Chapter VI (1)

Increase of disaffection in the North--Seizures of prominent citizens by
bands of loyalists from Canada--Captivity of John J. Bleecker--Plot
against General Gansevoort--Daring attempt upon General Schuyler in the
city of Albany, by John Waltermeyer--Intrepidity of Margaret
Schuyler--Arrest of loyalists at the Beaver Dams--Mysterious movements
of the enemy on Lake Champlain--Controversy with the New-Hampshire
Grants--Sketch of its origin--Outrages of the Vermont
insurgents--Declaration of Independence by the Grants--Interposition of
Congress--Its authority disregarded--Progress of the
controversy---Difficult situation of General Gansevoort--Suspected
intercourse of the Vermontese with the enemy--Letter of Governor
Clinton--Invasion of the Mohawk country by Major Ross--Warrens-bush
ravaged--March of the enemy to Johnstown--Followed by Willett with the
levies and militia--Battle of Johnstown--Ross defeated--Pursued by
Willett, and routed at Jersey field--Death of Walter N. Butler--General
progress of the war--Arnold in Virginia--Returns to the North, and
destroys Groton and New London--Siege of Yorktown and capture of
Cornwallis--Affairs of the North--Meditated treachery of
Vermont--Message of Governor Clinton--British open a correspondence with
the Vermont insurgents--Mission of Ira Allen to Canada--Separate
armistice with Vermont--Stipulations for erecting Vermont into a royal
colony--Correspondence with the enemy during the Summer--Negotiations
renewed at Skenesborough--St. Leger ascends the lake with a strong
force--An awkward occurrence for the Vermontese--Excitement at the seat
of Government of the Grants--Throwing dust in the eyes of the
people--News of the surrender of Cornwallis--Its effect in
Vermont--Causes the nasty return of St. Leger to Canada--Insurrection
in the north-eastern towns of New-York, in connexion with the
Vermontese--Troubles of General Gansevoort--Unable to quell the
insurgents--Cherokee Indians--Close of the year.

Emboldened by the feeble state of the country, and by the increased numbers of the disaffected in the neighborhood of Albany, especially at the north of that city, in consequence of the equivocal indications in Vermont, the scouting parties of the enemy were exceedingly active and audacious in their incursions. Their chief object was to seize the persons of the most conspicuous and influential inhabitants, for transfer into Canada as prisoners. Among the notable leaders in this species of warfare were two bold partisans, named Joseph Bettys and John Waltermeyer. The daring misdeeds of Bettys, if collected, would of themselves furnish materials for a small volume. Waltermeyer was perhaps equally daring, but less savage in his disposition. In the month of April, a party of fifteen or sixteen of the enemy broke in upon the town of Coxsackie and the contiguous settlements, carrying off several prisoners; among whom were David Abeel and his son, residing a few miles south of Catskill.

At the north of Albany several active citizens were seized and carried away in the course of the season; among whom was Mr. John J. Bleecker, of Tomhanic, whose family had been broken up on the approach of Burgoyne, four years previous. After the surrender of Burgoyne, Mr. Bleecker returned to his sylvan plantation, where he had lived in tranquility until the month of August of the present year; at which time he was surprised in the field, while assisting his laborers in the wheat harvest, and carried away with two of his men. The enemy having stolen upon him in silence, and seized him without permitting an alarm, Mrs. Bleecker was ignorant of the occurrences. But, her husband not returning, as he was wont, on the approach of night, her suspicions were awakened that all was not right. When she sent to the field, he was not there, nor could trace of him or his laborers be found. But as such sudden disappearances were not unusual, his fate was not difficult of conjecture. The neighborhood was alarmed, and search for him made, but in vain. Mrs. Bleecker, overwhelmed with grief, gave him up as lost, and once more set her face for Albany. Fortunately, however, the captors of her husband fell in with a party of militia-men from Bennington, who rescued the prisoners; and Mr. Bleecker had the happiness to rejoin his wife after six days' absence. [FN]

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[FN] The joy experienced by Mrs. Bleecker on again beholding her husband, so far overcame her as to bring on a fit of sickness, so severe as nearly to prove fatal. Indeed, the events of 1777, particularly the loss of her daughter, made so deep an impression upon her mind, that she never recovered her happiness. Hence the pensive character of her writings. She died at Tomhanic in 1783, at the early age of 31.

An attempt was also made, during the same season, to seize the person of General Gansevoort. Although, as has already been stated, General Gansevoort was no longer in the regular service, yet, as an experienced officer, and the commander of the militia in that part of the state, his services and his counsels were in continual requisition; nor was there a more active officer in the service, regular or irregular, or one more burdened with duties. It was therefore an object with the enemy to remove him from his post if possible. A scheme was therefore devised to seize him at one of the ferries which he was about to cross; the execution of which was entrusted to a hostile partisan named Tanckrey. By some means, however, Colonel Henry Van Rensselaer, at Half Moon, obtained information of the project, and lost no time in admonishing the General of his danger by letter. Having also heard of the rendezvous of Tanckrey and his gang, Van Rensselaer despatched a detachment of troops under Major Schermerhorn, for their apprehension. They were found at the house of a Mr. Douglass; but before Schermerhorn's troops had surrounded the house, their approach was discovered, and they were fired upon by the marauders; all of whom, with a single exception, succeeded in getting off through the rear of the house. Two of Schermerhorn's militia were wounded. [FN]

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[FN] MS. Letter of Col. Henry Van Rensselaer to General Gansevoort.

But the boldest enterprise of the kind was the projected abduction of General Schuyler from his residence in Albany, or rather in the suburbs of that city, in the month of August. Schuyler was not at that time in the army, having exchanged the military for the civil service of his country two years before. [FN-1] Still, his military exertions were almost as great, and his counsels were as frequently sought and as highly valued, as though he were yet in command of the department. Added to which, he had been specially charged by the Commander-in-chief with the prosecution of all practicable measures for intercepting the communications of the enemy. [FN-2] Aside from this circumstance, the acquisition of a person of his consideration as a prisoner, would have been an important object to Sir Frederick Haldimand, the British Commander in Canada. A desperate effort was therefore resolved upon for his capture. For this purpose John Waltermeyer, the bold and reckless Tory partisan already mentioned, was despatched to the neighborhood of Albany, at the head of a gang of Tories, Canadians, and Indians. He had, as it subsequently appeared, been lurking about the precincts of Albany for eight or ten days, sheltered by the thick growth of low pines and shrub-oaks, which yet spread over much of the common lands appertaining to that city; and some dark intimations had been conveyed to General Schuyler that his person was in danger. These premonitions, it is believed, came first from a Dutch rustic who had fallen into the hands of Waltermeyer, and been examined as to the means of defence and the localities of the General's house, and who had been released only after taking an oath of secrecy. A similar caution had also been conveyed to him by a loyalist to whom the intention of Waltermeyer was known, but who was General Schuyler's personal friend. Of course the General and his family were continually on the _qui vive,_ since the frequency with which leading citizens had been decoyed into ambush and taken, or snatched away by sudden violence, afforded ample cause for the exercise of all possible vigilance and caution. In addition, moreover, to his own household proper, the General had a guard of six men; three of whom were on duty by day, and three by night.

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[FN-1] "It was not until the Autumn of 1778 that the conduct of General Schuyler, in the campaign of 1777, was submitted to the investigation of a court-martial. He was acquitted of every charge with the highest honor, and the sentence was confirmed by Congress. He shortly afterward, upon his earnest and repeated solicitations, had leave to retire from the army, and devoted the remainder of his life to the service of his country in its political councils. He had previously been in Congress, and on his return to that body, after the termination of his military life, his talents, experience, and energy, were put in immediate requisition; and in November, 1779, he was appointed to confer with General Washington on the state of the southern department. In 1781 he was in the Senate of this state; and wherever he was placed, and whatever might be the business before him, he gave the utmost activity to measures, and left upon them the impression of his prudence and sagacity."_Chancellor Kent._

[FN-2] Letter from Washington to General Schuyler, May 14, 1781.

It was in the evening of a sultry day in August, that the General was sitting with his family, after supper, in the front hall of his house, all the doors being open, when a servant entered to say that a stranger waited to speak with him at the back gate. Such an unusual request at once excited suspicion. The evening was so exceedingly warm that the servants had dispersed. The three sentinels who had been relieved for the night, were asleep in the cellar; and the three who should have been on duty, were refreshing themselves at full length on the grass-plot in the garden. Instead, however, of responding to the invitation to meet the stranger at the back gate, the doors of the house were instantly closed and fastened. The General ran to his bed-chamber for his arms; and having hastily collected his family in an upper apartment, and discovered from the windows that the house was surrounded by armed men, a pistol was discharged for the purpose of alarming the neglectful guards, and perchance the people of the city. At the same moment Mrs. Schuyler perceived that her infant child had been left in their bustle, in the cradle, below two flights of stairs. In an agony of apprehension she was flying to its rescue, but the General would not permit her to leave the apartment. The third daughter, Margaret, [FN-1] instantly rushed forth, and descending to the nursery, which was upon the ground floor, snatched the child from the cradle, where it was yet lying unmolested. As she was leaving the room to return, a tomahawk was hurled at her by an unseen hand, but with no other effect than slightly to injure her dress. On ascending a private stairway, she was met by Waltermeyer himself, who exclaimed--"Wench! where is your master?" She replied, with great presence of mind--"Gone to alarm the town." The villains had not, indeed, entered the house unopposed, for, on hearing the noise when they were breaking in the doors, the three men in the cellar sprang up, and without stopping to dress, rushed up stairs to the back hall, where their arms had been left standing for convenience if wanted, and into which the assailants were forcing their way. Most unluckily, however, the arms of the guards were not at hand. Mrs. Church, [FN-2] who had lately returned from Boston, perceiving that her little son [FN-3] was playing with the muskets, and not entertaining the slightest suspicion that they would be wanted, had caused them to be removed a few hours before the attack, without informing the guard of the circumstance. The brave fellows had therefore no other means of resistance, after the yielding of the doors, than by dealing blows as soundly as they could with their fists, and also by embarrassing the progress of the enemy otherwise as they might, while the General was collecting his family aloft.

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[FN-1] Afterward the first lady of the present venerable and excellent General Stephen Van Rensselaer.

[FN-2] Another daughter of General Schuyler, married to John B. Church, Esq., an English gentleman, contractor for the French army in America, and afterward a member of Parliament. He died in 1818. [The venerable widow of Alexander Hamilton is also a daughter of General Schuyler.]

[FN-3] The present Captain Philip Church, of Allegheny county, (N. Y.)

But to return: Miss Margaret had no sooner informed Waltermeyer that her father had gone abroad for reinforcements, than the traitor recalled his followers from the dining-room--where it appeared they were at the moment engaged in bagging the plate, from which work of plunder he had in vain urged them to desist, that they might perform the more important object of their mission--for consultation. Just at that moment, the General threw up a window, and with great presence of mind called out--"Come on, my brave fellows, surround the house and secure the villains who are plundering." [FN-1] The stratagem succeeded, and the party made a precipitate retreat, carrying with them the three men who had vainly, and without arms, opposed their entrance, [FN-2] one of whom had been wounded in defending the passage, while Waltermeyer himself was slightly wounded by one of the shots of Schuyler from the window. Thus, providentially, was the third conspiracy against the person of General Schuyler defeated. [FN-3] The alarm was heard in the city, for the General had fired several shots during the affray; but before any of the citizens arrived at the scene of action, the enemy had fled.

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[FN-1] Letter of Schuyler to General Washington, Aug. 1781.

[FN-2] The names of the guard were, John Tubbs, John Corlies, and Hans (John) Ward. They were carried to Canada, and when exchanged, the General gave them each a farm in Saratoga County. Ward is still, or was very lately, living, (Dec 1837.)

[FN-3] The particulars of this interesting adventure have been chiefly derived by the author from Mrs. Cochran, of Oswego, the infant who was rescued from the cradle by her sister Margaret.

From Albany, Waltermeyer directed his course to Ballston, where he arrived at about day-break on the next morning. Taking General Gordon, of that place, a prisoner from his bed, the Tory leader pursued his journey back to Canada--having failed in the principal object of his expedition.

It may well be imagined that the situation of a people dwelling in such perpetual insecurity, was exceedingly unpleasant. Nor were they in dread only of a most subtle and wary foe from without. The disaffected were more numerous than ever among themselves, and the inhabitants scarcely knew who among their own neighbors could be trusted. Early in September it was represented to General Gansevoort that the disaffected had not only become formidable in numbers in the western and south western parts of the County of Albany, but were harboring and administering comfort to parties of the enemy sent from Canada, for the farther prosecution of the species of warfare already described in the present chapter--adding to the seizure of those men who were most active in the cause of their country, the destruction of their dwellings, and the murder of their women and children. [FN] Under these circumstances, Colonel Philip P. Schuyler; with a strong detachment of militia from Gansevoort's brigade, was despatched into the settlements designated, particularly to the Beaver Dams, where the family of Captain Deitz had been so cruelly murdered in 1777, with orders to arrest the disaffected, and bring them to Albany, together with their families and effects. The orders of General Gansevoort were issued on the 9th of September. On the 16th, Colonel Schuyler reported that he had executed his commission. From seventy to a hundred families "of the most notoriously disaffected," were arrested and brought into the city, where they were placed under a more vigilant surveillance than could be exercised over them in their own township.

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[FN] MS. order of General Gansevoort.

But while these summary proceedings were rendering the country about Albany more secure in its internal relations, the inhabitants at the north were for several months kept in a state of ceaseless inquietude and alarm, by the movements of the enemy on Lake Champlain. General Heath was at that time invested with the command of the Northern Department, his head-quarters being in the Highlands. At Saratoga General Stark was in command, and Lord Stirling was also at the north. But as the Commander-in-chief had drawn the main army to Virginia, there were but few regular troops at the disposal of those officers. The consequence was, that with every alarm from Lake Champlain, (and the mysterious movements of the enemy rendered those alarms most inconveniently frequent,) General Stark was making pressing applications to General Gansevoort for assistance. The conduct of the enemy in the lake was indeed passing strange. It was ascertained that he had more than once ascended the lake from St. John's, with a force sufficiently strong, in the then exposed situation of the northern frontier, to make a formidable inroad upon the settlements; and the inhabitants of the New Hampshire Grants, then arrogating to themselves the character of citizens of the _State_ of Vermont--not being in the secrets of their leaders--were as frequently alarmed as were those of the settlements _admitted_ by the Vermontese to belong to New-York. Still the enemy attempted nothing beyond landing at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and making a few occasional and inexplicable manoeuvres with his flotilla upon the lake. These questionable movements were no less annoying than perplexing to the American generals. That a descent upon some point was intended, there seemed little reason to doubt. It was most likely to come from the north; but whenever the fleet was withdrawn down the lake, the idea prevailed that the movements there were intended to create a diversion, while the actual blow might be anticipated from the west. In support of the latter opinion was positive information, of a party of returning prisoners from Montreal, on the 19th of September, of the movements of between two and three hundred of Sir John Johnson's regiment, who were evidently preparing for an expedition in some direction. [FN]

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[FN] MSS. and correspondence of General Gansevoort.

There was yet another source of distraction to the state authorities, civil and military, threatening nothing short of hostilities between New-York and the occupants of the New Hampshire Grants. A brief sketch of the cause and progress of the difficulties here referred to, though apparently foreign to the main subject of the present work, is nevertheless deemed essential to a just understanding of the situation of affairs in the Northern Department. Those who are versed in the early history of New-York and Vermont, cannot be ignorant of the fact, that for many years anterior to the war of the Revolution, a controversy had existed between the Governors of New Hampshire and New-York respecting the jurisdiction of the territory now constituting the State of Vermont. This controversy was begun in 1749, and continued fifteen years; during which period the Governor of New Hampshire was in the practice of making grants of lands and townships in the disputed territory. In 1764 the question was carried up to the King in council, and a decision rendered in favor of New-York, confirming her claim to the territory north of Massachusetts, as far east as the Connecticut river. Under this decision, the Colonial Government of New-York unwisely gave the Order in Council a construction of _retrospective_ operation, involving the question of title. The grants from the Governor of New Hampshire were declared void, and the settlers were upon this ground called on either to surrender their charters, or to re-purchase their lands from New-York. This demand they resisted, and with this resistance the controversy was renewed in another form, and continued with great vehemence, and with but little interruption, for many years. [FN-1] About the year 1770 the celebrated Ethan Allen became conspicuous as a leader of "the Green Mountain Boys" in these proceedings. A military organization was adopted, and the mandates of the courts of New-York were disregarded, and its officers and ministers of justice openly set at defiance. When the sheriff of Albany appeared with his _posse comitatus,_ the Green Mountain Boys opposed force to force, and drove them back. Lord Dunmore was then at the head of the colonial government of New-York, and exerted himself actively to maintain its territorial claim. An act of outlawry against Allen and several of his most prominent associates was passed, and a reward of fifty pounds offered for Allen's head. Lord Dunmore issued a proclamation, commanding the sheriff of Albany county to apprehend the offenders, and commit them to safe custody, that they might be brought to condign punishment; [FN-2] but the friends of Allen were too numerous, resolute, and faithful, to allow of his arrest, or in any manner to suffer his personal safety to be compromised. [FN-3]

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[FN-1] Slade's Vermont State papers, Introduction, p. 17.

[FN-2] Sparks's Life of Ethan Allen.

[FN-3] President Allen's Biographical Dictionary.

Governor Tryon, who succeeded Lord Dunmore, endeavored, both by force and by conciliation, to pacify the people of the Grants, and bring them back to their fealty to New-York. But in vain. Within the boundaries of the disputed territory, the laws of New-York were inoperative. It was to no purpose that civil suits, brought by the New-York grantees, were decided in their favor; process could not be executed; the settlers who had purchased farms under the New-York grantees, were forcibly driven away; surveyors were arrested, tried under the _Lynch code,_ and banished under the penalty of death should they ever again be caught within the bounds of the interdicted territory; [FN-1] and those who presumed to hold commissions of the peace under the authority of New-York, were tried by the same courts, and inhumanly chastised with rods on their naked backs, to the extent of two hundred stripes. [FN-2]

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[FN-1] Sparks--Life of Allen.

[FN-2] By way of indicating their feelings toward the New-Yorkers, there was an inn at Bennington, called the "_Green Mountain Tavern,_" the sign of which was the skin of a catamount stuffed, and raised on a post twenty-five feet from the ground, with its head turned toward New-York, giving defiance to all intruders from that quarter. It was at this tavern that that powerful and inexorable though ideal personage, _Judge Lynch,_ was wont to hold his courts before he took up his abode at the South. Sometimes the delinquents, who were so unfortunate as to be obliged to answer in his court for the crime of purchasing lands of the real owners, or for acknowledging the government to which by law they belonged, were punished by being suspended by cords in a chair, beneath the catamount, for two hours. This was a lenient punishment. The more common one, was the application of the "_beech seal_" to the naked back--or, in other words, a flagellation with beechen rods.

Such was the posture of affairs between New-York and the people of the New Hampshire Grants, at the commencement of the Revolution. But the battle of Lexington produced a shock which, for the time being, arrested the prosecution of the controversy. New-York was called to nerve her arm for a higher and nobler conflict, in the early stages of which she was gallantly assisted by the recusant settlers of the Grants. Ethan Allen himself struck the first blow at the north, by the capture of Ticonderoga; and his martial companion in resisting the authorities of New-York, Colonel Seth Warner, rendered efficient service at the battle of Bennington. Still, the Vermontese did not forget, while New-York was exerting her energies elsewhere, to prosecute their own designs for an entire alienation from New-York, and a separate state organization. [FN-1] To this end all the energies of the chief men of the Grants were directed; and the result was, that the Declaration of Independence of the British crown, by Congress, on the behalf of the twelve United Colonies, of July 4th, 1776, was followed by a convention of the people of the disputed territory; which convention, on the 15th of January, 1777, declared the New Hampshire Grants to be a free and independent State, [FN-2] and forwarded a memorial to Congress, praying for admission into the Confederation.

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[FN-1] Blade's Vermont State Papers--a valuable work.

[FN-2] Idem.

Indignant at this procedure, the state of New-York sought the interposition of Congress. The justice of the claim of New-York was fully recognised by that body; and the memorial from the Grants was dismissed, by a resolution "that the independent government attempted to be established by the people of Vermont, could derive no countenance or justification from any act or resolution of Congress." But the people of the Grants persisted in their determination to assert and maintain their independence. Nothing daunted, therefore, by the adverse action of Congress, they proceeded to form a constitution and to organise a State Government; the machinery of which was fully set in motion in the following year, 1778.

The Legislature of New-York still attempted to assert its right of jurisdiction, but made liberal proffers of compromise in regard to titles of lands--offering to recognise and confirm all the titles which had previously been in dispute. A proclamation to this effect, conceived in the most liberal spirit, was issued by Governor Clinton, in February, 1778; avowing, however, in regard to the contumacious, "the rightful supremacy of New-York over their persons and property, as disaffected subjects." [FN-1] But, like every preceding effort, either of force or conciliation, the present was of no avail. Ethan Allen issued a counter-proclamation to the people of the Grants, and the work of their own independent organization proceeded without serious interruption. [FN-2] They were the more encouraged to persevere in this course, from an impression that, although Congress could not then sanction proceedings in regard to New-York that were clearly illegal; the New England members, and some of the Southern also, would, nevertheless, not be very deep mourners at their success. Roger Sherman maintained that Congress had no right to decide the controversy, and was supposed to countenance the proceedings of which New-York complained. Elbridge Gerry held that Vermont was _extra-provincial,_ and had a perfect right to her independence. [FN-3] But so thought not New-York and Governor Clinton; and the organization of a state government revived the heart-burnings that had subsided, and re-enkindled the fires of discord which had been inactive during the first three or four years of the war. The causes of irritation became daily more frequent and exasperating, until, during the Summer and Autumn of the present year, the parties were again on the verge of open hostilities. The people of the Grants, as they had grown in strength, had increased in their arrogance, until they had extended their claims to the Hudson river; and it was no diminution of the perplexities of New-York, that strong indications appeared in several of the northern towns, to which the people of the Grants had previously interposed not even the shadow of a claim, of a disposition to go over to Vermont.

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[FN-1] Slades's Vermont State Papers.

[FN-2] Respecting this manifesto, John Jay wrote to Governor Morris--"Ethan Allen has commenced author and orator. A philippic of his against New-York is handed about. There is quaintness, impudence, and art in it."

[FN-3] Life of Governor Morris.

Meantime Governor Clinton, inflexibly determined to preserve the disputed jurisdiction, was exerting himself to the utmost for that object; and in order, apparently, to bring the question to a test, several persons were arrested in the course of the Summer of 1781, within the territory of the Grants, under the pretext of some military delinquency. This procedure was the signal for another tempest. Governor Chittenden wrote to officers of New-York, demanding the release of the prisoners taken from the Grants--asserting their determination to maintain the government they had "set up," [FN-1] and threatening that, in the event of an invasion of the territory of New-York by the common enemy, unless those prisoners were given up, they would render no assistance to New-York. This letter also contained an admonition, "that power was not limited only to New-York." [FN-2] Nor was this all. While the country was threatened by invasion both from the north and the west, the spirit of the Vermont insurgents began to spread among the militia in the northern towns east of the Hudson, belonging to General Gansevoort's own brigade. Thus, on the one hand, General Stark was calling upon him for assistance against the enemy apparently approaching from Lake Champlain, at the same time that Governor Clinton was directing him to quell the spirit of insubordination along the line of the New Hampshire Grants; and both of these duties were to be discharged, with a knowledge that a portion of his own command was infected with the insurgent spirit. Added to all which was, the necessity of watching, as with an eagle's eye, the conduct of the swarms of loyalists within the bosom of Albany and in the towns adjacent; while for his greater comfort, he was privately informed that the Green Mountain Boys were maturing a plot for his abduction. Meantime the government of the Grants had effected an organization of their own militia, and disclosures had been made to the government of New-York, imputing to the leading men of the Grants a design, in the event of a certain contingency, of throwing the weight of their own forces into the scale of the Crown. The following letter may be considered important in this connexion:--

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[FN-1] MS. Letter from Thomas Chittenden to Captain Van Rensselaer, among the Gansevoort papers.

[FN-2] This dark and rather awkward saying was full of meaning, as will appear in a subsequent portion of the present chapter.

"Governor Clinton to General Gansevoort.

"_Poughkeepsie, Oct._ 18, 1781.

"Dear Sir,

"Your letter of the 15th instant was delivered to me on the evening of the 16th. I have delayed answering it, in hopes that the Legislature would ere this have formed a quorum, and that I might have availed myself of their advice on the subject to which it relates; but as this is not yet the case, and it is uncertain when I shall be enabled to lay the matter before them, I conceive it might be improper longer to defer expressing my own sentiments to you on this subject.

"The different unwarrantable attempts, during the Summer, of the people on the Grants to establish their usurped jurisdiction, even beyond their former claim, and the repetition of it (alluded to in your letter,) in direct opposition to a resolution of Congress injurious to this State and favorable to their project of independence, and at a time when the common enemy are advancing, can only be accounted for by what other parts of their conduct have given us too much reason to suspect--disaffection to the common cause. On my part, I have hitherto shown a disposition to evade entering into any altercation with them, that might, in its most remote consequence, give encouragement to the enemy, and expose the frontier settlements to their ravages; and from these considerations alone I have submitted to insults which otherwise would not have been borne with; and I could have wished to have continued this kind of conduct until the approaching season would have secured us against the incursions of the common enemy. But as from the accounts contained in Colonel Van Rensselaer's letter, it would appear that the militia embodying under Mr. Chittenden's orders are for the service of the enemy, and that their first object was to make you a prisoner, it would be unjustifiable to suffer them to proceed. It is therefore my desire that you maintain your authority throughout every part of your brigade, and for this purpose, that you carry the laws of the State into execution against those who shall presume to disobey your lawful orders. I would only observe that these sentiments are founded on an idea that the accounts given by Col. Van Rensselaer in his letter may be relied on; it being still my earnest desire, for the reasons above explained, not to do any thing that will bring matters to extremities, at least before the close of the campaign, if it can consistently be avoided.

"In my last, I should have mentioned to you that it was not in my power to send you a supply of ammunition; but, as I had reason to believe you were gone to Saratoga, I conceived it improper to say any thing on the subject lest my letter might miscarry. You may recollect that of the whole supply ordered by General Washington, last Spring, for the use of the militia, five hundred pounds is all that has been received in the state magazine, which you will easily conceive to be far short of what was necessary for the other exposed parts of the state. With respect to provisions, it is equally out of my power to furnish you with any, but what the state agent, who is now with you, may be able to procure.

"I am, with great respect and esteem,
Dear Sir,
Your most obed't serv't,
Geo. Clinton.

"_Brig. Gen. Gansevoort._"

But the controversy with the people of the Grants was suddenly interrupted, just at this juncture, though for a short period only, by the most formidable invasion of the Mohawk Valley which had taken place during the present year. Indeed, it was the last irruption of the enemy into that section of the country, of any importance, during the struggle of the revolution.

It has been seen, from the commencement of the contest, that the Johnsons, and those loyalists from Tryon County most intimate in their alliance with them, appeared to be stimulated by some peculiar and ever-active principle of hostility against the former seat of the Baronet, and the district of country by which it was environed. Another expedition against Johnstown was therefore secretly planned in the Summer of 1781, and executed with such silent celerity, that on the 24th of October "the Philistines" were actually "upon" the settlements before their approach was suspected. This expedition was organized at Buck's Island, in the river St. Lawrence, a few miles below the foot of Lake Ontario, and consisted of four companies of the second battalion of Sir John Johnson's regiment of Royal Greens, Colonel Butler's rangers, under the direction of Major Butler, his son, and two hundred Indians--numbering in all about one thousand men, under the command of Major Ross. [FN-1] Proceeding from Buck's Island to Oswego, and thence through the Oneida Lake, they struck off through the south-eastern forests from that point, and traversed the woods with such secrecy as to break in upon Warrensbush, [FN-2] near the junction of the Schoharie-kill with the Mohawk river, as suddenly as though they had sprung up from the earth like the warriors from the dragon's teeth of Cadmus, full grown, and all in arms, in a single night. This was on the 24th of October. [FN-3] Warrensbush was about twenty miles east from Fort Rensselaer, the head-quarters of Colonel Willett; so that Ross and Butler had ample time for the work of havoc and devastation on the south side of the river, and to cross over to the north side, before the former could rally his forces and dispute their farther progress. Not a moment was lost by Colonel Willett, on hearing the news, in making such dispositions to repel the unexpected invaders, as were within his limited means. With such forces as were in the garrison, together with such additional recruits from the militia as could be collected in the neighborhood, Willett marched for Fort Hunter on the same evening--simultaneously despatching orders for the militia and levies in contiguous posts and settlements, to follow and join him with all possible expedition. By marching all night, the Colonel reached Fort Hunter early in the following morning, where he learned that the enemy were already in the occupation of Johnstown. The depth of the river was such that floats were necessary in crossing it, and although Willett had but four hundred and sixteen men all told--only half the enemy's number, exclusive of the Indians--yet it was afternoon before the crossing was effected. Boss and Butler had crossed the river some distance below Tripe's Hill the preceding day, and moved thence directly upon Johnstown--killing and taking the people prisoners, and destroying buildings, and cattle, and whatsoever came in their way. Soon after ascending the hill just mentioned, the enemy came upon a small scouting party commanded by Lieutenant Saulkill, who was on horseback. He was fired upon by the enemy's advance, and fell dead to the ground. His men sought safety in flight, and succeeded. [FN-4] This was early in the morning of the 25th. The advance of the enemy being slow, they did not arrive at the village of Johnstown until past 12 o'clock at noon. Even then, the main body of their forces, avoiding the town, marched round to the west, halting upon the grounds of the Baronial hall. The enemy's baggage wagons, however, passed through the village, and their conductors were fired upon from the old jail--then serving the purpose of a fortress. One man only was wounded by this consumption of ammunition.

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[FN-1] Such is the estimate of the manuscript accounts which have been furnished to the author. It is, however, too high, unless Major Butler carried an erroneous statement in his pocket. According to a memorandum found in his pocket-book, after his fall, the force of Major Ross wan made up as follows:--Eighth regiment, twenty-five; thirty-fourth ditto, one hundred; eighty-fourth ditto, Highlanders, thirty-six; Sir John's, one hundred and twenty; Lake's Independents, forty, Butler's rangers, one hundred and fifty; Yagers, twelve; Indians, one hundred and thirty.--Total six hundred and seventy.--_Vide Letter of Colonel Willett to Lord Stirling. Almon's Remembrancer._

[FN-2] A settlement planted by Sir Peter Warren, the uncle of Sir William Johnson--and the first place of residence of the latter gentleman after his arrival in America.

[FN-3] Campbell states that this invasion was in August. Major Sammons dates it the 22d of that month. Colonel Willett gives the date of Oct. 24--which was obviously correct, since the second part of the battle was fought in a snow-storm.

[FN-4] In one of the manuscript accounts of this battle, the fruit of my researches in the Mohawk Valley, it is stated that Saulkill was not connected with the scout, but was passing at the moment on his way to Albany.

Having effected the passage of the river, Colonel Willett pushed on in pursuit with all possible expedition. But deeming it unwise, where the disparity of their respective forces was so great, to hazard an attack in front with his whole force, the position of the enemy was no sooner ascertained with certainty, than Major Rowley, of Massachusetts, was detached with a small body of the Tryon County militia, and about sixty levies from his own state, for the purpose, by a circuitous march, of out-flanking the enemy, and falling upon his rear--thus attacking in front and rear at the same time. These, and other necessary dispositions having been adjusted, Willett advanced upon the enemy at the head of his column. Entering an open field adjoining to that occupied by the enemy, Willett displayed his right into line, and pressed Major Ross so closely as to compel him to retire into the fringe of a neighboring wood. Here a skirmishing was kept up while the remainder of the Americans were advancing briskly in two columns, to bear a part. The battle became spirited and general; and although the only field-piece belonging to the Americans was taken, it was speedily re-taken, and for a time the action proceeded with a promise of victory. But just at the crisis, the militia of Willett were seized with one of those causeless and unaccountable panics, which on most occasions render that description of troops worse than useless in battle, and without any cause the whole of the right wing turned about and fled. [FN] The field-piece was abandoned and the ammunition wagon blown up. The former, of course, fell into the hands of the enemy. Colonel Willett did his utmost to rally his men, but to no purpose. They ran in the utmost confusion to the stone church in the village. Here, having induced them to make a halt, the Colonel commenced bringing them again into such order as best he might But the defeat would still have been complete, had it not been for the precautionary disposition previously made of Major Rowley. Most fortunately, as it happened, that officer emerged from the woods, and arrived upon the field, just in time to fall upon the enemy's rear in the very moment of their exultation at their easy victory. Rowley pressed the attack with great vigor and intrepidity, while the enemy were engaged in making prisoners of the stragglers, and the Indians were scalping those who fell into their hands. The fight was now maintained with equal obstinacy and irregularity for a considerable time. Major Rowley was early wounded by a shot through the ankle, and carried from the field; and the enemy were engaged in different bodies, sometimes in small parties separated nearly a mile from each other. In some of these contests the advantage was on the side of the enemy, and in others the Americans were the temporary victors. The battle continued after this fashion until near sunset, when, finding such to be the fact, and that Rowley's detachment alone was holding the enemy at bay, Willett was enabled to collect a respectable force, with which he returned to the field, and again mingled in the fight The battle was severely contested until dark, when the enemy, pressed upon all sides, retreated in discomfiture to the woods--nor stopped short of a mountain top, six miles distant. Among the officers who signalised themselves on this occasion, in addition to the two leaders, Willett and Rowley, was the brave Captain Gardenier, who fought with such desperation at the battle of Oriskany, and was so severely wounded in the death-struggle with one of the McDonalds. After the enemy had retired, Colonel Willett procured lights, and caused the wounded of the enemy, as well as his own, to be collected, and their wounds carefully dressed. The loss of the Americans was about forty. The enemy lost about the same number killed, and some fifty prisoners. The Tryon County militia, under Major Rowley, behaved nobly.

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[FN] Letter of Colonel Willett to Lord Stirling.

Knowing the direction from which Ross and Butler had approached, and that their batteaux had been left at the Oneida Lake, Colonel Willett lost not a moment in making arrangements to cut off their means of retreat by the destruction of their boats, while he likewise determined, if possible, to throw himself info their front. Having been apprised by some of Ross's prisoners, who had made their escape in the night, that it was his intention to strike at the frontiers of Stone Arabia, in order to obtain a supply of provisions, Willett marched to that place on the following morning, and encamped there that day and night, pushing forward a detachment of troops, with instructions to proceed by forced marches to the Oneida Lake and destroy the boats. Ascertaining, on the morning of the 27th, that Ross had avoided Stone Arabia by striking deeper into the wilderness, Willett hastened forward to the German Flats, where he had the mortification, on the 28th, to learn that the party ordered to the lake had returned without performing their duty. [FN]

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[FN] Willett's Letter to Lord Stirling.

While at Stone Arabia, a scouting party had been sent upon the enemy's trail by Willett, to ascertain whether he had laid his course in the anticipated direction, or whether he might not have inclined farther to the north, with a view of returning directly through the wilderness to Buck's Island. The scouts having satisfied themselves that the latter course would be taken by Ross, hastily returned; and the result of their observation was communicated to Willett by express. [FN]

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[FN] This scouting party was composed of Captain John Little, William Laird, and Jacob Shew.

Immediately on the receipt of this intelligence, Willett determined, if possible, to strike another blow. Having been joined by about sixty warriors of the Oneida tribe, together with some additional levies and militia-men, the Colonel selected about four hundred of his choicest troops, and furnishing them with provisions for five days, on the 29th struck off to the northward, along the course of the West Canada Creek. They marched the whole of that day through a driving snow-storm, halting at night in a thick wood on the Royal Grant Supposing it probable that the enemy could not be far distant Jacob Sammons was detached with two Oneida Indians to advance yet farther into the wilderness, and, under cover of the darkness, make such discoveries as might be in their power. "It was with much reluctance," says Sammons in his narrative, "that I undertook this business." They had not proceeded far before the Indians discovered the prints of footsteps. Having knelt down and scrutinised them closely, they pronounced them fresh, and refused any longer to advance. Taking Sammons by the arm, they entreated him to return; but he declined, and they separated. The intrepid scout soon descried fires kindling amid the deep forest-gloom, toward which he cautiously approached until he was enabled to take a survey of the enemy's camp. Having obtained all necessary information, and narrowly escaped detection withal, he returned to the camp of the Americans. Willett had kept his troops under arms awaiting the return of Sammons; but learning from the latter that the enemy were well provided with bayonets, of which his own men were deficient, a night attack upon the camp was judged imprudent, and he bivouacked his forces on the spot. [FN]

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[FN] Narrative of Jacob Sammons.

Willett lost no time in advancing on the following morning, with a view of bringing the enemy to an engagement. But the latter had been as early on foot as himself, so that it was not until one o'clock in the afternoon that the Americans came up with a small party of the enemy's rear, consisting of about forty men, together with a few Indians, who had been detached from his main body for the purpose of obtaining provisions. A smart brush ensued, during which some of the enemy were killed, others were taken prisoners, while the residue fled. Among the prisoners was a Tory lieutenant named John Rykeman. Pursuing on the enemy's trail, the Americans came up with his main body in a place called Jerseyfield, on the north side of the Canada Creek. A running fight ensued, but the enemy made a very feeble resistance--exhibiting symptoms of terror, and attempting to retreat at a dog-trot by Indian files. Late in the afternoon, as they crossed the Creek to the west or south-western side, Butler attempted to rally his forces and make a stand. A brisk engagement ensued, the parties being on opposite sides of the Creek; during which about twenty of the enemy fell. Among them was their bold and enterprising but cruel leader, Walter N. Butler. He was brought down by the rifle of an Oneida Indian, who, happening to recognize him as he was looking at the battle from behind a tree, took deliberate aim, and shot him through his hat and the upper part of his head. Butler fell, and his troops fled in the utmost confusion. The warrior, who made the successful shot, sprang first across the Creek in the general rush, and running directly up to Butler, discovered that he was not dead, but sorely wounded. He was in a sitting posture near the tree, and writhing in great agony. The Indian advanced, and while Butler looked him full in the face, shot him again through the eye, and immediately took his scalp. The Oneidas no sooner saw the bleeding trophy, than they set up the scalp-yell, and stripping the body, left it lying upon the face, and pressed forward in pursuit of the fugitive host. On coming to the guard, where Rykeman and the other prisoners were confined, the Indian attempted to flout the unhappy prisoner by slapping the scalp of his late commander in his face; but the lieutenant avoided the blow. The pursuit was closely followed up; but darkness and fatigue compelled the Colonel to relinquish it until morning. The enemy, however, continued their flight throughout the night. [FN-1] And, truly, never were men reduced to a condition more deplorable. The weather was cold, and they had yet a dreary and pathless wilderness of eighty miles to traverse, without food, and without even blankets--having been compelled to cast them away to facilitate their escape. [FN-2] But, scattered and broken as they were, and having the start of one night, it was judged inexpedient to give longer pursuit; especially as Willett's own troops were supplied with provisions for but two days more. The victory was, moreover, already complete. The Colonel therefore wheeled about, and led his little army back in triumph to Fort Dayton. The loss of the Americans in the pursuit was only one man. That of the enemy was never known. In the language of Colonel Willett's official despatches, "the fields of Johnstown, the brooks and rivers, the hills and mountains, the deep and gloomy marshes through which they had to pass, these only could tell; and, perhaps, the officers who detached them on the expedition."

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[FN-1] "Strange as it may appear, it is nevertheless true, that, notwithstanding the enemy had been four days in the wilderness, with only half a pound of horse-flesh per man per day, yet in this famished situation they trotted thirty miles before they stopped. Many of them, indeed, fell a sacrifice to such treatment."--_Col. Willett's Letter to Lord Stirling._

[FN-2] "In this situation I left the unfortunate Major Rom; unfortunate I call him, for he was surely so in taking charge of such a fine detachment of men to execute so dirty and trifling a piece of business as he was sent on, at such immense hazard and exquisite toil. . . . We left them in a situation, perhaps, more suited to their demerit than a musket, a ball, a tomahawk, or captivity."--_Col. Willett's Letter to Lord Stirling._

In re-passing the battle-ground, the body of Butler was discovered as it had been left; and there, without sepulture, it was suffered to remain. [FN]

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[FN] Various statements of the circumstances attending the death of Walter N. Butler have been published. Marshall, in his Life of Washington, states it thus--"In the party at Canada Creek, was Major Walter Butler, the person who perpetrated the massacre at Cherry Valley. His entreaties for quarter were disregarded; and he fell a victim of that vengeance which his own savage temper had directed against himself." According to Colonel Willett's account, he was shot dead at once, having no time to implore for mercy. President Dwight, in his travels, given an account corresponding with the following by Campbell:--"He was pursued by a small party of Oneida Indians; when he arrived at West Canada Creek, about fifteen miles above Herkimer, he swam his horse across the stream, and then turning round, defied his pursuers, who were on the opposite side. An Oneida immediately discharged his rifle and wounded him, and he fell. Throwing down his rifle and his blanket, the Indian plunged into the Creek and swam across; as soon as he had gained the opposite bank, he raised his tomahawk, and with a yell, sprang like a tiger upon his fallen foe. Butler supplicated, though in vain, for mercy; the Oneida, with his uplifted axe, shouted, in his broken English,--'Sherry Valley! remember Sherry Valley!' and then buried it in his brains." It is apprehended that neither of these statements is exactly correct. The account in the text has been drawn by the author from the manuscript statements of Philip Graft, who was a spectator of the transaction, then attached to the company of Captain Peter Van Rensselaer, who was stationed at Fort Herkimer, and was engaged in this expedition. The statement of Jacob Simmons corresponds with that of Graft, though less circumstantial.