Seneca Chief, spoke as follows:--

"Brother: You see here a remnant of the warriors that fought last war, whose hearts are grieved that they have lived to see the present change of our treatment, and our situation. The divisions existing among us, and the attempts of the young men to put the Chiefs aside, have no other origin than the Indian store. It is there the young men receive from his Majesty's bounty that which was designed for those who fought and suffered in his cause, and who are now treated with neglect. It is from this they are led to imagine themselves men of ability and consequence. It is easy for them to say, now, there is nothing to be done, or no danger--that they are loyal, and side with government. We are no less loyal, we assure you, now; and when occasion required, we gave proofs of our attachment. But we know our Great Father is no less generous than opulent, and does not want our lands. Neither can we think ourselves departing from our duty in wishing to preserve them for our posterity, for we are poor. It is not Captain Brant who is the sower of dissension; but it is what I just mentioned that causes the division amongst us.

"Brother: The right of being chief, according to our customs, arises either from hereditary line on the female side, or from having been distinguished by meritorious conduct, so as to be accepted as such. This has not been the case in the late appointment you sanctioned. One of them, to whom you pay great regard, we know has been distinguished in your opinion far some things which we have not been accustomed to pay that respect to."

Finally, at this, or a subsequent General Council, a speech, drawn up in the form of a declaration, was executed, under the sanction of the signatures and seals of sixteen of the most distinguished chiefs, residents upon the Grand River, and representing the Mohawks, Cayugas, Oghkwagas, Tuscaroras, and one Delaware chief; bearing the most unequivocal testimony to the integrity of Thayendanegea, and asserting their undiminished confidence in his faithful management of their business, as agent in the matter of their lands. It was stated in this paper that he had desired, of himself, some time before, to withdraw from that agency, and that he had only consented to remain therein at their urgent solicitation--he requiring that a board of twenty-four chiefs might be selected from the different tribes, to act as counselors, and probably to determine all questions of doubt or controversy. "This," says the declaration, "has been done--but at the same time we desired that he might continue at the head. And farther hearing that there are many obstacles yet preventing the equitable conclusion of our land business, we now unanimously renew and strengthen him in quality of agent, which, from the confidence we have in his integrity from what has already passed, we assure ourselves he will exert himself in that office, as far as lies in his power, to promote the general welfare. With these strings we therefore exhort him to continue with moderation and patience, and flatter ourselves from the equity of our brethren, the British government, and his abilities, all difficulties will at last be surmounted."

Nothing could be more explicit than this testimony of exoneration, so far as the charges against the Chief were connected with his management of the land concerns of his people. But his vindication did not rest here. Soon after the return of Teyoninhokarawen to the Grand River, a general council of the Six Nations was convened at Niagara, for the purpose of meeting the Deputy Superintendent-General, and entering a solemn protest against the proceedings of the council at which Red Jacket and the Farmer's Brother had pretended to depose Thayendanegea. For several days the Deputy declined meeting the Council, upon the plea of waiting for the attendance of Mr. Selby, a gentleman from Detroit. But as that gentleman did not arrive, and it was uncertain when he would come, if at all, the Chiefs determined to proceed with their business. The Deputy, accompanied by Colonel Proctor, met the Chiefs only to repeat his excuse, and to declare, that under existing circumstances, he would not listen to what they had to say. The Chiefs, however, resolved to proceed with their deliberations; and their protest, yet existing in the chirography of Captain Brant, was read and sanctioned by the council, in presence of several officers of the garrison, and also of several distinguished civilians. This paper contained a succinct review of the controversy respecting the lands; the object of Norton's mission to England; the partial success of that agent--thwarted only by the use that had been made of the proceedings of Red Jacket's unauthorized and illegally-constituted council--a review of those proceedings; and a protest against the whole. [FN] After the reading had been concluded, _Okoghsenniyonte,_ a Cayuga Chief, rose, and declared the general approbation of the document by the council.

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[FN] See Appendix, No. XV.

With these proceedings, it is believed, the efforts to prostrate Brant, and deprive him of the chieftainship, ceased. In any event they were not successful, and he remained at the head of the Mohawks, and consequently at the head of the Confederacy, until the day of his decease.

But, even under all these discouragements, it was not the design of the indefatigable Chief to relinquish his exertions to obtain justice for his people at the hands of the parent government. For this purpose another visit to England was determined upon, to be performed, either by himself, or Norton, or perhaps by both. This determination was announced to the Duke of Northumberland by letter, early in the year 1806:--

"Captain Brant to the Duke of Northumberland.

"_Grand River, January_ 24_th_, 1806.

"My Lord Duke,

"The kind and affectionate letter I received from your Grace, has deeply penetrated our hearts with a sense of the honor you confer on the Five Nations in the sincere regard you express for their welfare; and we hope that our future conduct, and that of our descendants, may never fail to cause such sentiments to be cherished in the noble hearts of the leaders of the British nation. For, however wounding to our feelings, or detrimental to our interests, may be the treatment we have received, and yet continue to receive, in this country, our reliance on the fatherly protection of his Majesty, and the confidence we have ever placed in the humanity, love of justice, and honor of your nation, is not weakened.

"The reason of my having delayed so long writing to your Grace, is, that from the arrival of a new Governor, [FN-1] I received some hopes that what respects our land affairs might have been accomplished to our satisfaction in this country. But these hopes are now vanished--for appearances give me reason to apprehend that the old council, (principally composed of men influenced by an insatiable avarice for lands,) have so prejudiced his Excellency against us, as to disappoint what otherwise we might have expected from the innate benevolence of our father's representative. It is therefore the determination of the real chiefs and faithful warriors to comply with the brotherly advice of your Grace. [FN-2] Therefore, either both of us, or Teyoninhokarawen, [FN-3] shall make another attempt in England, invested with full powers from our nations, in writing, according to European customs, which your distance and our situation at present render absolutely necessary. Some small difficulties necessitate delay, or we would immediately be on the road."

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[FN-1] Sir Francis Gore.

[FN-2] Contained, probably, in a letter from the Duke, which has not been found.

[FN-3] John Norton.

"His Excellency has expressed that he will only hear from us through Mr. Claus, the head of the Indian Department, who is our implacable enemy; and from what has already passed, we are well assured will do every thing in his power to thwart our success. Previous to receiving any speech, he requests that we give him a copy of it; but himself, when he pretended, last of all, to make a defence to what we had expressed at Niagara in July, in reference to his having deceived the British ministry by the improper names sent to England to thwart the mission of Teyoninhokarawen, he read his speech in such a low voice that it could only be heard by those who sat next to him, and afterwards refused to give us a copy of it. So we remain as ignorant of what he alleged in his defence, as if he had made no speech.

"The same confidence in the good faith of our allies, which animated my courage to persevere in the most trying situations during the war, and exhort to a similar perseverance those whom extraordinary difficulties, or American intrigue, might stagger, yet encourages me to hope for justice, notwithstanding the clouds that shade us from it.

"Mr. Wyatt, Surveyor General of this province, does me the favor to take this. The copy of the speech delivered at Niagara last July, Teyoninhokarawen sent you several months ago; so I hope you have received it by this time. With the sincerest respect and gratitude, I remain,

"Your Grace's
Faithful friend and
Brother warrior,
Jos. Brant,
_Thayendanegea._

"His Grace the Duke of Northumberland,
_Thorighwageri._"

"The Duke of Northumberland to Captain Brant.

"_Northumberland House,_ 5_th May,_ 1806.

"My very good Friend and Brother Warrior:

"I have received safely your letter of the 24th January, which reached me on the 23d of last month, with all that pleasure which is naturally felt by one friend when he receives a letter from another friend. I am happy to find that the interest I took in the affairs of the Five Nations has been acceptable to their Board, as I am by being one of their community. They may rest assured I shall always be happy to assist them to the utmost of my power.

"I was very sorry that the zeal of my brother Teyoninhokarawen failed of success; but I can assure you and the Chiefs of the Five Nations, that it was not for want of constant attention and the most unremitting zeal on his part. No person could possibly execute the mission on which he was sent, with more ability than he did. It is only a piece of justice due to him, to desire you to mention this to the General Council when they meet.

"The names of those who gave credit to Mr. Claus's fictitious council, are washed out from the administration of this country, and a more sensible set of ministers are appointed in their room, and I think those who now fill the high offices of State in this kingdom, would listen to the wishes of our brethren in the Five Nations. [FN] I shall be happy if I can be of service in procuring for them the accomplishment of their wishes. But before I attempt any thing, I must desire clearly to understand what are the wishes of the Five Nations. Do they desire to have a confirmation of the grant of Sir Frederick Haldimand and (if possible) to have it under the Great Thayendanegea, &c. with the Seal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland? Would they consent, (if such a thing is proposed) to have a clause inserted in the confirming grant declaring the grant to be vacated, if the Five Nations should at any time part with the territory thus granted to them, either to the Americans, or to any other nation of Indians, or to any other person or persons not being of the Five Nations, or a British subject, without the consent of the crown of Great Britain? I mention this circumstance, because I think something of this kind was hinted at by Mr. Cooke, and the improper manner in which it was stated, gave reason to suppose that the Five Nations could not alienate it, or any part of it, from one Indian of the Five Nations to another Indian of the Five Nations, which never was intended to be prevented."

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[FN] The Duke, probably, referred to the dissolution of Mr. Addington's Administration in 1801, and the return to power of Mr. Pitt. True, the ministry of the latter was dissolved by the decease of that incomparable premier, in January antecedent to the time the Duke was then writing; but it must have been the Addington ministry which was in power at the time of Norton's mission, and which was "washed out" by dissolution after Pitt had abandoned it, and made a speech in opposition, even on the same side with Fox.--_Author._

"I should, however, advise that either yourself, Teyoninhokarawen, or some other chief, should come over, properly authorised by the chiefs, to transact and finally settle all this business.

"There are a number of well-meaning persons here, who are very desirous of forming a Society to better (as they call it,) the condition of our nation, by converting us from hunters and warriors into husbandmen. Let me strongly recommend it to you, and the rest of our chiefs, not to listen to such a proposition. Let our young men never exchange their liberty, and manly exercises, to become hewers of wood and drawers of water. If they will teach our women to spin and to weave; this would be of use; but to endeavor to enervate our young men by doing nothing but tilling the earth, would be the greatest injury they could do the Five Nations. Nine hundred or a thousand warriors, enured to hardship by hunting, are a most respectable and independent body; but what would the same number of men become who were merely husbandmen? They would hardly rate a small parish, seeking for protection from others, scarcely heard of and known, and obliged tamely to submit to laws and regulations made by other people, and incapable of defending themselves. If you want an example of what the Five Nations would soon become, look only at the Stockbridge Indians. They, like us, were once a noble and formidable tribe; they now are less than women. Some of the persons who propose this plan, have their own private reasons. They wish to go over among you, and when they have collected you together in order to teach you to cultivate the ground, they will then show you how very small a part of the land granted you is sufficient for to supply your wants, and will next endeavor to prevail upon you to grant them the remainder, in gratitude for the trouble they have had in instructing you in agriculture. No, my dear friend and brother warrior, never suffer yourself, or your Chiefs, to be induced by their plausible arguments. If you do, remember I now foretell that you will become a poor, dependent, and insignificant body, instead of continuing a free, warlike, and independent nation as we now are. I wish to see the Christian religion, sobriety, and good morals, prevail among our nation; but let us continue free and independent as the air that blows upon us; let us continue hunters and warriors, capable of enforcing respect, and doing ourselves justice; but let us never submit to become the tillers of land, hewers of wood, and drawers of water, by the false and interested advice of those who, from being our pretended friends, would soon become our imperious masters. Accept this, my good friend and brother warrior, from one who wishes the Five Nations ever to continue a formidable nation, commanding respect from all its neighbors, and who interests himself most sincerely in their welfare. Say every thing proper for me to my brother Chiefs, and believe me,

"Your faithful friend and brother warrior,
Northumberland,
_Thorighwageri_

"PS Dezonhighkor (Lord Percy) desires to return his thanks, and to offer his compliments to you and to Teyoninhokarawen, (Norton,) to whom I desire you to give my compliments likewise. I have received his letter, and will write to him by this mail if I possibly can."

Pursuant to the suggestions of the preceding correspondence, the preparations were made for another mission to London, by Thayendanegea himself. He actually commenced his journey, and proceeded as far as Albany, with the design of embarking at New-York. Circumstances, however, occurred, which rendered it necessary for him to return to his own country. Afterward, owing to pecuniary difficulties, the undertaking was indefinitely deferred, as will be seen by the annexed communication to the Duke, which was probably the last ever addressed to that nobleman by his brother warrior of the forest:--

"Captain Brant to the Duke of Northumberland.

"_Head of Lake Ontario, June_ 26, 1807.

"My Lord Duke,

"I wrote you last by the Surveyor General, Mr. Wyatt, acquainting your Grace that Teyoninhokarawen or myself should again cross the sea on the subject of our land affairs, &c. Shortly after that we have been formally deputed, either jointly or separately, by a general council of the chiefs and warriors of the Grand River, held at the Onondaga Village, according to the ancient custom of the Five Nations.

"The want of money for the journey, and suspicions of new intrigues being attempted in our absence again to frustrate our endeavors for the public good, have deterred us for the present from undertaking the intended journey. But, confiding in the regard which we know that your Grace has for your brethren of the Five Nations and their interests; in the fatherly affection of his Majesty; and in the justice of the British nation; we send you the powers we have received; and beg that your Grace may grant us your aid to obtain from his Majesty a confirmation of General Haldimand's grant to the Five Nations under the Great Seal; and that the part we have surrendered to Government for sale, they shall guarantee to us and our heirs the regular payment of the purchase money stipulated, according to former representation.

"With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honor to be

"Your Grace's humble servant, and
Faithful brother warrior"

For a good and sufficient reason, which will appear in the closing pages of the present work, the claims of the Mohawks were prosecuted no farther by their old and vigilant Chief, Thayendanegea. Nor have their difficulties with the officers of the crown entirely ceased to this day.