Chapter C: J. Fox (5)

On the 17th of February, the terms of the peace were brought under the consideration of both Houses of Parliament. To do Lord Shelburne justice, he defended them with considerable ability, as being the best the country had a right to expect, or, probably, could obtain. In the Lords, the Address was carried by an insignificant majority: in the Commons, Ministers were defeated. As it was upon the negotiation and settlement of the peace that Lord Shelburne had solely relied all along for the preservation of his Government, the effect of this defeat was decisive. It was the doom of the Ministry; and the bolt was launched by that strange combination which had been growing up in secret for several weeks, which was now openly avowed for the first time, and which was too powerful to be resisted. The coalition had, in fact, already been determined upon. Fox frankly stated it, and supported the Amendment, conjointly with Lord North, in a speech of considerable force and vehemence. However the House might have been prepared by the rumours of the day for this result, it excited universal surprise, and not a little virtuous indignation. Mr. Powis observed that, it was "an age of strange confederations; a _monstrous coalition_ had taken place between a noble Lord and an illustrious commoner--the lofty asserter of the prerogative had joined in an alliance with the worshippers of the majesty of the people." Such words had more purpose and meaning in those days than they would have in our own, and the startling antithesis rang through a debate as remarkable for invective on the one side, as for the confession of weakness on the other. Mr. Grenville and Lord Bulkeley communicated the issue to Lord Temple, in the following hasty notes.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO LORD TEMPLE.

Feb. 18th, 1783, Ten, A.M.

My dear Brother,

I write these few lines by a messenger, to let you know that
this morning, at seven o'clock, after a debate of fifteen hours,
the House of Commons divided: 209 for the original Address upon
the peace, and 224 for the Amendment.

The Address was very cautiously worded, and by no means conveyed
any strong approbation. The Amendment was merely to assure His
Majesty that we _will_ consider the preliminaries, and in the
meantime we consider ourselves bound strictly to adhere to the
articles to which, by the ratification, the national faith is
pledged; with something about the loyalists.

The Address was moved and seconded by T. Pitt and Wilberforce;
the Amendment, by Lord John Cavendish and St. Andrew St. John.
Lord North spoke next to them, in approbation of it. Fox avowed
the coalition with Lord North, and was a good deal attacked upon
it, particularly by Powis. Tom, to my infinite joy, did not
speak. Jemmy spoke. Rigby spoke and voted with us.

In the House of Lords, the Amendment was a strong censure: this
was rejected, 69 to 55.

Where this is to end, God knows! _Je n'en scai rien._ I am too
much fatigued to be able to give you any particulars of the
debate. Adieu.

Ever yours,
W. W. G.

LORD BULKELEY TO LORD TEMPLE.

Berkeley Square,

Tuesday Night, Feb. 18th, 1783.

My dear Lord Temple,

I conclude your brother William, and Jemmy Grenville, have given
you exact accounts of the strange politics of the present
moment. By a junction formed between Lord North and Fox, on
Sunday evening last, the Address in our House was not carried;
but the Amendment was, 224 to 208. The landed property was
mostly with Government, and for the Address. There were,
however, many country gentlemen for the Amendment; and among the
rest, Sir William Williams. My good father-in-law voted in the
majority, as a small return for my bringing him into Parliament,
and he is patted on the back by George Byng, Plummer, &c., for
the _noble, disinterested part_ he takes, while I am looked upon
as a black sheep; of which I console myself, and have reason to
console myself, when I see the views and motives of some great
political characters to be so profligate and abandoned. Lord
North and Charles Fox acting together in public life, is a new
and extraordinary scene! Many people say it was only for last
night; but I believe the arrangement has completely taken place,
and the overthrow of the present Ministry is consequently
certain. The Amendment in the Lords was very strong, and full of
censure, and was negatived only by 14; the numbers being, 69 to
55.

I cannot conceive it possible the Ministry can stand three days
longer; I must therefore hope, whatever line you adopt, it may
be upon the maturest reflection and deliberation, and not in a
hurry. The new Ministry, if they can agree, will be very
powerful in Parliament. At the same time, there are great
numbers of members who are outrageous at the junction of Fox
with Lord North, who, it is said, is to have all his friends
provided for, to advance to the House of Peers, and to leave the
Government to Charles Fox, Duke of Portland, &c.

Sincerely yours,
Bulkeley.

The Primate proposed the prelateship to me. I will therefore
call there to offer it in your name.

The next letter, written on the 19th, is very important. Mr. Grenville here collects the actual circumstances affecting the state of parties from the most authentic sources, and places them before Lord Temple for his consideration, in reference to the course he might deem it due to his own honour to take. We learn, from this statement, that the coalition was not yet finally arranged, although it had been carried into effective execution, as against the Ministry. It had been sufficiently cemented for the purpose of overthrowing one Government, but was not yet sufficiently consolidated for the establishment of another. It was one thing for Lord North and Fox to agree in their opposition to Lord Shelburne, and another to unite upon the distribution of offices and a distinct line of policy. There were yet many old wounds to be healed, many differences of opinion to be reconciled, and much personal asperity to be soothed, before Fox and Lord North could satisfy the claims and resentments of their adherents, and combine in the formation of a Government. We learn also from this letter, that the King was strenuous in his support of Lord Shelburne (which had been obvious enough all throughout), and that he had now prevailed upon him, as he had before done with Lord North, to persevere in the face of the desperate phalanx that was arrayed against him. Government trusted to the divisions which were understood to be agitating the new Opposition, and which it was hoped would ultimately lead to its dissolution.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO LORD TEMPLE.

Pall Mall, Feb. 19th, 1783.

My dear Brother,

I wrote to you yesterday morning by a messenger, in order that
you might receive the earliest information of the event of our
decision. I was then infinitely too much harassed by the fatigue
and want of sleep to attempt entering into the detail of the
debate, being indeed scarcely able to hold my pen at all. You
will since have seen it at length in the papers. I therefore say
nothing upon that subject.

I have since at several different times sat down to write to you
fully upon the situation of things here, and upon your letter of
the 11th, which I received last night. But I find it so
difficult to offer any reasonable conjecture upon the probable
event, and things have taken so different a turn from that which
you supposed, and on which you argue, that I have thought it
better to confine myself to the following facts (being all I
know) on the authenticity of which you may depend. From them you
will yourself collect the different circumstances which may
occur, upon which you will be [enabled] to form a decision very
material to your future character, honour, and happiness. If any
of these should take place before I hear from you again, you may
depend on the earliest notice which I can give you.

In the first place, Lord Shelburne never has made any offer
whatever to Lord North.

Secondly, the coalition between Lord North and Fox is very far
from being formed; so far indeed, that _I know_ they have
differed, not only on loaves and fishes, but on the subject of
high and responsible office, and particularly about the Treasury
itself, which was not settled this morning.

Thirdly, the King is decidedly with Lord Shelburne. His opinion
of Fox I apprehend not to be altered, nor his former resentment
against Lord North much softened by their present conduct. Rigby
and Jenkinson both voted with us: the latter avowedly excluded
from the proposed arrangement.

Fourthly, it is the intention of Ministry to wait the event of
another question in the House of Commons. The subject is to be
resumed on Friday, when this question will probably occur. And
this they do in compliance with the ----'s wishes. The Duke of
Grafton totters, but has not actually resigned.

The division was very respectable on our side. Almost all the
country gentlemen voted with us. Many of them are outrageous
with Fox upon the idea of his coalition. Lord North's share of
the 224 is computed from 160 to 170.

Our Bill was read a second time to-day, but so early, that I was
not down. Percival asked some question about his idea; you have
never said anything to me upon it. It is committed for this day
sev'nnight; before that time, chaos will probably have taken
some form; in the meantime I cannot but fear the most serious
and alarming consequences from the impression which this
division must make in France, Spain, and above all, in Holland.

Pray write as soon as you can, and believe me
Most sincerely and affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

P.S. I shall see the Speaker to-morrow.

I have delayed writing this so long, that I find it is too late
to send it by the post, and it is not I think worth an express.
I will therefore keep it for your tailor, who goes to-morrow,
and tells me he rides post. If so, you will get it sooner; and
if anything should occur before to-morrow evening, I shall be
able to state it.

20th.

I hear nothing new to-day. Lord J. Cavendish moves tomorrow, and
is supposed to intend censure. If so, we shall very probably see
the new alliance divided, especially if their differences
continue, which I know not. I have not seen Percy, but shall
to-morrow; I called to-day, but he was out.

Lord Beauchamp says he will not oppose our Bill; nor, I imagine,
in this state of things, will Fox. I need not say that at this
moment no business goes on, and consequently it is in vain to
talk to them about the different points in your despatches.

"Non ipsa si velit Salus
Servare prorsus hanc potest Rempublicam!"

Adieu, my dear brother, you shall hear from me again on Saturday
morning; but in the meantime pray let me hear from you as soon
as you can.

Ever yours,
W. W. G.

I just hear that the Duke of Grafton has resigned.

The King, who was not expected in town till the 19th, came up suddenly on the 18th, immediately on the receipt of the intelligence of the Ministerial defeat. On the 20th, General Cuninghame, writing to Lord Temple, informs him that the Duke of Grafton had resigned the day before, having intimated his intention to do so on the preceding Monday; that he had just learned that Mr. Fox and Lord North had adjusted their differences; and that the outline of an Administration had been actually agreed upon--the Devonshires to have the Treasury, probably in the person of the Duke of Portland, and Fox, Chancellor of the Exchequer. "The political world," adds General Cuninghame, "is in a ferment, and a few days must decide the complexion of a new Administration. Every one hopes and believes it will be on a broad bottom; and your Excellency will probably be at liberty to choose your situation." On the next day, the same correspondent announces that Lord Shelburne "is determined to stand the thunder of the House of Commons," on a resolution which was to be brought forward that night, to show that the peace was inadequate. He goes on to state that the issue of the debate was doubtful, and that Lord Shelburne was by no means disposed to give up without a struggle. "If the Opposition should be beat from there not being sufficient evidence before them, an inquiry will be instituted. No man at this hour pretends to say how the question will be decided. One may get a beat [bet?] of hundreds at either side. So many difficulties arise in arranging a new Administration, that I now understand Lord Shelburne will not easily yield his pretensions." In the few hours that elapsed since he had written the former letter, General Cuninghame had reason to doubt the correctness of his information respecting the validity of the agreement amongst the opponents of Government. "I now doubt," he observes, "very much of the possibility of arranging Mr. Fox's and Lord North's friends in such a manner as to make their system carry the appearance of permanency." The inconstancy of the reports in circulation reflected faithfully the uncertainty that hung over the action of all parties; and in that uncertainty lay the principal, perhaps the only, ground of hope that was left to Lord Shelburne.

That the negotiations in the meanwhile for a coalition had advanced to something like an intelligible point, and that the Duke of Portland looked with some confidence to the Treasury, is placed beyond all doubt by the following confidential communication, in which His Grace, in anticipation of the establishment of the new Ministry, proposes to Lord Temple his continuance in office as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. It would have been so utterly inconsistent with the high character of Lord Temple to have accepted this office under circumstances which he held to be injurious to the moral influence of the party leaders, and out of which no solid or durable system of administration could be rationally expected, that it will not excite much surprise to find his Lordship declining the flattering offer of the Duke of Portland.

It should be remembered, in reference to Lord Temple's reply to His Grace's "secret and confidential" communication, that the Duke of Portland had held the office of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland under the second Rockingham Administration, and was, therefore, qualified to appreciate the inconveniences arising from frequent changes in the Government. It is to that circumstance Lord Temple alludes, when he recalls to his Grace's recollection the "jealousy which had been felt in so many parts of Ireland at his resignation."

THE DUKE OF PORTLAND TO LORD TEMPLE.

(Most Secret and Confidential.)

London, Saturday Evening,

Feb. 22nd, 1783.

My dear Lord,

The events of Monday and last night must have been communicated
to you, and their consequences must be too obvious to render it
necessary for me to point them out. What effect they may have
upon my situation and that of my friends, it is impossible to
say; but the supposition of a probability that they may tend to
our being intrusted with the Administration will not suffer me
to conceal the wish I should in that case most anxiously
entertain for your Excellency's continuance in the Government of
Ireland. As Mr. Townshend's friendship induced him to
communicate to you my sentiments upon your appointment, you
cannot be surprised at my presumption in the hope I now take the
liberty of expressing to you; nor will it, I trust, be thought
unjustifiable or unreasonable, notwithstanding the endeavours
which it appeared to be my duty to exert for the removal of Lord
Shelburne from any confidential employment in the King's
service. I shall not trouble your Excellency with the reasons
for my conduct, as a reference to the mode of Lord Shelburne's
appointment is sufficient to explain them, even without the
comment which his conduct affords; but as it is not unlikely
that the means which have been represented to you to have been
taken in the course of this short but successful attempt may in
some degree prejudice us in your opinion, I am desirous of
trespassing upon your patience for a few moments to assure you
that no deviation from the principles upon which I have acted
throughout my whole political life has been or is to be the
price of the assistance we have had in attaining that object.
If, therefore, it should be the King's pleasure to place the
Government in our hands, the powers of carrying it on must be
given to those who are looked upon to be Whigs, and were
considered to be such by our late most excellent friend, Lord
Rockingham. _All_ the responsible efficient offices will be
required and insisted upon to be given to persons of that
description; and though Lord North or others of the old
Administration may make a part of such a new arrangement, it
will be made a _sine quâ non_ condition that the powers of
Government shall be solely vested in those who have the
advantage of being denominated the friends of the late Lord
Rockingham. I have thought it necessary to state this outline of
our _determinations_ to your Excellency, to counteract any
misrepresentation that may be made of the basis or purport of
our junction with Lord North (to which _I_ conceive it may be
liable, from the very false and groundless accounts which are
reported to have been transmitted to Ireland of Mr. Fox's speech
on Mr. Townshend's motion for the Bill respecting the Irish
Judicature, which I myself heard, and with which I was so
satisfied, upon account of those whom it was intended to
support, of him whom it was intended to reprobate, and whom I
consider as the arch-enemy of Ireland--I mean Mr. H. Flood--that
I should have been happy to have spoken it _verbatim et
literatim_), and to inform you of the terms upon which I aspire
to so much of your confidence as to flatter myself that you will
be kind enough to give me the most convincing proof of it that a
public station is capable of affording, which is that of
remaining in the Lieutenancy of Ireland. This request is
certainly premature, and very possibly may be useless, as I may
never be authorized to make it; but as it is not less a
testimony of my regard for the public than of my esteem and
respect for your Excellency, I do not hesitate at depositing it
in your custody, and have great satisfaction in the idea of
leaving with you such a pledge of my zeal for the welfare of
both kingdoms.

I am,
Most sincerely,
Your Excellency's most faithful and obedient servant,
Portland.
His Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant, &c., &c., &c.

(ANSWER.)

LORD TEMPLE TO THE DUKE OF PORTLAND.

Dublin Castle, March 2nd, 1783.

My dear Lord,

A course of westerly winds having for the last anxious week cut
off our communication with England, six mails crowded upon me
yesterday such a load of public business, that I was forced to
delay till this morning the acknowledgments which are so much
due for your Grace's secret and confidential letter. I need not
say how truly I feel the extent of the partiality which I have
so often experienced, and which has certainly influenced you
against your better judgment in the offer which you are so good
as to make to me. Removed as I am from the immediate scene of
English politics, I am but little able to decide upon those
minutiæ, which are often the principal springs which move the
machine; and under this want of information, I must confess
myself much distressed by the means employed to obtain an
object, in which, for obvious reasons, I should probably not
have engaged, but which in all contingencies I should hardly
have ventured to pursue in the mode which has succeeded. Both
kingdoms stand in need of a solid and substantial Government;
and in that spirit of candour which I am sure will entitle me to
your Grace's good-will, I must acknowledge that such an
arrangement as is proposed does not hold out to me any
reasonable expectation of a duration, even as long as that of
the Ministry which it supersedes; and consequently, that the
removal of Lord Shelburne (even if that could be an object with
me) would not compensate in my mind for the real and solid
mischief which these frequent and rapid changes, which have
already taken place, and which in a few months will again
happen, must always bring upon the Government of both kingdoms;
and I need not give your Grace a more convincing argument than
by recalling to your mind the jealousy which was felt in so many
parts of Ireland at your resignation, and the ferment which the
unsettled form of Government brought forward.

I have stated these few observations from an impulse which I
cannot suppress. If I really was vain enough to think my
continuance in this or any official situation was important to
the public, I would sacrifice much to endeavour to reconcile my
feelings to it; but as I am certain that your Grace's friendship
alone could have suggested to you the option which you have
given to me, I shall truly consult that, in which I shall always
take the strongest interest, your Grace's advantage, honour and
reputation, by enabling you to send to this very difficult
situation some other person, who may have equal advantages with
myself in possessing your good-will, and whose abilities might
enable him to return that debt, by giving solid and material
strength to your Administration. But be assured, my dear Lord,
that I am truly sensible of the value of the offer, and that
this is a real gratification to me. And with these sentiments,

I am, my dear Lord,
Your very obliged and obedient servant,
Nugent Temple.

His Grace the Duke of Portland.

Lord Shelburne tendered his resignation on the 24th. "Whether," says Mr. Grenville, "that resignation was to be accepted immediately, and was or was not to be followed by the others, I do not know." It appears, however, from a letter of General Cuninghame's, that the colleagues of the Ministers were waiting in the ante-chamber, prepared to follow him into retirement.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO LORD TEMPLE.

Pall Mall, Feb. 24th, 1783.

My dear Brother,

I don't write to you by a messenger, because I have nothing
decisive to tell you. Lord Shelburne went in to-day to resign.
Whether that resignation was to be accepted immediately, and was
or was not to be followed by the others, I do not yet know.
Nobody has yet been sent to. The report of Lord Gower, or some
other substitution, is very prevalent.

Before you receive this, you will probably have heard from me by
the messenger; if not, you may depend on it that nothing is
settled. Adieu.

Ever yours,
W. W. G.

GENERAL CUNINGHAME TO LORD TEMPLE.

London, Feb. 24th, 1783, Two o'clock, P.M.

My Lord,

Lord Shelburne is now in the closet, _resigning_, and most of
his colleagues in the outward room, to follow his example. The
Chancellor's resignation is doubtful. General Conway has been
ill since Friday; this morning St. Anthony's fire broke out in
his legs. Mr. Townshend will move the Commons to adjourn. The
whole political system is now in such confusion, that
speculation would only tend to mislead.

I heartily wish your Excellency whatever you wish yourself, and
am, with the most perfect respect and attachment,

My Lord,
Your Excellency's most faithful and obedient humble servant,
Robert Cuninghame.

His Grace the Lord Temple, &c., &c.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO LORD TEMPLE.

Tuesday Night, Feb. 24th, 1783.

I expected before this to have dispatched you a messenger, with
an account of the new arrangement; but I write by the post, as I
can only tell you, that neither the Duke of Portland nor Lord
North have yet been sent for, and that the prevailing report in
the House of Commons to-day was Lord Shelburne's resignation,
and a system, to be composed of the remains of his
Administration, joined with Lord Gower.

The House has adjourned till Friday. Before that, I shall
probably be able to write to you more at length. Nothing can be
a stronger confirmation than this, of the truth of your idea of
reluctance and disinclination, &c., &c.

There is no other news here, nothing else having been talked of
for the last week but arrangements. The hungry mouths are gaping
very wide, and have fixed their eyes on morsels which may
possibly never drop into them. Adieu.

Ever yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO LORD TEMPLE.

Pall Mall, Feb. 26th, 1783.

My dear Brother,

I do not yet write to you by the messenger, as I cannot tell you
what _is_ (nothing being yet settled), but only what _is not_.
The offer has been made to Pitt of the Treasury, with _carte
blanche_; which, after two days' deliberation, he has this day
refused. No other person has yet been sent for. Lord Gower was
with the King on Monday, but I believe no offer made to him.

Whether the King has any resource left, or whether he will (as I
rather think) acquiesce, God knows. _Voilà tout que je sais_;
and so, good night.

GENERAL CUNINGHAME TO LORD TEMPLE.

London, Wednesday Night,

Feb. 25th, 1783.

My Lord,

I have this instant heard Lord North say, he believed that Mr.
Pitt was First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the
Exchequer; and I know a variety of circumstances to confirm it.
The same army will be fought under another general, in the
expectation of its being strengthened by deserters before the
next action.

I have the honour to be, with great respect,

My Lord,
Your most faithful and obedient humble servant,
Robert Cuninghame.

GENERAL CUNINGHAME TO LORD TEMPLE.

London, Thursday Night,

Feb. 26th, 1783.

My Lord,

There seems now no doubt of Mr. Pitt's having been offered, and
having refused, being First Lord of the Treasury. What may or
may not happen to-morrow, nobody can conjecture, The House of
Commons will probably adjourn till Monday.

I have the honour to be, with true respect,

My Lord,
Your most faithful and obedient humble servant,
Robert Cuninghame.

The refusal of Pitt, who was sagaciously waiting his opportunity--foreseeing what would come of these desperate efforts to patch up an Administration--and the King's personal aversion to Fox, and dissatisfaction with Lord North for his union with him, rendered it necessary to look for help elsewhere. In this extremity Lord Temple was thought of, as one of the few men whose courage and integrity might be confidently relied upon.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO LORD TEMPLE.

Pall Mall, Feb. 28th, 1783.

My dear Brother,

I have been, for these last five days, in the most anxious
expectation of being able to write to you something certain
about the situation of things here. Still, however, they remain
in the same unsettled state. The invincible repugnance continues
to operate in the strongest manner; it is avowed, and was
certainly the cause of the late offer, which has been declined;
notwithstanding the promises of support from many of those who
have voted with Lord North till now, and who are disgusted
either at his union with Fox, or his conduct to the King.

To-day, the prevalent report was that you had been sent for.
This I know to be otherwise, in present, though I think it not
unlikely to happen; as I know the King's wish--at all events to
exclude Fox and North, and particularly the first. If it should
be so, lights will undoubtedly be given you which I cannot
furnish, to which will of course be added every light which it
is in my power to procure. At present I rather believe, and from
no bad authority, that the idea is, Lord Gower at the Treasury,
Jenkinson, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Townshend to manage
the House of Commons, Pitt resigning. But the whole, even from
the best information, is but a scene of conjecture. In the
meantime, the situation of the country cannot be described. The
Government is broke up just at the moment when a Government was
most wanted. Our internal regulations, our loan, our commerce,
our army, everything is at a stand, while the candidates for
office are arranging their pretensions: in the meantime, we have
no money, and our troops and seamen are in mutiny.

One thing, however, is worth your attention: a Bill is to be
brought in on Monday to open our ports to American ships,
putting them, in all respects, on the footing of natural-born
subjects; which regulation is to continue, till it is known that
they refuse to do the like by us. How can this be done in
Ireland without a Parliament?

I cannot apply, for I have nobody to apply to, about your
Peerages. Adieu, my dear brother. One thing is worse than bad
Government, viz.: the having no Government at all.

Ever yours,
W. W. G.

I still retain my wish of _bringing_ over the third reading, as
I can be of no use in the House of Lords; although I believe
with you, that the disposition to oppose does exist.

All parties were desirous of strengthening themselves by an alliance with Lord Temple. The coalition sought to engage him even before they were themselves in a position to treat; and there seems to be no doubt that, at this juncture, when every succeeding hour brought new incidents and unforeseen difficulties, a movement was going on for placing him at the head of the Government. Mr. Astle, writing to his Lordship on the 1st of March, says: "It is the opinion of men of different parties that a majority in Parliament would act with your Lordship if you was at the head of the Treasury. From what I have collected in the course of this day, I agree entirely in this opinion. Some who have voted with Lord North would draw with you." How far this contemplated escape from the embarrassments that impeded the coalition might have been matured into a practical shape had Lord Temple been in London, we can only infer from the general confidence which was reposed in his ability, high character and personal weight; but his distance from the scene of action precluded the possibility of carrying the project into effect, even had he been disposed to accept the position, which may be reasonably doubted. Events pressed impatiently for a solution, and the activity of the hybrid Opposition admitted of no delay. At the very moment when Mr. Astle was hastily writing off to Lord Temple to apprize him that there existed this desire to invite him to undertake the construction of a Cabinet, General Cuninghame was dispatching another letter, to inform him that a new Administration was actually in course of formation, of which he could then give him no further particulars, than that Lord Rawdon was to be called to the Upper House, and Townshend to be created a peer. In the evening of the same day this piece of intelligence takes a more definite and authentic form.

GENERAL CUNINGHAME TO LORD TEMPLE.

London, March 1st, Eight o'clock, P.M.

My Lord,

Lord North is now with the King. The Duke of Portland, or Mr.
Fox, will be sent for to-morrow.

I have the honour to be, my Lord,
Your most obedient humble servant,
Robert Cuninghame.

Mr. Fox, however, was not sent for. The King's reluctance to negotiate with him could not be overcome: upon that point His Majesty was inflexible; and interview after interview followed, ending in the same unsatisfactory way, the country continuing to be kept in a state of uncertainty and alarm, and, as Mr. Grenville describes it, "wholly without any Government whatsoever."

GENERAL CUNINGHAME TO LORD TEMPLE.

London, March 4th, 1783.

My Lord,

In these uncertain times, it is difficult to relate events with
precision; but I believe there is no doubt of Lord North's
having been near three hours last night with the King, and that
they parted without agreeing to any Administration. It is said,
His Majesty offered to consent to any arrangement that excluded
Mr. Fox and his associates, and that Lord North thought it was
impossible to make up any Administration, to have the appearance
of permanency, without them. What is to happen next, God alone
knows! All is confusion; and the gentlemen of landed property
are seriously alarmed. I have the honour to be, with the most
perfect respect,

My Lord,
Your Excellency's most faithful and obedient humble servant,
Robert Cuninghame.

His Excellency the Earl Temple, &c., &c., &c.

GENERAL CUNINGHAME TO LORD TEMPLE.

London, March 5th, 1783.

My Lord,

I continue to write in these curious times, though I am
confident you must have better intelligence from a variety of
other authorities. Lord North's interview, last night, with the
King did not last above ten minutes. His Majesty again asked him
if _they_ (meaning Mr. Fox and his associates) would be
satisfied with a neutral person being at the head of the
Treasury: his Lordship replied, they would only be satisfied
with the Duke of Portland. His Majesty then asked Lord North if
he would accept of the Treasury, which he declined; and so they
parted. This, the Duke of Portland told me himself, last night,
at Brookes's. Mr. Fox said something to the same effect; but it
was too late before Lord North left the King, to write by last
night's post. His Majesty looked very firm; but what course he
is to steer is not yet known.

I am happy to find, from all sorts of people who may be supposed
to know something of ideal arrangements, that there is no
intention anywhere of your Excellency not having the option of
remaining in Ireland; and that it is the universal wish you may
continue there, for the sake of this as well as of that country.
If you happened to be here now, you would have the Treasury laid
at your feet.

I have the honour to be, with perfect respect,

My Lord,
Your Excellency's most faithful, obedient, humble servant,
Robert Cuninghame.

His Excellency the Earl Temple, &c., &c., &c.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO LORD TEMPLE.

Pall Mall, Thursday, March 6th, 1783.

My dear Brother,

You will very naturally have expected, long before this, to have
heard of the establishment of some new system of Government,
upon the ruins of that which is now avowedly broke up in every
part of it. Still, however, the country remains, at this urgent
and critical moment, wholly without any Government whatsoever.

When all hopes were over of forming an Administration from the
remains of Lord Shelburne's, acting under some other head, the
King sent, as I imagined he would, for Lord North; having
previously had some communication with him through Lord
Guilford, whom he saw on Sunday. Lord North has been twice with
the King, and has both times been pressed to form some system to
the exclusion of the Duke of Portland and Fox, which he has
peremptorily refused; alleging the necessity of strength, and
the impossibility of supporting Government in Parliament, except
on the basis of their coalition. The last time, the conference
is said to have ended with his being told, that if _he_ was
determined, he would find that the person who talked to him
could be so likewise. In the meantime, Parliament is kept
sitting, and must be so; because Fox declares his resolution not
to suffer the Mutiny Bill to pass till a Government is formed.

In this state of things, it is difficult to do any business
whatever; because those who hold their situations only for the
moment, are of course disinclined to take any step beyond the
mere routine of office. I have, however, prevailed upon
Townshend to speak to the King about the Peers to be created
previous to the ----. I enclose my note to him upon the subject,
and his answer.

The Irish Bill stood for yesterday, and as it had been so often
put off, I thought it better not to delay it any longer.
Accordingly, I moved to go into the Committee. (Neville in the
Chair, Lord Nugent peremptorily refusing, and Jemmy not being
well.)

Before we went into the Committee, Percival desired to say, that
as he understood his idea had not been approved of by the House
in general, and that every one seemed to wish that this Bill
might pass without any division or difference of opinion, he
should not now insist upon it, though he was not convinced that
the motion was improper.

Mr. Eden said, that the principle of the Bill met his hearty
concurrence; though he wished to observe that the clause about
the judicature seemed to him so worded, as to declare that
England never had the right of appellant judicature, which was
not the case.

Lord Newhaven said, he saw no reason for not inserting the
clause, and he should, therefore, move an instruction to the
Committee, to receive a clause to prevent any treason, or
mis-prision of treason, committed in Ireland, from being
inquired of or tried in Great Britain.

Lord Lucan seconded him.

Lord Nugent objected to this. He said that, originally, when
attempts had been made in the House of Commons in favour of
Ireland, no man had been a more eager or strenuous supporter of
them than himself. But now, ever since he had seen the
disposition of this country favourable to Ireland, and that it
was the sincere wish of all Englishmen to adopt the most liberal
principles on that subject, he had thought that it became more
proper for persons connected with Ireland to remain silent, and
to leave the measures in favour of that country to be carried
through by Englishmen. In the present instance, he wished that
the clause in question had not been proposed, because it was
attended with more difficulty than the noble Lord seemed to be
aware of. The Act of Henry VIII., which had been referred to,
had been adopted and confirmed as an Irish Act by the Parliament
of that country. This being the case, the repeal of the English
Act could have no effect whatever, because the Irish statute
would still remain un-repealed, and could only be removed by the
Parliament of Ireland; whilst, on the other hand, we should be
to take away a law which had been so much approved by Ireland as
to be by them adopted.

Mr. Herbert read the Irish statute alluded to, and said that the
disposition towards Ireland which appeared in every part of the
House, could not but inspire that country with every sentiment
of affection to Great Britain.

I then said, that if the motion made by the noble Lord was
persisted in, I should most undoubtedly not oppose it, because
it was impossible for me to give opposition to any measure which
had even the appearance of adding strength to the exclusive
rights of Ireland; that I was of opinion myself that the
jurisdiction in question was not, by any means whatever,
conveyed by the Act referred to; that the statute of Henry VIII.
was not intended to affect any part of the King's dominions was
clear to a demonstration, from the subsequent statute of the
same King in explanation of it--the preamble of which, referring
to the former Act, does expressly speak of treasons committed
out of this realm, _and other the King's dominions_; and that
the circumstance of the adoption of the former Act by the Irish
Parliament was a clear proof that it was not considered as an
Act which could bind Ireland; and I could not help wishing that
the noble Lord would withdraw his motion, for the reason stated
by the noble Lord (Lord Nugent), that we could not repeal an
Irish Act; and that without so doing, the repeal of the English
statute (even if it did give any jurisdiction) would be
nugatory. Besides this, there was another reason. The framers of
this Bill had certainly never supposed that it could go to
remove at once every difficulty which might arise, and to settle
at once every point which might require to be settled when, as
in the present case, a great stream was turned into a new
channel. Our idea went to the unequivocal and permanent
establishment of those points which were in the contemplation of
Government last year, to those things to which Parliament then
intended to pledge, and to which I had ever been of opinion they
had inviolably pledged the faith of the nation. That by so
doing, we conceived we should establish a foundation of
confidence, upon which all less important points might be
adjusted with mutual temper, harmony and affection; that Ireland
could certainly entertain no doubt that the same principles
which had guided us in the great and extensive considerations
would continue to actuate our conduct in those of less concern
and more confined regulation; (that in the present case, if the
English Act was a grievance to Ireland, so also would the Irish
be to England.)[1] At the same time, however, I begged that it
might be clearly understood that this clause was not objected to
on the ground of its being a new claim on the part of Ireland.
Ireland had last year, in the Addresses of her Parliament,
claimed to be a distinct and independent kingdom. If, therefore,
this Act affected her independence--and in that light it was
objected to--so far it certainly was not in any respect a new
claim. To supreme legislation and supreme judicature, all
criminal jurisdiction was certainly annexed and inseparable.

Lord Newhaven then withdrew his motion.

Percival said, that the exercise of this jurisdiction had been
antecedent to the Act of Henry VIII.

In the Committee, Lord Beauchamp objected to the word
established, which he wished to alter to the word recognized;
but that, unless it was agreed to, he would not press it.

I said that, as every word of the Bill had undergone the most
serious discussion, and the most attentive consideration, on
both sides of the water, and that as the present form had been
approved of, I wished the Bill might receive no alteration, in
order that it might pass, without any possible difference of
opinion, in any part of the House.

He then proposed to put for ever instead of for the future; to
which I agreed.

To the last clause, to prevent the receiving writs of error,
&c., I moved an addition, which was drawn by the
Attorney-General in consequence of the enclosed papers from Mr.
Travers. I enclose also a letter to him, which I wish you would
let Bernard or Cooke copy, and send to him, with a copy of the
clause in question.

Upon the whole, the business has gone off better than I
expected; though I take it for granted that we shall hear again,
both of the criminal judicature and of the _recognition_. Pitt
offered to state the objections at large to the latter; but I
thought it better not.

Lord Bellamont has written a letter in the newspapers about the
criminal judicature, which I suppose you have seen. I saw him in
the House, and told him the part I meant to take. He said he
wished it had been inserted in the Bill, but hoped at least that
I would guard against the idea of its being called a new claim.
To this you will see that part of my speech was directed; and
for that reason, as well as on account of the miserable
statement of it in the papers of to-day, I wish that you would
revise and publish it in the Irish newspapers.

After this business was over, Eden wished that Ireland might be
inserted in the American Intercourse Bill. I was gone; but the
Solicitor-General said that he thought it pretty extraordinary
that, on the very day that the House had declared that they had
no right to legislate for Ireland, that honourable gentlemen
should wish to make trade laws for her.

I hope to be with you now in the course of a week; but wait for
your answer to my letters, having heard nothing from you since
yours of the 16th of February. Adieu.

Believe me ever,
My dear brother,
Most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

[Footnote 1: Query the inserting this, which I omitted in my speech.]

The letter to Mr. Townshend respecting the Irish peerages contained the expression of a desire on the part of Lord Temple to take His Majesty's pleasure on the subject of an increase of the Irish peerage. Before Lord Temple had entered on the Government of Ireland, His Majesty had communicated to him his disinclination to increase the Irish peerage at that time; but as a dissolution of Parliament was now proposed, which would involve in troublesome and expensive contests many gentlemen upon whom it was supposed His Majesty might be inclined to confer that mark of the royal favour, and who had been recommended for it by former Lord-Lieutenants, Lord Temple thought the opportunity favourable for such a creation. Mr. Townshend's answer, conveying the substance of a note he had received from the King in reply, is curiously characteristic of the imperative interest taken by His Majesty in all matters of a personal nature. After expressing His Majesty's confidence that "Lord Temple will be as sparing as possible in his list of peers," Mr. Townshend adds, "Mr. Pennington must be included in the promotions. If advances are proposed, the Dowager Lady Longford must be a Countess; and if any peer of a junior date to Lord Dartrey is advanced, he must be promoted in the same degree."

Under the circumstances in which Lord Temple was placed by the resignation of Lord Shelburne, and the delays that followed in the settlement of a new Cabinet, Lord Temple resolved to resign his Government of Ireland. Unwillingness to embarrass His Majesty unnecessarily had hitherto restrained him from carrying this resolution formally into effect; but it appears from the following letters that he transmitted his final resolution to his brother, who communicated it to Pitt. The sound judgment of Mr. Grenville is shown with remarkable clearness in his observations on Lord Temple's answer to the Duke of Portland, which was not marked with the decision demanded by the occasion; and his prudence and discretion are equally apparent in the advice he tenders to Lord Temple, upon the necessity of resigning his office into the hands of his successor, instead of throwing it up with an "appearance of fretfulness and intemperance." The contrast between the temperaments of these distinguished men is frequently felt throughout this Correspondence, in the traits of calm, practical wisdom which will be found on the one side, affectionately checking and controlling the tendency to hasty constructions and impatient action that existed on the other.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO LORD TEMPLE.

Pall Mall, March 6th, 1783.

My dearest Brother,

I have just received your letter of the 1st instant, and need
not, I am sure, attempt, what I could not do--the expressing the
happiness and exultation of my mind, and the joy which I receive
from a determination which, however repugnant it may be to my
interests, is perfectly and entirely consonant to every feeling,
to every opinion, and to every wish of my heart, public and
private. With respect, however, to one part of your letter, I
must own to you--and I take the first moment to do it--that
after a very serious and deliberate consideration, I should feel
great repugnance to the idea of Lincoln's Inn, and that for
reasons which I hope soon to detail to you in person; though I
will certainly not leave London till something is settled.

Nothing has happened since my letter of this day's date, which
you will probably receive with or before this. The general idea
is that the King is determined to hold out against the Duke of
Portland and Fox. How this can be done, I protest I do not see,
except by Pitt's accepting the offer which was made to him. Lord
Gower and the Chancellor were the only two people with the King
yesterday.

Your letter has confirmed Jemmy in the idea, which was
originally his, and not mine, of the disgrace of being
transferred with the Standishes, &c., &c. Adieu.

My dearest brother,
Ever most truly and affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO LORD TEMPLE.

Pall Mall, March 12th, 1783.

My dear Brother,

Before you receive this, which is intended to go by the post,
you will most probably have received a messenger from me with
the particulars of the new arrangement which is going on. Lest
any delay should arise, I just write by this conveyance to let
you know that the King has this day again seen Lord North, and
acquainted him that he was content to waive his objection to the
Duke of Portland's being at the head of the Treasury and that he
desired that a scheme of a Ministry might be submitted to him on
that idea. From him Lord North went to the Duke of Portland;
what has been the result I know not.

I am sure you will excuse me if I own to you that I do not quite
like your letter to the Duke of Portland, a copy of which I
received from you last night. My objection to it is, that it
seems to court too much, what I understand it will produce, a
second application upon the subject. I subscribe much too
heartily to your reasons to imagine, and still less to wish,
that this application may be successful; on the contrary, I own
I should have desired that room had not been given for it, which
I think is rather too much the case. In other respects I like
the letter perfectly.

I cannot close this without expressing to you what I feel upon
the reception this night of a letter from Bernard, informing me
of your goodness to him, and full of gratitude and
acknowledgments to you upon the subject; it has most truly
relieved my mind from what has been a burthen upon it.

Adieu, my dearest brother,
Believe me ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO LORD TEMPLE.

Pall Mall, March 13th, 1783.

My dear Brother,

I have just received yours of the 7th, and am utterly at a loss
to imagine what Mornington can have stated to you which has
given you apprehensions about the Irish Bill. It has passed the
House of Commons without a single dissentient voice in any one
stage of it, and I know of no considerable opposition likely to
be made to it in the House of Lords, except possibly from the
Chancellor or Lord Loughborough.

In all events, I should hope you would very seriously reconsider
the two ideas which you throw out. That of a precipitate
departure, before the arrival of your successor, would bear so
very strongly the appearance of fretfulnesss and intemperance,
and would be liable to so many ill consequences in Ireland that
might arise, and would all be imputed to you, that I own I
should deprecate it in the most eager manner, especially as I
should think you would most fully acquit yourself, both to your
own character and to the peace of the two kingdoms, by
protesting against such a measure, and by declaring your
intention of remaining only till you could deliver over the
Sword of State to some person authorized to receive it.

With respect to the other, it brings back very strongly to my
mind what I felt and still feel on the subject of Eden's conduct
last year. I cannot think that we are either of us justifiable
in withholding from persons in the King's Government any
information upon the situation of Ireland; but that, on the
contrary, the best mode of enforcing acquiescence in your wishes
as to the Bill, would be by a communication of opinions on the
subject. Such a communication must of course be made with
prudence and caution, always bearing in mind the essential
difference between committing ourselves to a friend and to a
foe. But still, as to facts and leading outlines, I think we
have no choice.

As your letter does not imply any wish of a particular secresy
on the subject (although it is certainly not a thing to be
wantonly proclaimed), I thought it would be a sort of return for
confidential communications which I have transmitted to you, and
a step liable to no objections, to state your intention to Pitt.
Jemmy's opinion agreeing with mine, I took an opportunity in a
few words to say that an intimation had been made to you of a
wish that you should continue, in case the arrangement under the
Duke of Portland should take place, and that you had thought
yourself bound to decline it. (I did not think myself at liberty
to mention the Duke of Portland's letter specifically, as it is
marked _secret_, although the thing itself is well known and
talked of.)