Chapter C: J. Fox (11)

I can with the greatest sincerity assure you that I am not by
any means indifferent to the point in question on Cleaver's
account, as far as his situation can be affected by it; but that
if I were entirely so, the interest which you take in it would
be abundantly sufficient to secure, not only my most active
exertions, but also my warmest wishes in support of whatever you
may have to desire with respect to it. But you cannot, I am
sure, think me unreasonable if I do most seriously and earnestly
desire that you will not press me to convey to Pitt sentiments
founded on what I conceive to be a total misapprehension of the
subject, and relating to a business on which he so naturally
expects to converse with you, and which, whatever may be its
ultimate arrangement, can neither be forwarded nor delayed for
many weeks after your return to town. If, when you come back,
you persist in your opinion that it will be proper to decline
all conversation on the subject, it is perfectly easy for you to
express that opinion; or, if you wished it, I would certainly
not decline to convey your sentiments, however I might differ
from them. I should undoubtedly think that such a determination
was neither handsome towards Pitt, nor at all calculated to
promote Cleaver's interest; but it would then rest with you, and
no inconvenience will certainly have arisen from the delay. From
my delivering such a message in the present moment, I know
nothing that could arise but a total interruption of all
confidence where it is most necessary. To my feelings, nothing
could justify such a proceeding but a direct breach of
engagement; and, in the present instance, you have received a
direct assurance of a determination to fulfil the engagement if
you think proper to insist upon it.

The other particulars are of much less importance. Pretyman's
appointment was never denied to be a breach of the rule.
Harley's tended to restore the equality which that had
interrupted. Grisdale was an Oxford man; I did not therefore
state the refusal of him to have been made on that ground, but I
repeat that Lord Lonsdale was expressly told that no
recommendation of a Cambridge man would be accepted.

I have nothing to do with Doneraile, except in a promise of
conveying to you the proposition on the subject, as it was made
to me by Sir James Erskine, who is a friend of St. Leger's. I do
not clearly understand from your letter whether you comply with
Fortescue's request. If you do, it would be a charity to let him
know it, as he is remaining in London. I am much surprised at
Mr. Griffith's delay.

There is every appearance that the Dutch negotiation is going on
prosperously; so much so, that it is even not impossible that we
may have the treaty by the meeting of Parliament, which would
unquestionably be very desirable.

Adieu, my dear brother,
Believe me ever most sincerely and affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 14th, 1787.

My dear Brother,

I enclose you a letter from Sir William Bowyer, who seems
frightened out of all the senses he ever possessed. I take it
for granted it is not your intention he should serve, or that
there will be no harm in putting him out of his alarm as soon as
possible.

I wait only for your return to town to lay before you a list of
applications, which would completely fill up your family, and
supply any deficiencies in Orde's list. Every man who knows me
by sight, who remembers my name at Eton or Oxford, or who voted
for me in Bucks, is to be immediately made either a chaplain or
an aid-de-camp, or is to have a snug place of £1,000 a-year to
begin with, as Sir Francis Wronghead says. As I know you can
have no difficulty in complying with all these requests, I do
not answer them till I see you, in order that I may then inform
them all of your entire acquiescence.

Seriously, I have been pestered with applications beyond all
imagination, but have the satisfaction of not having received
one about which I have any other desire than that of being able
to say that I have mentioned them to you, and have received an
answer, informing me of the impossibility of complying with
them.

Harris writes word that, with great activity, the Alliance may
possibly be concluded before Christmas.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

Everything else going on very peaceably, notwithstanding
newspapers and stock-jobbers.

Lord Buckingham arrived in Dublin on the 16th of December, and his reception is described as having been highly enthusiastic.

1788.

Irish Correspondence--The India Declaratory Bill--Trial of Warren Hastings--Contemplated Changes in the Administration--The King's Interference in Military Appointments--The Irish Chancellorship--The King's Illness--Views of the Cabinet Respecting the Regency.

On the 1st of January, 1788, Lord Buckingham transmitted to the Ministers a copy of the speech he proposed for the opening of the Irish Parliament on the 17th. He threw himself at once into the labours of his Government, which, judging from the multitude of topics that pressed upon his time, and the conscientious consideration he bestowed upon them, were onerous and absorbing. His correspondence of this period is very voluminous, and embraces in detail an infinite variety of subjects. The universal reliance which was placed in his justice and toleration, drew upon him petitions and complaints from all manner of people. Sometimes advice upon the state of the nation was volunteered from an obscure student, who, looking out upon the great world through the "loopholes of retreat," imagined he had discovered a panacea for all public evils; sometimes the claim, real or imaginary, of individuals upon the patronage of Government were urged with vehemence, or humility, according to the temperament of the claimant, but in most cases, with the sanguine eagerness of the national character; in one instance, a retired Quaker, animated by the best intentions, suggests a project for protecting the mail-coaches against robbers, by sending them to their destination under an escort of dragoons; and in another, a citizen begs the personal interference of the Lord-Lieutenant concerning a cheat which was put upon a poor country-boy, who had been buying some second-hand article at an old furniture shop in Dublin. To all the applications, of every kind, that were addressed to him, Lord Buckingham paid scrupulous attention, bringing to the discharge of the most trivial duties of his station the same diligence and earnestness he bestowed on the most important.

The majority of the questions relating to Ireland, which are thrown up in the course of his political and public correspondence, possess little attraction at this distance of time, having reference chiefly to fugitive topics, such as the augmentation of the army (a measure which his Lordship held to be of paramount necessity), the reduction of expenditure, and the conflicts of local parties; but, although the immediate importance of these questions has long since passed away, they place in a strong historical light the difficulties the Viceroy had to contend with, in his government of a country rent by intestine factions and overrun by corrupt agencies. In the midst of the feuds and jealousies that plunged both the Parliament and the people into a condition of constant tumult, there were some gleams of a nobler spirit; and wherever they appeared, whether on the part of the friends or the opponents of the Government, Lord Buckingham was ready to recognise their purifying and regenerating influence. From a mass of letters bearing upon personal matters, and illustrative of the conduct of individuals who occupied conspicuous positions, the following may be selected as deserving special notice, on account of the subsequent celebrity of one of the writers. Mr. Curran sat at this time in the Irish Parliament for a borough of Mr. Longfield's; and when Lord Buckingham assumed the government of Ireland for the second time, Mr. Longfield, being desirous to contribute all the parliamentary strength he could to the service of the Administration, endeavoured to secure the support of Mr. Curran. It was a matter of some delicacy on both sides. The nominee was generally understood to take the colour of his politics from the owner of the borough; and although no explicit compact could have been entered into in such cases, and was distinctly disclaimed in the present case, yet it was usually felt that the relation between the patron and the member implied a general harmony of opinion, which precluded the latter from the assertion of an independent line of policy. Such were the circumstances under which the subjoined correspondence took place. The spirit of independence it displays is equally honourable to all parties. At the date of these letters Lord Buckingham's first session had just commenced; and it is scarcely necessary to add, that Mr. Curran took his seat amongst the opponents of his Lordship's Administration.

MR. LONGFIELD TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Jan. 21st, 1788.

My Lord,

The candour with which I met your Excellency on your arrival in
this kingdom, received, I hope, your entire approbation. Under
that idea, I hold myself obliged to the continuance of it.

Since my arrival in town, I have not been so happy as to make
such an impression on Counsellor Curran as I wished to do, and
in justice to your Excellency's Administration, he ought to have
received. After many exertions, in order to induce him to act as
I intended to do, I received the enclosed letter. For my own
satisfaction, and to continue the same candid confidence to your
Excellency, I beg leave to submit it to your perusal. My heart
claims this trouble from you, as my own justification. My head
may err, but not intentionally. In reply, I have rejected the
offer of the seat, begged to retain his personal regards, and
left him to decide entirely on his political conduct as he
should think proper.

As to Mr. Heatly, he is no longer my friend and pensioner: he
ranges under Lord Shannon.

All I can now say is, that Major Vewell, Colonel Longfield and
myself are ever ready to repose the utmost confidence in your
Excellency's Government: we will support your measures with
firmness and decision, during your Administration in this
kingdom.

I have the honour to be,
With the highest respect and esteem,
Your Excellency's most devoted and obedient humble servant,
Rd. Longfield.

MR. CURRAN TO MR. LONGFIELD.

Jan. 18th, 1788.

Dear Sir,

I sit down in compliance with your wish that I might explain my
sentiments on the subject of our conversation yesterday, more
fully than our situation would then permit.

When you first did me the honour of proposing to return me into
Parliament, I thought myself bound to be explicit on the
occasion, and I was so. I stated to you that the general
acceptance of such an offer, might naturally be considered to
imply a condition, on the person accepting it, of conforming in
his Parliamentary conduct with yours. I also stated to you at
large the reasons why I could not sit in the House of Commons
under the slightest implication of any such restraint, and I was
happy in finding you concur with me on that point, of which I
was perfectly satisfied by the warmth with which you disclaimed
any idea of your intending or wishing to restrain my freedom by
any condition whatsoever. The motives you were pleased to assign
for a conduct so very flattering and honourable to me, were an
additional incentive to my wishing rather to decline the
intended favour. I thought it beyond my merit, and I urged you
to confer it upon some other gentleman. These same sentiments I
repeated in many conversations I had with you on the subject;
but your friendly partiality persevered and prevailed. I do not
dwell on these facts from any supposition that you have
forgotten them, which could not be consistent with the very
honourable solicitude with which I know you have always borne
testimony to them, and to my independence. But I recal them to
show you that I also remember them, as forming the principal
ground of the obligation to you, which I uniformly felt, and
professed.

From that period to the present, we have concurred in sentiments
and acted together. I now understand from you that you have
engaged to support the present Administration. From what I have
heard of His Excellency, and what I know of you, I cannot doubt
that you have acted consistently with the public interest, and
your own honour; but being an utter stranger to the principles
or the measures which Administration may adopt, I feel that I
could not, without hazarding the sacrifice of my principles or
my character, follow your example in that point, however I
respect it. I see clearly, that while we remain as at present,
we shall both of us be exposed to that calumny, which you find
has even already been put into motion against us. Were I to go
to the House and vote as you may--for on any ordinary occasion I
could not forget my regards for you so much as to vote against
you--it would be relinquishing that independence which I have
always asserted. If I stayed away totally, I should be accused
by my enemies, of violating an engagement that never existed, or
I should be said by yours to cast upon you, and for such causes
as they would not fail to invent, the heaviest of all censures,
the tacit condemnation of a friend. And, however anxious each
would be to do justice to the other, calumny would drown our
voices, or malignity affect not to believe us. Thus
circumstanced, I should, were that practicable, request you to
reassume that seat, which I could no longer fill with honour to
you, or safety to myself. Though this cannot be done directly,
yet we may obtain the same end by an expedient tantamount in
effect, and which I mentioned to you yesterday, that is by your
permitting me to procure a return for a friend of yours for the
remainder of this Parliament, or to give him such a sum as may
enable him to procure it, when there shall be an opportunity.
Let me assure you, I am infinitely obliged by your manner of
receiving this proposal, as it shows me that you are too well
persuaded of my regard and respect for you to suppose it made
with any, the remotest view of putting an end to our intimacy or
friendship. On the contrary, I ask it as a favour, from that
very friendship, and because I am anxious to preserve it
inviolate. Neither am I afraid of being thought uneasy under a
sense of obligation, or desirous of being freed from it by the
paltry expedient of a partial compensation. I think you know me
too well to suspect me of so sordid an idea, and on your
vindication of me as to that, will I cordially rely. I cannot
but add that I am happy in making this proposition at a time
when the popularity of the Administration you have acceded to,
must evince to you and to everybody, that my object is perfectly
disinterested. The funds of opposition, if in fact such a thing
exists, you will allow are too low at present to have much
temptation for a purchaser.

Believe me, my dear Sir, with great truth and regard, your much
obliged and affectionate humble servant,

John P. Curran.

THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM TO MR. LONGFIELD.

Dublin Castle, Jan. 23rd, 1788.

Sir,

Your letter, enclosing one from Mr. Curran, reached me at a
moment when my attention was taken up with other business, else
I should have immediately answered it.

I am very sensible of the candour with which you have declared
your intentions of supporting me, and of your exertions to
induce Counsellor Curran to act with you in that line of
conduct. The offer of the seat, on his part, is handsome; as is
likewise your refusal of it.

I am much honoured by the confidence which you have shown me on
this occasion, and have the honour to be,

Sir,
Your very obedient and faithful humble servant,
N.B.

Richard Longfield, Esq.

The arrangement for the establishment of Arthur Wellesley as one of the aide-de-camps to Lord Buckingham, alluded to in a recent letter from Lord Mornington, suffered an interruption on the threshold from a proposal made by Sir George Yonge, then Secretary at War, for reducing the gentlemen holding those appointments to half-pay. Lord Mornington, who was still in England, resented the proposal indignantly, and brought the affair under the notice of the Lord-Lieutenant. He writes on the 8th of January,

Sir George Yonge had retreated into Devonshire before I received
your letter; but I have ventured to disturb his retirement by an
epistle of four sides of paper, to which I could not yet have
received an answer. I cannot conceive what he can mean by this
man[oe]uvre, because I cannot see any advantage to him in the
reduction of any, or of all your aide-de-camps to half-pay; and
I am clearly of opinion, that there is no argument which can be
drawn in favour of the reduction of any, which will not equally
apply to all. I do not exactly understand, by the papers which I
received from you, what was the nature of his proposal with
respect to the 9th and 10th companies. I have threatened, that
my brother shall join his regiment in India. This business is
now very unfortunate to Arthur, as his men are now all raised,
and he has concluded an agreement for an exchange, which only
waits the mighty fiat of the Secretary at War. I fear he must
wait for the decision of that great character; for I think under
the present circumstances he cannot safely leave England.
However, I hope the Secretary will deign to temper his grandeur
with a little common sense in the course of a few days, and then
I will consign your aide-de-camp to you by the first mail-coach.

Lord Mornington, however, had no necessity to carry out his threat of sending his brother to India. That service was reserved for a later day. Sir George Yonge's project appears to have been over-ruled, at least so far as Arthur Wellesley was concerned, and the young aide-de-camp was duly forwarded to his post of honour. In the month of April, Lord Mornington writes again to the Viceroy, thanking him for the kindness with which he has treated his _protégé_.

My principal reason for intruding on you now, is to express my
warm and hearty thanks for your great kindness to my brother, of
which I have not only received the most pleasing accounts from
himself, but have heard from various other quarters. You will
easily be persuaded, that I must feel your goodness to him as
the strongest and most grateful instance of your regard for me.
I must also do my brother the justice to assure you that he
feels as he ought to do on this subject, and that you have
warmly attached him to you. All his letters that I have seen,
not only to me, but to many others totally unconnected with you,
speak the most sincere language of gratitude and affection for
the reception you have given him. He also expresses great
obligations to Lady Buckingham, whom I must beg you to thank in
my name.

Mr. Grenville's correspondence with his brother was now resumed with the same activity as before, ranging over every question of public moment affecting the foreign and domestic policy of the country. One of the topics which began to occupy a large space in the public mind about the beginning of the year was the contemplated movement for the abolition of the Slave Trade. The abstract justice of the abolition, and the practical difficulties in the way of effecting it, were equally obvious to Mr. Grenville.

The business of the Slave Trade is referred to the Committee of
Trade. It is a very extensive investigation, and by no means a
pleasant subject of inquiry at such a board, because I take it
the result will clearly be what one knew sufficiently without
much inquiry--that on every principle of humanity, justice, or
religion, the slave trade is unjustifiable, and that at the same
time it is, in a commercial point of view, highly beneficial,
though I believe not so much as those who are concerned in it
pretend. On this view of the question I have certainly formed my
opinion, that the duty of Parliament is that which would be the
duty of each individual sitting there, namely, to sacrifice
objects of advantage to principles of justice. It is, however, a
great question, and of no little embarrassment to Government,
who run the risk of offending a numerous and powerful body of
men. I am told that there is an idea of calling the county of
Bucks together, to petition as other counties have done. This
will be very distressing to me, because, although my opinion is
formed, it would not be very decent for me to declare it
publicly, while an inquiry is pending at the Board of which I am
a member.

The subject was new and startling at this time, and Lord Buckingham took alarm at the notion of a sudden and complete measure of abolition. Having communicated his doubts to Mr. Grenville, the reply of the latter expresses a general concurrence in his views.

Our ideas do not seem very different as to the Slave Trade. I
never entertained an idea that we could liberate the slaves
actually in the Islands, except by some such gradual measure as
you mention. But I am very sanguine in thinking that a law
preventing the carrying any more slaves to the Islands in
British ships (the only vessels that can legally trade there)
may be passed and enforced without considerable difficulty or
danger.

Towards the end of January Lord Mornington writes:

We are all very eagerly engaged in considering a plan for the
abolition of the Slave Trade, which is to be soon brought
forward by Wilberforce. I hear that Burke is to prove slavery to
be an excellent thing for negroes, and that there is a great
distinction between an Indian Begum and an African Wowski.

That some of the supporters of the Administration did not consider Mr. Wilberforce the fittest person to bring forward the question is frankly avowed in several of these letters. Sir William Young, a constant and lively correspondent, communicates his apprehensions on this point to Lord Buckingham. His letter is dated the 20th of February.

The French have offered our people of Liverpool (hearing that we
are on the eve of surrendering our Slave Trade) no less than £5
per ton premium to carry on the trade between Africa and the
French islands. When Wilberforce intends to come forward is not
settled, nor what his precise motion. I cannot help feeling its
absurdity _d'avance_, knowing my friend Wilberforce to be a mere
utopian philanthropist on a subject which a little needs the
practical politician.

On the 9th of May following, Mr. Pitt, taking the question into his own hands, moved a resolution pledging the House to the consideration of the Slave Trade in the ensuing session. Upon this, Sir William Young remarks:

The Slave Trade, obviously from the debate on Friday last, will
be made an election tool to work at the Dissenters with, and
gain the hurra' of the lower people. When Pitt shall come
forward to unite humanity and justice with policy and the public
necessities, and produce early next session some measures of
legislation for the colonies, and of regulation in the trade, I
foresee the clamour will be "What! regulate rapine and murder!
and legislate slavery in the British dominions!" and all of the
measure, as to the abolition of the trade which is wisely put
by, will be artfully taken up to discredit what is humanely
done. And this is the mischief of leaving such business to the
good and brilliant, but little-wise or solid Wilberforce, who
did not know, that in a business of such extent as to the
interests of the public, their feelings should not have been
excited to go beyond the mode or degree of practicable remedy to
the evil; that to give hopes of something is to render the full
accomplishment more grateful; and that to anticipate the most
that can be done, is to render the doing less thankless, and as
nothing. Adopting the strongest wishes for the full abolition of
slavery and the Slave Trade, was it not folly in the extreme to
throw out the idea of full abolition previous to investigation
of how far it was possible to go, and where a stop of necessity
must be made. Wilberforce hath everywhere canvassed addresses
for total abolition!

These passages, collected from the Correspondence, possess some historical value from their immediate bearing upon the state and action of opinion, at the time when this question was originally introduced into Parliament. Wilberforce was confessedly not considered a practical politician, and his support was regarded by Pitt with apprehension. His sincerity was admitted by everybody, but there seems to have been a strange want of confidence in his judgment. By agitating the country for total abolition, before the public had had an opportunity of investigating the bearings of the question, he showed more zeal than discretion, and seriously embarrassed the proceedings of the Minister. Wilberforce had the best intentions in the world, but, like other politicians, sometimes erred in carrying them out.

Not the least charm of these letters is the insight they afford into the characters of the principal persons concerned in them; and the slightest passages that assist us to a nearer view of men who occupied so large a space in their own times, and whose actions enter into the history of the country, have a distinct attraction in this point of view.

Allusion has already been made to the sensitiveness of Lord Buckingham on personal points of form and etiquette, which sometimes disposed him to fancy discourtesy or indifference where none was really contemplated. It can hardly be supposed that this trait could have been generated in the mind of a statesman of such tried ability and acknowledged influence from any distrust in his own powers, or in the high position he held amongst his contemporaries; and it must, therefore, be regarded entirely as a matter of temperament. It was the weakness of a nature capable of the sincerest attachments, and jealous of every appearance of neglect in those whose regards it cherished. Between his Lordship and Lord Sydney there existed a strict bond of friendship. It had been tested in the struggles of public life, and cemented by many interchanges of confidence in their private relations. Lord Sydney, however, appears upon some occasion to have forgotten, in his official capacity as Secretary of State, the formality with which the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland should have been addressed, and to have lapsed, perhaps unconsciously, into that familiar tone which, no doubt, sat more easily upon him in writing to his friend, Lord Buckingham. The particular subject is of no importance; but, whatever it was, Lord Buckingham was dissatisfied with his correspondent's style, and indicated so much to him. Here is Lord Sydney's answer, marked "private;" admirable as a specimen of excellent feeling and indomitable good-humour.

LORD SYDNEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Grosvenor Square, Feb. 6th, 1788.

My dear Lord,

I heartily congratulate you upon the success of two very
important questions, which has been determined so much to the
advantage of the public, and to the credit of your Lordship's
Administration. I should have been very sorry if the style of
any letter of mine should have had the effect of diminishing in
the least degree the pleasure which you must have received from
the news which had just reached you from the House of Commons. I
agree with you that forms must be observed, and surely none more
exactly than those which consist in the mutual respect and
civility which ought to appear in the correspondence between two
of the principal offices of Government. In a private one between
the Marquis of Buckingham and Lord Sydney, the latter will
always be inclined to be as little punctilious as any man
living. But as to that in question, I must say, that I had no
reason to suppose that my style could seem objectionable, when I
had endeavoured to imitate that of the letter to which mine was
an answer. To leave this subject, you may depend upon my being
as cautious as possible in future, to avoid any deviation from
the usual form; but in the present case, the King's leave of
absence being already given, it is not proper that any
alteration should be made.

I have seen the Duchess of Rutland to-day for the first time at
her Grace's desire. She expressed herself in the strongest terms
of gratitude towards your Lordship, for your attention in
transmitting to her the extracts from the addresses of both
Houses of Parliament, as well as for your letter upon the
subject. Her manner and appearance was truly affecting,
particularly to one who has had a strong attachment to the
Rutland family all his life. She is very much pleased with the
marks of respect which have been shown by all ranks of people to
the memory of the poor Duke, and said that she must always love
Ireland. I never saw more propriety, or a more unaffected
general behaviour in my life.

I have finished Mr. Anselm Nugent's business to-day. I do not
think that His Majesty quite likes so total a dispensation with
an Act of Parliament; but agreed to it with great cheerfulness,
and with very gracious expressions of his desire to do what was
agreeable to you.

We have nothing new stirring, except the young ladies, two of
whom eloped the day before yesterday: Lady Augusta Campbell with
a son of Sir John Clavering's, and a daughter of Sir H.
Clinton's with a son of Mr. Dawkins's.

You will be glad to be released, and I am called to dinner.
Present my best respects to Lady Buckingham and Lord Temple.

Believe me ever to be, with the greatest esteem and regard,

My dear Lord,
Your most obedient humble servant,
Sydney.

The India Declaratory Bill, and the trial of Mr. Hastings, were the great subjects which now engrossed the attention of the Government and the country. Mr. Pitt had just introduced the famous Declaratory Act, for the purpose of conferring new and important powers on the Board of Control, and explaining the provisions of his former measure for the regulation of Indian affairs. Against this Bill a most formidable opposition was organized in the House of Commons, threatening, by its numbers no less than by the weight of its objections, to overthrow the Administration. The House was reminded that Mr. Fox's Cabinet had fallen by a similar measure; and it was endeavoured to be shown, not without a considerable appearance of justification, that the most odious features of that measure were revived and exaggerated in the Bill now introduced by Mr. Pitt. It is evident from Mr. Grenville's letter on this subject, that, although Ministers disclaimed the resemblance thus traced between the two plans, they regarded with no inconsiderable apprehension the arguments founded upon it, and the consequences they entailed. Lord Mornington writes more hopefully, but his letter was written before the decision which betrayed the defection of many of the usual supporters of Government.

LORD MORNINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Hertford St., March 4th, 1788.

My dear Lord,

As I know that William Grenville has not been quite well for
this day or two, and that he does not mean to write to you by
this post, I trouble you with a few lines, in order to give you
the earliest account of the business of last night. Erskine and
Rous came to the bar in support of the Petition from the
Directors against the East India Declaratory Act, and there was
a great muster of the forces of Fox, Lord North, Lord Lansdowne,
and of the refractory directors, with every appearance that some
great exertion was to be made. Erskine made the most absurd
speech imaginable: and after having spoke for near three hours,
he was taken ill, and obliged to leave the bar. Rous was then
heard; and when he had finished, Erskine (who had dined in the
coffee-room with the Prince of Wales, and been well primed with
_brandy_), returned to the charge, I understand at the express
desire of His Royal Highness. Erskine now spoke for near two
hours, and delivered the most stupid, gross, and indecent libel
against Pitt, that ever was imagined; the abuse was so
monstrous, that the House _hissed_ him at his conclusion. After
this, Rous proposed to produce some letters from the Treasury
and the Board of Control, as evidence of the construction of
Pitt's East India Bill; on this question we divided--for
receiving the evidence, 118; against, 242. The Lansdownes
divided against us; Pitt then moved himself for the letters. The
Bill was read a second time, and is committed for Wednesday,
when another attack will be made.

We reckon this a great triumph. You cannot conceive the clamour
that has been attempted to be raised on this occasion; and the
question of the new Act is certainly well contrived for the
union of the great men whom I have mentioned. It seemed great
mismanagement in the Opposition to divide on the question of
evidence, instead of pressing an adjournment, on which they
might have made a much better appearance. It is hardly to be
expected that we shall be quite as strong on the question of the
Bill itself; but you know the effect of a great majority, even
in preliminary questions, on the main subject.

Pitt took no sort of notice of Erskine's Billingsgate.

I will write to you after Wednesday, and shall then have some
other points to state to you. I am much obliged to you for your
kind attention to my Windsor job; but I beg you to consult your
own convenience in it, as it is not at all material to me.

Hastings's trial you hear enough of from others. One fact you
cannot have heard, as we have but just received the accounts at
the Treasury; the expense of the counsel and solicitors
attending the management has already amounted to near £5000, the
trial having lasted as yet only eleven days. There are five
counsel employed at ten guineas a-day, besides consultation
fees, and consultations are held every night. The first charge
is not yet finished. Make your own calculations of the probable
expense of this business, and of the patronage which it has
placed in the immaculate hands of the great orators.

Ever yours most affectionately,
Mornington.

I cannot say how I rejoice in your success in Ireland--we hear
nothing but good news of you in every way, and even from all
quarters.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, March 6th, 1788.

My dear Brother,

I am very sorry to send you, in return for all your good news,
an account from hence of a very different nature. By one of
those strange caprices, to which our friends in the House of
Commons are so peculiarly liable, they have taken the alarm
about our explanatory East India Bill; and although that Bill
does no more than declare that to be the law which not only
every man who can think, but every man who can read, must agree
with you is already the law on that subject, they have suffered
themselves to be persuaded that we are doing neither more nor
less than assuming to ourselves all the power of Fox's Bill.

You must often have observed, that of all impressions the most
difficult to be removed, are those which have no reason whatever
to support them, because against them no reasoning can be
applied. Under one of these impressions; the question of the
Speaker's leaving the chair came on last night, and after
debating till seven this morning, we divided, in a majority of
only 57: Ayes, 183; Noes, 125. So many of our friends were
against us in this division, and that sort of impression runs so
strongly after such a display of weakness, that I have serious
apprehensions of our being beat either to-morrow on the report,
or Monday on the third reading. I need not tell you, that
besides much real inconvenience and embarrassment, with respect
to the measure itself, such a defeat would be in the highest
degree disreputable to Government, the personal opinions,
conduct and character of every leading man in the House of
Commons on our side being involved in this discussion. Add to
this the impression in the country, where the people will
certainly be persuaded that this House of Commons would not have
rejected such a Bill, except on just and solid grounds. We must,
however, weather it as well as we can, and submit to the
consequences of an evil which, I think, you will agree with me
it was not easy to foresee. What hurt us, I believe, materially
last night was that Pitt, who had reserved himself to answer
Fox, was, just at the close of a very able speech of Fox's,
taken so ill as not to be able to speak at all, so that the
House went to the division with the whole impression of our
adversaries' arguments, in a great degree, unanswered. I had
spoken early in the debate, and Dundas just before Fox. I think
this is the most unpleasant thing of the sort that has happened
to us; but I console myself with recollecting how many similar
disasters we have surmounted. I have seen nobody this morning
but apprehend that we shall certainly go on with the Bill, as
nothing, I think, would be saved by withdrawing it.

Till within this last day or two I have been much out of order,
and this, added to the hurry of this business for the last week,
has made it impossible for me to get an answer to your queries.
I fear it will be impossible for me to do it before Tuesday, but
you may depend upon my exerting myself as much as I can.

I do not agree at all with what I understand from Young to be
your opinion on the reduction of interest; holding with Smith,
that the hire of money, like that of any other commodity, will
find its level, and going even beyond him in thinking the
grounds on which he states such a measure to be sometimes
justifiable, such as will not support him on his own principles.
I have also a doubt, but of that you are a much better judge
than I can be, whether it is often desirable to hold a
neutrality on the part of Government with respect to such
questions. That, however, depends on circumstances, and I can
easily conceive such as would make that the only line you could
prudently adopt.

This has been the most sickly of all seasons with us. Jemmy has
been very ill, and is not recovered, though, I trust, entirely
out of all danger. Hester has also been seriously ill, but is
out again. I agree most entirely with Fitzgibbon, in reprobating
that some _lex et consuetudo_ Parliament, which is to supersede
the good old common law of the land. Fox's whole conduct and
language has been singularly indecent.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

It will be seen that Mr. Grenville complains of the failure, on the part of the friends of the Government, in answering the arguments of the Opposition. Amongst those whose talents raised the highest expectations, only to be disappointed in the moment of debate by want of resolution, was Lord Mornington--subsequently distinguished by the brilliancy and solidity of his orations. Mr. Grenville elsewhere alludes to Lord Mornington's intention of speaking from day to day, which he fears he will suffer the session to pass over without carrying into execution, and begs of Lord Buckingham to write to him urgently on the subject. Lord Bulkeley gives a less dignified version of Mr. Pitt's retreat from the discussion on this occasion, and, in his usual rattling way, runs on about the prominent topics of the hour. In this letter some names appear which were afterwards destined for a wide celebrity, more especially those of "a Mr. Tierney" and "young Grey."

LORD BULKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, March 10th, 1788.

My dear Lord,

Our politics have worn the most decided aspect till lately. On
last Wednesday, on the bringing in the Declaratory Bill of the
powers of the Board of Control, Mr. Pitt experienced a
mortification, not only from the abilities of those who oppose
him, but from the defection of some of his friends, and the
luke-warmness of others, that he has not experienced since he
has been a Minister. It was an awkward day for him, and he felt
it the more because he himself was low-spirited, and overcome by
the heat of the House, in consequence of having got drunk the
night before at your house in Pall Mall, with Mr. Dundas and
_the Duchess of Gordon_. They must have had a hard bout of it,
for even Dundas, who is well used to the bottle, was affected by
it, and spoke remarkably ill, tedious and dull. The Opposition,
therefore, made the most of their advantages, and raked Pitt
fore and aft in such a manner, as evidently made an impression
on him. I heard from our own friends that no Minister ever cut a
more pitiful figure.

These triumphs were, however, of short duration to the
Opposition, for on Friday Pitt made one of the best and most
masterly speeches he ever made, and turned the tables
effectually on Opposition, by acquiescing in such shackles as
they chose to put on the article of patronage, all which they
had pressed from an idea that Pitt on that point would be
inflexible. This speech of Pitt's infused spirit into his
friends; Dundas spoke very well, and, contrary to expectation,
so did Scott and Macdonald. Government kept up their numbers in
the division, and Opposition lost ten. I understand from all
quarters that last Friday was, considering all circumstances, as
good as the Wednesday before was _bad_ for Government.
Notwithstanding this happy recovery, there is yet a heavy and
severe clamour against Dundas, and I shall not be surprised if
his unpopularity should very materially injure Pitt's character
and Government. It was by his influence that a Mr. Tierney was
kept out of the direction, and a Mr. Elphinstone brought in,
which last has turned out the most violent opposer and the most
formidable Government has had at the India House; and there is
great reason to think the other, if he had been supported, would
have been a friend, though that docs not seem clear. However,
those two men have been the most active and useful to the
Opposition in all the late contentions in Leadenhall Street,
where Mr. Dundas _ought_ to have had a majority.

All this business has given Fox advantages, which he has not
neglected; and although Mr. Pitt may be secure as to the
continuation of his power, yet the former has and will gain
character, as a firm and manly straightforward politician; which
the other begins to lose by nearly adopting the principles of a
Bill which he had reprobated and condemned. Devaynes tells me
that a few dozen of claret, and two or three dinners, would have
operated with many in the direction; but Rose and Steele follow
Pitt's example in that respect, and vote such company boors not
deserving of such notice.

Your brother William suffered a mortification last Wednesday,
which, I am told, has vexed him: the moment he got up to speak,
the House cleared as it used to do at one time when Burke got
up. I hope it proceeded from accident, for if it continues it
must hurt him very essentially. The day after he was in uncommon
low spirits, and croaked very much. There seems a general
complaint of Pitt's young friends, who never get up to speak;
and I am not surprised at their timidity, for Fox, Sheridan,
Burke, and Barré, are formidable opponents on the ground they
now stand upon. Young Grey has not yet spoke on either of these
last days, and he is hitherto a superior four-year-old to any of
our side. I have kept Sir Hugh Williams and Parry steady to
their tackle; the latter, I think, unless a judgeship comes
soon, will not live much longer, not being of an age or
constitution to live for ever on expectation, however good his
may be, for I am assured he is to have the first vacancy. What
the event of Hastings's trial will be, I cannot say; the
prosecution is carried on with great ability and acrimony, but
hitherto the oral evidence has fallen short of the expectations
pronounced by the managers.

Fox made a severe attack on the Chancellor and the Court, for
which Lord Fortescue was near moving to have the words taken
down, and to adjourn to the House of Lords, but letting the
proper moment slip, he was advised not to resume it again by the
Chancellor and the Duke of Richmond. I think the Chancellor, to
a certain degree, provoked Fox's attack by a speech the day
before in the House of Lords, which everybody said had better
been left alone.

I dined last Friday with your brother Marquis; in talking of
Lord Fortescue, he said he heard he was a sensible man, and
asked me whether he stood on his own bottom, or whether he was a
follower of the Grenvilles. I felt the aim of his _gracious_
speech, and consoled myself with his dinner and the addition of
a new stock of mimicry of those I already possess of him. He and
all his Synod are violent against the new Declaratory Bill, and
are ready for any mischief against the present Government,
though they are the last who would benefit by a change. The
Prince of Wales takes an active part in opposition, and goes on
the same. The Duke of York in politics talks both ways, and, I
think, will end in opposition. His conduct is as bad as
possible; he plays very deep, and loses, and his company is
thought _mauvais ton_.

I am told the King and Queen begin now to feel "how much sharper
than a serpent's tooth it is to have an ingrate child." When the
Duke of York is completely _done up_ in the public opinion, I
should not be surprised if the Prince of Wales assumes a
different style of behaviour; indeed, I am told he already
affects to say that his brother's style is too bad.

I am, my dear Lord,
Your affectionate and sincere
B.

The habits of the Prince and his brother were now become matter of notoriety in the political circles, and in the preceding January had attracted the observation of Mr. Grenville, who thus spoke of them in a letter to Lord Buckingham:

The Prince of Wales has taken this year very much to play, and
has gone so far as to win or lose £2,000 or £3,000 in a night.
He is now, together with the Duke of York, forming a new club at
Weltzies; and this will probably be the scene of some of the
highest gaming which has been seen in town. All their young men
are to belong to it. Lord T. had even at Oxford shown his turn,
having been sent away for being concerned in the Faro then. I
leave you to form the conclusion.

Dundas's character, sketched in a sentence, and the hazards of the Government arising from the Declaratory Bill, are the chief points in the next communication from the sprightly Lord Bulkeley.

LORD BULKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, March 26th, 1788.

My dear Lord,

On the whole, there is every appearance that the Declaratory
Bill has occasioned a temporary division in the Cabinet, and a
run against Dundas, and consequently against Pitt, who stands a
willing sponsor for his transgressions, and who supports him
through thick and thin. Dundas sticks to Pitt as a barnacle to
an oyster-shell, so that if he chose it he cannot shake him off,
and everybody believes he does not mean it, let what will be the
consequence, because he likes him, and really wants him in the
House of Commons; besides, there is no man who eats Pitt's toads
with such zeal, attention, and appetite, as Dundas, and we all
know the effect of those qualities. You, who know the interior
of things, must laugh at me for what I tell you, but I only can
tell you public appearances and opinions, all which you may know
to be perfectly false and untrue.

Many of the Opposition with whom I converse seem to think a
change of Government at a great distance, while the King and
Pitt are on good terms, and others are woefully disappointed
that all this late business has passed off so quietly, without
Pitt being out and Fox in. What the future consequences of the
Declaratory Bill may be to Pitt, I cannot pretend to divine; but
certainly it has brought him a temporary unpopularity, and has
hurt him in the public opinion. I own, for my own part, that I
think _Leadenhall Street_, sooner or later, will overthrow him,
as it did Fox; but in this opinion, I know I differ with _la
parenté_, who all swear to me, even the nervous Jemmy, that Mr.
Pitt has gained strength from the measure, both in Parliament
and with the public; such, likewise, is the opinion of all
Pitt's intimates. I wish I may be wrong, and shall be very happy
to be convinced that I am so.

B.

The ill health of Mr. Rigby, who held the appointment of Master of the Rolls in Ireland, rendering it probable that a vacancy would shortly occur in that office, the friends of Mr. Grenville proposed that it should be given to him, and that he should hold it as a sinecure--a mode of reward for public services which was in accordance with the practice of the period. There were some difficulties, however, attending it, which did not escape the penetration of Mr. Grenville. In the first place, it had become a matter of discussion whether the successor of Mr. Rigby should not be required to perform the duties of the office in person, instead of being permitted to discharge them, as heretofore, by deputy; in which event, Mr. Grenville would have declined the situation. The second point upon which he hesitated referred to the permanency of the office. Some doubt arose on the construction of the statutes as to whether a life patent of the office would hold good; and the apprehension that a future Administration might have it in their power to raise the question, weighed strongly with Mr. Grenville, who discusses the subject minutely in his letters to Lord Buckingham. But there was a third consideration of still greater importance. Several changes were in contemplation in the Ministry. Lord Howe, who was at the head of the Admiralty, had latterly rendered himself extremely unpopular, and signified his intention of resigning, and was only restrained from doing so at once on the representations of Mr. Pitt, who wished to take advantage of the circumstance for the purpose of effecting other alterations in the composition of the Government. Amongst the suggestions arising out of these proposed movements, Lord Buckingham and Mr. Grenville were severally named for the Admiralty; but neither of them were disposed to accept it. Lord Buckingham preferred the position he held in Ireland, and Mr. Grenville held back, having looked for some time to the Seals of the Home Department, for which he had been assiduously qualifying himself, his ambition being constantly urged in that direction by Lord Buckingham. The letter in which he opens all these plans to his brother is affecting in its appeal to those feelings of implicit trust and attachment which existed so warmly between these distinguished men.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, April 1st, 1788.

My dear Brother,