Chapter XLIV: Appendix (2)

After the savage had stood and listened with nearly the stillness of death for two hours, the sound of a bell, and a cry like that of a night-owl, signals which were given to him from his savage companions, induced him to answer, and after he had given a most horrid yell, which was calculated to harrow up my soul, he started, and went off to join them.

After the retreat of the savage to his companions, I concluded it unsafe to remain in my concealed situation till morning, lest they should conclude upon a second search, and being favored with the light of day find me, and either tomahawk or scalp me, or otherwise bear me back to my captivity again, which was worse than death.

But by this time nature was nearly exhausted, and I found some difficulty in moving from my situation that night; yet, compelled by necessity and a love of self-preservation, I threw my coat about my child, and placed the end between my teeth, and with one arm and my teeth I carried the child, and with the other arm groped my way between the trees, and traveled on as I supposed a mile or two, and there sat down at the root of a tree till the morning. The night was cold and wet; and thus terminated the fourth day and night's difficulties, trials, hunger, and danger.

The fifth day, Saturday, 26th May, wet and exhausted, hungry and wretched, I started from my resting-place in the morning as soon as I could see my way, and on that morning struck the bead waters of Pine Creek, which falls into the Allegheny about four miles above Pittsburgh; though I knew not then what waters they were, but crossed them, and on the opposite bank I found a path, and discovered in it two moccasin tracks, fresh indented, and the men who had made them were before me, and traveling on the same direction that I was traveling. This alarmed me; but as they were before me, and traveling in the same direction as I was, I concluded I could see them as soon as they could see me; and therefore I pressed on in that path for about three miles, when I came to the forks where another branch empties into the creek, and where a hunter's camp, where the two men, whose tracks I had before discovered and followed, had been, and kindled a fire and breakfasted, and had left the fire burning.

I here became more alarmed, and came to a determination to leave the path. I then ascended a hill, and crossed a ridge toward Squaw run, and came upon a trail or path. Here I stopped and meditated what to do; and while I was thus musing, I saw three deers coming toward me in full speed; they turned to look at their pursuers; I looked too with all attention, and saw the flash of a gun, and then heard the report as soon as the gun was fired. I saw some dogs start after them, and began to look about for a shelter, and immediately made for a large log, and hid myself behind it; but most providentially I did not go clear to the log; had I done so, I might have lost my life by the bites of rattle-snakes; for as I put my hand to the ground to raise myself, that I might see what was become of the hunters and who they were, I saw a large heap of rattle-snakes, and the top one was very large, and coiled up very near my face, and quite ready to bite me. This compelled me to leave this situation, let the consequences be what they might.

In consequence of this occurrence, I again left my course, bearing to the left, and came upon the head waters of Squaw run, and kept down the run the remainder of that day.

During the day it rained, and I was in a very deplorable situation; so cold and shivering were my limbs, that frequently, in opposition to all my struggles, I gave an involuntary groan. I suffered intensely this day from hunger, though my jaws were so far recovered from the injury they sustained from the blows of the Indians, that wherever I could I procured grape vines, and chewed them for a little sustenance. In the evening I came within one mile of the Allegheny river, though I was ignorant of it at the time; and there, at the root of a tree, through a most tremendous night's rain, I took up my fifth night's lodgings; and in order to shelter my infant at much as possible, I placed him in my lap, and placed my head against the tree, and thus let the rain fall upon me.

On the sixth (that was Sabbath) morning from my captivity, I found myself unable, for a very considerable time, to raise myself from the ground; and when I had once more, by hard struggling, got myself upon my feet, and started upon the sixth day's encounter, nature _was so nearly exhausted, and my spirits were so completely depressed,_ that my progress was amazingly slow and discouraging.

In this almost helpless condition, I had not gone far before I came to a path where there had been cattle traveling; I took the path, under the impression that it would lead me to the abode of some white people, and by traveling it about one mile, I came to an uninhabited cabin; and though I was in a river bottom, yet I knew not where I was, nor yet on what river bank I had come. Here I was seized with the feelings of despair, and under those feelings I went to the threshold of the uninhabited cabin, and concluded that I would _enter and lie down and die;_ as death would have been to me an _angel of mercy_ in such a _situation,_ and would have removed me from all my misery.

Such were my feelings at this distressing moment, and had it not been for the recollection of those sufferings which my _infant_ would endure, who would survive for some time after I was dead, I should have carried my determination into execution. Here, too, I heard the sound of a cow bell, which imparted a _gleam of hope to my desponding mind._ I followed the sound of the bell till I came opposite to the fort at the Six Mile Island.

When I came there, I saw three men on the opposite bank of the river. My feelings at the sight of these were better felt than described. I called to the men, but they seemed unwilling to risk the danger of coming after me, and requested to know who I was. I replied that I was one who had been taken prisoner by the Indians on the Allegheny river on last Tuesday morning, and had made my escape from them. They requested me to walk up the bank of the river for a while, that they might see if the Indians were making a decoy of me or not; but I replied to them that my feet were so sore that I could not walk.

Then one of them, James Closier, got into a canoe to fetch me over, and the other two stood on the bank, with their rifles cocked, ready to fire on the Indians, provided they were using me as a decoy. When Mr. Closier came near to the shore, and saw my haggard and dejected situation, he exclaimed, "who, in the name of God, are you?" This man was one of my nearest neighbors before I was taken; yet in six days I was so much altered that he did not know me, either by my voice or my countenance.

When I landed on the inhabited side of the river, the people from the fort came running out to the boat to see me; they took the child from me, and now I felt safe from all danger, I found myself unable to move or to assist myself in any degree; whereupon the people took me and carried me out of the boat to the house of Mr. Cortus.

Here, when I felt I was secure from the ravages and cruelties of the barbarians, for the first time since my captivity my feelings returned with all their poignancy. When I was dragged from my bed and from my home, a prisoner with the savages; when the in-human butchers dashed the brains of one of my dear children out on the door-sill, and afterward scalped him before my eyes; when they took and tomahawked, scalped, and stabbed another of them before me on the island; and when, with still more barbarous feelings, they afterward made a hoop, and stretched his scalp on it; nor yet, when I endured hunger, cold, and nearly nakedness, and at the same time my infant sucking my very blood to support it, I never wept. No! it was too, too much for nature. A tear then would have been too great a luxury. And it is more than probable, that tears at these seasons of distress would have been fatal in their consequences; for savages despise a tear. But now that my danger was removed, and I was delivered from the pangs of the barbarians, the tears flowed freely, and imparted a happiness beyond what I ever experienced before, or ever expect to experience in this world.

When I was taken into the house, having been so long from fire, and having endured so much from hunger for a long period, the heat of the fire, and the smell of the victuals, which the kindness of the people immediately induced them to provide for me, caused me to faint. Some of the people attempted to restore me and some of them put some clothes upon me. But the kindness of these friends would, in all probability, have killed me, had it not been for the providential arrival from down the river, of Major McCulley, who then commanded the line along the river. When he came in and saw my situation, and the provisions they were making for me, he became greatly alarmed, and immediately ordered me out of the house, from the heat and smell; prohibited my taking any thing but the whey of buttermilk, and that in very small quantities, which he administered with his own hands. Through this judicious management of my almost lost situation, I was mercifully restored again to my senses, and very gradually to my health and strength.

Two of the females, Sarah Carter and Mary Ann Crozier, then began to take out the thorns from my feet and legs; and Mr. Felix Negley, who now lives at the mouth of Bull Creek, twenty miles above Pittsburgh, stood by and counted the thorns as the women took them out, and there were one hundred and fifty drawn out, though they were not all extracted at that time, for the next evening, at Pittsburgh, there were many more taken out. The flesh was mangled dreadfully, and the skin and flesh were hanging in pieces on my feet and legs. The wounds were not healed for a considerable time. Some of the thorns went through my feet and came out on the top. For two weeks I was unable to put my feet to the ground to walk.

Besides which, the rain to which I was exposed by night, and the heat of the sun, to which my almost naked body was exposed by day, together with my carrying my child so long in my arms without any relief, and any shelter from the heat of the day or the storms of the night, caused nearly all the skin of my body to come off, so that my body was raw nearly all over.

The news of my arrival at the station spread with great rapidity. The two spies took the intelligence that evening as far as Coe's station, and the next morning to Reed's station, to my husband.

As the intelligence spread, the town of Pittsburgh, and the country for twenty miles round, was all in a state of commotion. About sunset the same evening, my husband came to see me in Pittsburgh, and I was taken back to Coe's station on Tuesday morning. In the evening I gave the account of the murder of my boy on the island. The next morning (Wednesday) there was a scout went out, and found it by my direction, and buried it, after being murdered nine days.

_Copy of a Letter from Mr. John Corbly, a Baptist Minister, to his
friend in Philadelphia, dated_

Muddy Creek, Penn, Sept. 1, 1793.

"Dear Sir,

"The following are the particulars of the destruction of my unfortunate family by the savages:--On the 10th May last, being my appointment to preach at one of my meeting houses, about a mile from my dwelling-house, I set out with my loving wife and five children for public worship. Not suspecting any danger, I walked behind a few rods, with my Bible in my hand, meditating. As I was thus employed, on a sudden I was greatly alarmed by the shrieks of my dear family before me. I immediately ran to their relief with all possible speed, vainly hunting a club as I ran. When within a few yards of them, my poor wife observing me, cried out to me to make my escape. At this instant an Indian ran up to shoot me. I had to strip, and by so doing outran him. My wife had an infant in her arms, which the Indians killed and scalped. After which they struck my wife several times, but not bringing her to the ground, the Indian who attempted to shoot me approached her, and shot her through the body; after which they scalped her. My little son, about six years old, they dispatched by sinking their hatchets in his brains. My little daughter, four years old, they in like manner tomahawked and scalped. My eldest daughter attempted an escape by concealing herself in a hollow tree, about six rods from the fatal scene of action. Observing the Indians retiring, as she supposed, she deliberately crept from the place of her concealment, when one of the Indians, who yet remained on the ground, espying her, ran up to her, and with his tomahawk knocked down and scalped her. But, blessed be God, she yet survives, as does her little sister whom the savages in the like manner tomahawked and scalped. They are mangled to a shocking degree, but the doctors think there are some hopes of their recovery.

"When I supposed the Indians gone, I returned to see what had become of my unfortunate family, whom, alas! I found in the situation above described. No one, my dear friend, can form a true conception of my feelings at this moment. A view of a scene so shocking to humanity quite overcome me. I fainted, and was unconsciously borne off by a friend, who at that instant arrived to my relief.

"Thus, dear sir, have I given you a faithful, though a short narrative of the fatal catastrophe; amidst which my life is spared, but for what purpose the Great Jehovah best knows. Oh, may I spend it to the praise and glory of His grace, who worketh all things after the counsel of his own will. The government of the world and the church is in his hands. I conclude with wishing you every blessing, and subscribe myself your affectionate though afflicted friend, and unworthy brother in the gospel ministry,

"John Corbly"

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No. IX.

[Reference from Page 376.]

_Miamis Rapids, May_ 7th, 1794.

Two Deputies from the Three Nations of the Glaize arrived here yesterday, with a speech from the Spaniards, brought by the Delawares residing near their posts, which was repeated in a council held this day, to the following nations now at this place, viz:--

Wyandots, Mingoes,
Ottawas, Munseys,
Chippewas, Nanticokes.

Grand-children and Brethren,

We are just arrived from the Spanish settlements upon the Mississippi, and are come to inform you what they have said to us in a late council. These are their words:

Children Delawares,
_Six Strings White Wampum,_

{TN: Icon of finger pointing to right} "Pointing to this country." When you first came from that country to ask my protection, and when you told me you had escaped from the heat of a great fire that was like to scorch you to death, I took yon by the hand and under my protection, and told you to look about for a piece of land to hunt on and plant for the support of yourselves and families in this country, which the Great Spirit had given for our mutual benefit and support. I told you at the same time that I would watch over it, and when anything threatened us with danger, that I would immediately speak to you; and that when I did speak to you, that it would behoove you to be strong and listen to my words.

_Delivered six Strings White Wampum._

The Spaniard then, addressing himself to all the nations who were present, said,--

Children, These were my words to all the nations here present, as well as to your grand-fathers, the Delawares. Now, Children, I have called you together to communicate to you certain intelligence of a large force assembling on the Shawanoe river to invade our country. It has given me very great satisfaction to observe the strong confederacy formed among you, and I have no doubt of your ready assistance to repel this force.

Children, You see me now on my feet, and grasping the tomahawk to strike them.

Children, We will strike them together. I do not desire yon to go before me, in the front, but to follow me. These people have too long disturbed our country, and have extinguished many of our council fires. They are but a trifling people compared to the white people now combined against them, and determined to crush them for their evil deeds. They must by this time be surrounded with enemies, as all the white nations are against them. Your French Father also speaks through me to you on this occasion, and tells you that those of his subjects who have joined the Big-knives, are only a few of his disobedient children who have joined the disobedient in this country; but as we are strong and unanimous, we hope, by the assistance of the Great Spirit, to put a stop to their mischievous designs.

_Delivered a bunch Black Wampum._

Children, Now I present you with a war-pipe, which has been sent in all our names to the Musquakies, and all those nations who live toward the setting of the sun, to get upon their feet and take hold of our tomahawk; and as soon as they smoked it they sent it back, with a promise to get immediately on their feet to join us and strike this enemy. Their particular answer to me was as follows:

"Father, We have long seen the designs of the Big-knives against our country, and also of some of our own color, particularly the Kaskaskies, who have always spoke with the same tongue as the Big-knives. They must not escape our revenge; nor must you, Father, endeavor to prevent our extirpating them. Two other tribes of our color, the Piankishaws and the Cayaughkians who have been strongly attached to our enemies the Big-knives, shall share the same fate with the Kaskaskies."

Children, You hear what these distant nations have said to us, so that we have nothing farther to do but put our designs in immediate execution, and to forward this pipe to the three warlike nations who have so long been struggling for their country, and who now sit at the Glaize. Tell them to smoke this pipe, and to forward it to all the Lake Indians and their northern brethren; then nothing will be wanting to complete our general union from the rising to the setting of the sun, and all nations will be ready to add strength to the blow we are going to make.

_Delivered a War-Pipe._

Children, I now deliver you a Message from the Creeks, Cherokees, and Choctaws and Chickasaws, who desire you to be strong in uniting yourselves; and tell you it has given them pleasure to hear you have been so unanimous in listening to your Spanish Father; and they acquaint you that their hearts are joined to ours, and that there are eleven nations of the southern Indians now on their feet with the hatchet in their hand, ready to strike our common enemy.

_Black Strings of Wampum._

The Deputies of the Three Nations of the Glaize, after speaking the above speeches from the Spaniards, addressed themselves to the several nations in council, in the following manner:

Brothers, You have now heard the speeches brought to our council at the Glaize a few days ago from the Spaniards, and as soon as they heard them and smoked the pipe, their hearts were glad, and they determined to step forward and put into execution the advice sent them. They desire you to forward the pipe, as has been recommended, to all our northern brethren, not doubting but as soon as you have smoked it, you will follow their example; and they will hourly expect you to join them, as it will not be many days before the nearness of our enemies will give us an opportunity of striking them.

_Delivered the Pipe._

Brothers, Our Grand-fathers, the Delawares, spoke first in our late council at the Glaize, on this piece of painted tobacco and this painted Black Wampum, and expressed their happiness at what they had heard from their Spanish Father and their brethren to the westward, and desired us to tell you to forward this tobacco and Wampum to the Wyandots, to be sent to all the Lake Indians, and inform them that in eight days they would be ready to go against the Virginians, who are now so near us, and that according to the number of Indians collected, they would either engage the army or attempt to cut off their supplies. The Delawares also desired us to say to the Wyandots, that, as they are our elder brethren, and took the lead in all our affairs last summer, it was thought strange that none of them were now there to put the resolution then formed into execution. It is true, some of them went last Fall when it was thought too late, and the assembling of the nations put off till spring; but the spring is now far advanced, and none of them have yet come.

_Delivered the Tobacco and Wampum._

Egouchouay answered for all the nations present:--Brothers, I am happy at the good news you have told us, and we will immediately go and collect all our people, and be with you as soon as possible.

(Signed) A. McKee, D. A. I. A.

A true copy, Thomas Talbot.

* * * * *

No. X.

[Reference from Page 406.]

The Chiefs to Sir John Johnson.

"_Grand River, Feb._ 6, 1802.

"Our Dear Friend,

"We take the opportunity of Moses Johnson's going to Canada, to trouble you with this the easiest method that the distance of our situation from each other allows of, to communicate our sentiments to you. We wish to acquaint you, that last Fall, at our usual meeting at the beach, we made a speech to Captain Claus, which he has not yet fully answered. It was principally respecting the letter you wrote to Captain Brant, when you was at Niagara last summer, which we were sorry to find so severe; and as we are sensible that he has never attempted any thing to the detriment of the British interest, we were much surprised to find that his conduct seemed to give umbrage there. As to the uneasiness you mentioned prevailed at Grand River, we are entirely ignorant of any such thing among us who manage the affairs of the tribes living here; and as he is our appointed agent, he yet never acts without our approbation in whatever regards the public; consequently, if any of his transactions have given offence, we are all equally culpable. Therefore, if customs are so much changed with you, that the following the tracks of our predecessor gives umbrage, we hope, from our ancient friendship, you will inform us wherein it injures the interests of our brethren, for then our regard for their welfare will cause us to desist; and if there is a change in politics, don't let us remain ignorant of it; for ignorance might cause us unwittingly to give offence. As you know that not long ago a friendly correspondence and union with the different nations seemed to give pleasure to our brothers, we yet remain of the same sentiments, for we could not lightly drop what we took so much pains to begin; and we can yet hardly persuade ourselves that you have changed your sentiments; but if it is the case, we hope you will do us the favor fully to acquaint us, that we may not be liable to give uneasiness where we really mean none.

"I have the honor to be
Your humble and most obed't servt.,
(Signed) Aaron Hill.

"In behalf of the Chiefs of the Mohawk,
Oghkwaga, Onondaga, Cayuga,
and Seneca Nations, living on the
Grand River."

* * * * *

No. XI.

[Reference from Page 411.]

Governor Clinton to Captain Brant.

"_Greenwich,_ 1_st December,_ 1799.

"Dear Sir,

"On my return from the country about a month ago, I was favored with your letter of the 4th of September. I am much gratified by the determination you express of furnishing Doctor Miller with the information he requested of you, and I hope, as the work for which it is wanted is progressing, you will find leisure to do it soon. I am confident he will make a fair and honorable use of it; and, as far as he shall be enabled, correct the erroneous representations of former authors respecting your nations.

"I am surprised to find that you have not received my answer to your letter of the 11th January last. It was inclosed and forwarded as requested, to Mr. Peter W. Yates of Albany. Had it reached you, I presume you will find, from the copy I now inclose, it would have been satisfactory; but as a particular detail of what passed between the Coghnawagoes and me, respecting their lands, may be more agreeable, I will now repeat it to you as far as my recollection will enable me:--

"In the Winter of 1792-1793, our Legislature being in session in Albany, a committee from the seven nations or tribes of Lower Canada attended there, with whom I had several conferences. They complained that some of our people had settled on their lands near Lake Champlain and on the River St. Lawrence, and requested that Commissioners might be appointed to inquire into the matter, and treat with them on the subject. In my answer to their speeches I mentioned that it was difficult to define their rights and their boundaries; that it was to be presumed that the Indian rights to a considerable part of the lands on the borders of the lake had been extinguished by the French Government before the conquest of Canada, as those lands, or the greater part of them, had been granted to individuals by that government before that period. In their reply, they described their southern boundary as commencing at a creek or run of water between Forts Edward and George, which empties into South Bay, and from thence extending on a direct line to a large meadow or swamp, where the Canada Creek, which empties into the Mohawk opposite Fort Hendrick, the Black and Oswegatchie Rivers have their sources. Upon which I observed to them that this line would interfere with lands patented by the British Government previous to the Revolution, and particularly mentioned Totten and Crossfield's purchase and Jessup's patent; but I mentioned, at the same time, that I was neither authorised nor disposed to controvert their claims, which I would submit to the Legislature, who I could not doubt would pay due attention to them, and adopt proper measures to effect a settlement with them upon fair and liberal terms. This I accordingly did; and some time after Commissioners were appointed to treat with them in the presence of an agent of the United States, the result of which I find you are informed of.

"I believe you will readily agree that no inference could be drawn from anything that passed on the above occasion to countenance the charge made against your nations. The mentioning and interference of their boundaries, as above stated, with tracts patented under the British Colonial Government, could certainly have no allusion to the cessions made by the Six Nations, or either of them, to the state; especially as (if I recollect right) those cessions are of the territory of the respective nations by whom they were made without defining them by any particular boundaries, and subject only to the reservations described in the deed.

"I wish it was in my power to transmit you copies of their speeches and my answers at full length; but it is not, for the reasons mentioned in my former letter. Should they, however, be deemed necessary by you, I will endeavor to procure and forward them. In the meantime you may rest assured that what I have above related the substance of them.

"I am, with great regard and esteem,
Your most obed't servant,
Geo. Clinton.

"_Col. Joseph Brant._"

* * * * *

No. XII.

[Reference from Page 416.]

CERTIFICATE OF GENERAL CHAPIN.

I certify I have been personally acquainted with Captain Joseph Brant for fourteen years past; that during this time have frequently been with him in treaties and councils held between the people of the United States and the Five Nations of Indians. That during the time aforesaid, my father, Israel Chapin, Esq. held the office of Indian affairs for the Five Nations of Indians, under the President of the United States; and during his agency, Captain Brant was several times in the States in transacting business of importance. At one time, in particular, he was invited to the seat of Government of the United States for the purpose of consulting upon means for restoring the Indians then hostile to the United States to a general peace; which visit occasioned some suspicions and censures against Captain Brant by certain characters residing in the province where he belonged. That, through the instigation of certain persons, jealousies have arisen, not only among some white people, but among his own also. That the jealousies of his own people are easily awakened; and solely upon this ground they have proceeded in the Indian forms to disown him as a Chief. That the Seneca Indians, with some others residing within the territory of the United States, who have had the disposal of a considerable part of the Five Nations' lands, and have sold, and do actually receive annuities from the people of the United States annually for the same, have been the principal actors in deposing him. That after the death of my father I succeeded him in the office, as aforesaid, and during my own agency had frequent meetings with Captain Brant in Indian councils, &c. And I do further certify, that during the whole of my acquaintance with Captain Brant, he has conducted himself with honor and integrity. That, so far from conducting himself in secrecy, or in any way inclining to alienate himself from the British government, or in doing anything that might be prejudicial to the Indians; on the other hand, he has frankly avowed that he would strenuously adhere to the Government and interest of the people to which he belonged; that his honor and friendship for the Indian nations were so near his heart, that nothing should occasion him to do any thing incompatible with his duty; and that his own time and trouble have been expended and greatly prolonged in doing every thing in his power to promote the interest of his nation and those allied to them. And Captain Brant having called on me to certify my opinion as aforesaid, I am free to declare to any who may be concerned, that from a long and intimate acquaintance I have good reason to make the remarks as aforesaid.

Israel Chapin,
_Agent of Indian Affairs for the Five Nations._

Canandaigua, in the western part of the }
State of N. Y., Oct. 28th, 1805. }

* * * * *

No. XIII.

[Reference from Page 417.]

CERTIFICATE OF CAPTAIN LEONARD AND OTHERS.

We, the subscribers, certify, that in the month of April last there came to Fort Niagara about forty Seneca Indians, among whom were the Farmer's Brother, Red Jacket, Jack Berry, and other Chiefs. While at Niagara, detained by ice, we heard them say in public and private conversation, that they were going into Upper Canada for the express purpose of breaking Captain Brant, a Mohawk Chief. We also certify that the Seneca Chiefs above named reside within the United States.

Given under our hands at Fort Niagara, this 20th day of October 1805.

W. Leonard, Capt. U. S. Artillery,
G. Armistead, Lieut. U. S. Artillery.
H. M. Allen, Lieut. U. S. Artillery,
Robert Lee, Col. of the Revenue.

* * * * *

No. XIV.

[Reference from Page 418.]

Proceedings of a Council held at the Grand River, the 29th day of June, 1804, with the Six Nations, viz: Mohawks, Oneydas, Onondagas, Cayougas, Senecas, and Tuscaroras; and the following Nations,--Tutulies, Delawares, and Nanticokes.

Present,

Lieut. Col. Brock, 49th _Reg't. Commanding,_
William Claus, Esq., _Dept'y Supt. Gen. of Indian Affairs._
James Gwins, Esq., _Agent of Indian Affairs._
Lieut. Cary, 49th _Regiment._
Lieut. Stratton, 49th _Regiment._
William Dickson, Esq.
Richard Beasley, Esq.
Alexander Stewart, Esq.
Mr. W. I. Chew, _Store-keeper and Clerk Indian Dep._
Benj. Fairchild, }
J. B. Rousseau, } _Interpreters Indian Dep._

The Deputy Superintendent General addressed the Chiefs as follows:--

Brethren, It gives me great satisfaction to meet you at this place, and in presence of so many of the King's officers and others this day, to renew our assurances of friendship, which I hope will continue uninterrupted as long as the waters run.

I dispel the darkness which hangs over you by reason of your many losses. I most heartily wish you may enjoy a serene and clear sky; so that you may be able to see your brethren from the sun-rising to the sun-setting.

Brethren, I must admonish and exhort you that you will at all times, but more especially at this juncture, pluck from your hearts and cast away all discords, jealousies, and misunderstandings which may subsist among you, or which any evil spirits may endeavor to raise in your breasts.

I therefore, with this Wampum, make this Council-room clean from every thing offensive, and hope that you will take care that no snake may creep in among us, or any thing that may obstruct our harmony.

_Bunch of Wampum._

Brethren, I have but a few words to speak, as the fewer that is said the easier you will understand and comprehend. Last year, about the time your corn was getting hard, I had the pleasure of seeing you at the King, your Great Father's council fire at Niagara. I then addressed you on the business of your land transactions. I informed you then that General Hunter had taken your affairs into his most deliberate consideration, and what the result of those considerations were.

Since that time some people have come forward to pay for the township which was sold to Mr. Beasley and his associates; and the only thing which now remains upon the minds of your trustees, and which they cannot answer for, (unless you, in the most public manner, express your satisfaction,) is the statement made by Mr. Beasley of monies said to have been paid on your account to your agent, Captain Brant.

I will here explain to you the sums said to have been paid; and if you are satisfied, the necessary discharges will then be given, and your business, I hope, carried on in future more to your satisfaction, and also of the others concerned.

Brethren, The following sums are stated by Mr. Beasley to have been paid by him, and boards delivered by his order.

[Here follows the statement of the pecuniary transactions of Captain Brant, as the agent of the Mohawk Nation, which there is no occasion to transcribe in this place.]

If you wish to consult among yourselves before you give your answer, as I wish you to do, I shall wait until you are ready, as it is necessary that this business should come to a close; but do not let us hurry, take time and weigh the matter well; if you are satisfied that the statement of the account is just, I will lay before you a paper to sign, which shall be explained to you, that you may perfectly comprehend and understand it.

I must farther inform you, that I hope every man that attends for the purpose of executing the above papers may keep from liquor, as I am determined no name shall appear there, unless the whole council are perfectly sober.

Before we cover the fire to-day, I must inform you that the King's Council, with the approbation of General Hunter, have given themselves a great deal of pains in inquiring and seeing that justice should be done to the Six Nations in this business, for which I am confident you will acknowledge yourselves sensible.

I have further to mention to you, that the Governor in Council have thought it for the advantage, benefit, and interest of the Six Nations, that Sir John Johnson should be added as a Trustee for the Six Nations, but it is left for you to consider and say whether he is, or is not, to be added to those who are now acting for you.

I shall now retire, and when you have finished consulting, I shall be ready to attend you.

[_Large Bunch of Wampum._]

30_th June._ Present the same as yesterday.

I am much pleased that you have so clearly comprehended what I said to you yesterday, and as you are unanimously agreed to admit of the account as just, the following is the paper which it will be necessary for your principal people to sign; but before I go further, I must tell you that your expressions of friendship for me draws from me the warmest sense of feeling. I shall ever endeavor to preserve your esteem and regard, and you may rest assured that my constant exertions shall be for your interest and happiness.

We, the Sachems and principal War Chiefs, Warriors, and principal women of the Six Nations, having taken into mature consideration the said account, and having examined the several items and entries therein, and the whole having been explained to us in the fullest manner, declare that we perfectly understand and comprehend the same; do hereby unanimously approve thereof as just and true; and do fully admit and acknowledge that the several sums of money set down and charged in the said account as payments made by Mr. Beasley, to and for the use of the Six Nations, were really and truly made; and that the boards and materials charged in the same accounts were actually furnished by Mr. Beasley, also to and for the use of the Six Nations.

In testimony whereof, the aforesaid Sachems, principal War Chiefs, Warriors, and principal Women of the Six Nations, in behalf of the Body of the said Six Nations, have to these presents (done in triplicate) set our hands and affixed our seals at the Council House at the Mohawk Village on the Grand River, this 30th day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1804, and forty fourth year of his Majesty's reign.

his his
Tekarihoken X Gonesseronton X
mark mark
his his
Thaweyogearat X Shagogeaseronni X
mark mark
his his
Oghnaongoghton X Ojageghte X
mark mark
his his
Otoghaeronge X Waorighonti X
mark mark
his his
Aonghwicjaga X Tekaenyough X
mark mark
his his
Otyoghwawagon X Ogpaghsaneyout X
mark mark
his his
Aghetugwaresera X Thaoeonnenghton X
mark mark
his his
Tekahentakwa X Teghsitaasgowa X
mark mark
his his
Oghsonwalagette X Arenghoot X
mark mark
his his
Yoghstatheaugh X Nihaweanaagh X
mark mark
his his
Araghkwente X Karrhageayate X
mark mark
his his
Oghgwarioghseta X Kaweanontye X
mark mark

We do certify that the within proceedings were held in our presence, and that the accounts and different items were explained to the Sachems. War Chiefs, and principal Women under the direction of the Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs; that they seemed perfectly to understand and comprehend the same, and acknowledged that they did so, and were perfectly satisfied therewith. We do also certify that those whose names, marks and seals are hereunto affixed, as well as the whole Council, were perfectly sober when they executed the within.

_Council Room, Grand River,_ 30_th June,_ 1804.
ISAAC BROCK, _Col._ 49_th Regt._
_Commissioners._
William Carey, _Lieut._ 49_th Regt._
William Stratton, _Lieut._ 49_th Regt._

After finishing, the usual ceremony of taking leave was gone through and,

[_A large bunch of Wampum delivered._]

* * * * *

No. XV.

[Reference from Page 423.]

COUNCIL HELD AT NIAGARA.

[This speech was made by Capt. Brant at Niagara to Col. William Claus, Deputy Superintendent General of Indian affairs--after John Norton, alias Teyoninhokarawen, had returned from England, who had been sent there by Capt. Brant.]

[W. J. Kerr.]

Brother,--We have now come to this place, the Council-fire of our Great Father the King, to explain, in a public manner, the foundation of our claim to the lands we now possess, the attempts made in this country to curtail and invalidate our title to them, and latterly the means taken to obstruct the just decision of his Majesty's Right Honorable Privy Council on the subject.

Brother,--In the year 1775, when hostilities had commenced, the Mohawks, always faithful to the royal interest, brought off the Indian Department, in company with the Oghkwagas, from the Mohawk River to Canada. Upon our arrival there, this conduct was approved of by Sir Guy Carleton, who, in a public Council, desired us to take up the hatchet and defend our country, and that any losses we might sustain by the war, he promised should be replaced.

When the support given the Americans by the various European powers gave us reason to apprehend, that the war might take such an unfavorable conclusion as to deprive us of the happiness of return to our homes, and to the re-enjoyment of our forsaken lands, we applied to Sir Frederick Haldimand, then Governor and Commander-in-Chief, for a confirmation of General Carleton's promise; this he readily granted us, and we have it now in our possession.

When the line drawn at the peace, and the manner in which that was concluded, left us no hopes of regaining our former possessions, we applied to His Excellency Sir Frederick Haldimand for a grant in the Bay of Quinte.

On this becoming known to the Senecas and others at Buffalo Creek, they upbraided us with having treated them unfairly, after having been the most forward to engage in the royal cause, and having drawn them into the contest, now to abandon them in the present critical situation, to be exposed alone to such retaliation as revenge might urge the Americans to attempt.

We were struck with the justness of their argument, and in consequence relinquished the place we had first chosen, and applied for the Grand River in lieu of it; as there being more conveniently situated either to give assistance to our brethren, if assistance was wanted, or to afford them a comfortable asylum should superior numbers oblige them to retreat. His Excellency expressed his satisfaction at our determination, and the terms of his grant will confirm the accuracy of this assertion.

In a little time the Senecas were relieved from their apprehensions, they remained on their lands, and sold them gradually to the Americans; for which they receive annually six thousand five hundred dollars, besides four thousand five hundred dollars which they get in common with others of the Six Nations inhabiting within the territories of the United States, from whom also several of their Chiefs receive pensions; with these arrangements they have appeared to remain contented on the reserves they have retained.

General Haldimand was on the eve of embarking for Europe when he executed the grant. This we may suppose to have been the reason why it was not registered at Quebec; and from this circumstance, shortly after the formation of the Canadian government, an attempt was made to curtail our land.

After we came to a proper understanding on this head, from the consideration that the animals were becoming scarce for the hunters, we proposed leasing a part of our lands, not in our power to occupy, to receive therefrom an annual income; the leasing was objected to by the Executive, but they were sold with the sanction of the Canadian Government, and mortgaged for the payment of the interest; the incumbrances, however, annexed to these arrangements, have prevented us as yet deriving the benefit therefrom we had reason to expect.

We have asked for a confirmation of the remaining lands, that our posterity might enjoy in security the benefits of our industry, and of their own; but this request has never yet met with an answer.

What we asked for, seemed to be of such a nature as not to render it necessary to apply to higher authority than there was in this country, (providing the inclination should be favorable to grant us our requests,) was the reason we persevered in entreating for a satisfactory decision of the Executive for many years; notwithstanding repeated retardments in our business, we were reluctant to trouble his Majesty's Government in Britain with so trifling an affair.

However, at the time my nephew Teyoninhokarawen desired to go to Europe to serve in the war, we hoped, should an opportunity occur for him to make representation of our situation, it might expedite the conclusion of the business to our satisfaction. This he was well enabled to do from his knowledge of the subject, and authorized as being an adopted Chief; as such, I gave him letters of introduction to my friends there; and from the generosity and love of justice, which ever distinguishes his Majesty's Government, and is peculiarly prevalent in the British nation, it appears he was attended to, and in consequence of his representation, letters in our favor were wrote to the Government here.

Brother,--You then, as Agent for Indian Affairs, sent notice to the Grand River, as we have evident proof, through the medium of a Cayuga Chief named Tsinonwanhonte, who acquainted the other Chief of that tribe, Okoghsaniyonte, that Teyoninhokarawen had been making use of their names to their detriment, and that I had got to my highest, and would soon fall; that the method they were to take to prevent evil arriving to them, was to come to Niagara, protest against and disavow all the proceedings of Teyoninhokarawen, depose me from being chief, and disannul all that we had done from the time we formed the settlement.

The Chiefs of the Grand River would not listen to this, but many of the common people were thereby prevailed on to go to Buffalo Creek on the American side. There they held a Council with the Senecas and others of the Five Nations living within that territory, made new chiefs contrary to our established customs, came to Niagara, complied in every respect with your desires; so as to contradict the application of Teyoninhokarawen on our behalf, and prevent him obtaining that confirmation to our grant which he hoped for from the justice of his Majesty's Government, and which apparently was on the point of being accomplished to our satisfaction.

Brother,--We protest against this your proceeding for these reasons, that you knew the Five Nations living within the American territories, and who composed the principal part of that council, were not the real proprietors of the Grand River, according to Sir. Frederick Haldimand's Grant; neither did they deserve to be so from their subsequent conduct since we settled there; that several of these Chiefs were pensioners to the United States; that the names of many who were not Chiefs were sent to England, and that none of the principal men from the Grand River were there. Those who were made chiefs at Buffalo, we cannot allow of, as being contrary to all authority and custom, as well as their ignorance of public affairs rendering them absolutely unfit for such a situation.

The Farmer's Brother and Red Jacket, two of these Chiefs, pensioners to the United States, a few years ago at Hartford, in the Assembly of the Connecticut State, declared "that they were subjects to the United States, and would never cross the river, kissing the medal of General Washington in token of their steady attachment to the United States, vowing that they would ever remain united."

Is it such men as these you should represent as being the proprietors of the Grand River? No; they were granted to us as loyalists, that had fought and lost our lands in support of his Majesty's interests; and the love we bear our Great Father the King, and the desire we have of living under his protection, is the reason we set so great a value on these lands, and persevere to obtain a confirmation of them. Neither is there any reason why you should prefer the title or claims of the opposite party of our own dialect, inhabiting at present the same village with us; but who have joined those people in opposition, to promote anarchy among us. Before the war, they lived at Fort Hunter, and had sold the most of their lands before hostilities commenced; what they lost, therefore, is more to be imputed to their imprudence than to their loyalty. This was not the case with us of Canajoharie or Oghkwaga. When we took up the hatchet, our lands remained almost entire and unbroken, like those of the tribes to the westward.

Brother,--We, the principal Chiefs of that part of the Five Nations inhabiting the Grand River, who obtained the grant from General Haldimand in consequence of our services and losses, now affirm that we approve in every respect of the representation of our affairs made by Teyoninhokarawen in England; and also of his request in our behalf; but so much having been said on the subject for these many years past renders so necessary a discussion, that we entreat the Government to direct an inquiry to be made into the conduct of those concerned.

Brother,--Since we appointed Trustees by the direction of the Executive in this province, we have found the appointment very insufficient, both as to the speedy execution of our business, as also to the giving us the proper security for the property which may pass through their hands. The confidence we ever entertained of being protected in all our rights by our Great Father, caused us to remove to the place we now occupy within his dominions. We therefore petition that his Majesty's Government appoint such other medium for the transaction of our business as to their wisdom may appear proper, and which to us may be more satisfactory and secure.

Brother,--You know, that some years ago our Council-fire was taken from Buffalo Creek and kindled at the Onondaga Village on the Grand River; it is there that in a general Council we determined on what we now communicate at the Council fire-place of our Great Father, in consequence of our being made acquainted with the effect the Council held here last spring twelvemonth had in England.

We have delayed some time, in hopes to have had previously a fair discussion of the affair at our General Council, and to have convinced the people of Buffalo Creek of the mistake they had fallen into, in thinking that they had any right to hold councils at their village to interfere in our land affairs; especially as our Council-fire, which had been extinguished by the Americans, was now rekindled under the protection of our Great Father, at the Grand River; from whose benevolence we now hold that land, of which the Onondagas, the keepers of our Council-fire, are joint proprietors; which is not the case at Buffalo Creek on the American side; for which reason it certainly deserves the preference, as most likely of duration through the blessing of God and the support of our Great Father the King. From the time that our forefathers formed the confederacy, it has been with these that the General Council Fire-place has been kept, and there that every thing relating to the welfare of the whole has been deliberated on; and, as such, it was regarded by all the neighboring nations.