Chapter C: J. Fox (15)

If the present circumstances should still continue, Pitt means
to propose a Bill, declaring the Prince of Wales Regent, or
Guardian, to exercise the King's authority during his illness,
but in the King's name only. We have, I think, not yet entirely
made up our minds as to the degree of power and authority which
it will be right to put into his hands for that purpose. That it
cannot be necessary to invest him with the whole regal
authority, is, I think, quite evident; and we owe it to the
King, both as public men professing allegiance to him, and as
individuals bound to him by many ties of gratitude and honour,
to take whatever steps we can with propriety to preserve to him,
in case of his recovery, not merely his legal rights, of which
he cannot be deprived, but also the political means of
exercising those rights according to the opinions which he
entertains both of public men and public measures. And to this
extent I am inclined to hope that the general opinion will bear
us out; but we must be extremely cautious that we do nothing
which shall bear in the public estimation the appearance of
wishing to establish ourselves under this pretence in the
continuance of our power in opposition to the Prince of Wales,
in whom we are to propose the supreme authority to be vested.
All the precedents, as far as they apply to this case, would
justify the appointment of a Council of Regency, to be named by
Parliament, by the majority of which the Regent would be bound.
And I think it is not clear that in all events we shall not be
obliged, by the strong analogy to be drawn from some of those
cases, to provide some such Council. But it seems now to be
agreed that we ought not to propose their being named by
Parliament, because that would be in effect to propose that the
executive authority should be vested by Parliament in our hands,
instead of those of the Prince of Wales. Such a proposition
would be difficult to carry, and might be seen by the public in
such a light as materially and permanently to affect our
characters. Besides this, what is more important even than these
considerations, is, that on the fullest consideration, we are
persuaded such a proposal ought not to be made, and would, if
carried, be injurious to the country. Examine the provisions of
the last Regency Bill, and you will, I think, be convinced that
the present Government, being joined in such a Council with the
Prince of Wales and the Royal Family, could produce nothing but
discord, confusion and anarchy; and that on such a plan the
administration of public affairs cannot proceed.

This line of argument leads to the nomination of the Prince of
Wales, either without a Council, or with a Council, consisting
only of the Cabinet Ministers for the time being, and removable
by him, limiting at the same time his authority in other
respects in such a manner as may not be inconsistent with the
means of carrying on a temporary Government; but may provide in
the manner I have already mentioned for securing to the King, in
case of his recovery, the possession and exercise of his rights,
such as he enjoyed them before his illness. The means of doing
this appear to be the restraining the Prince from granting any
office or pension for life, or in reversion, except those only
which must by law be granted either for life, or during good
behaviour; restraining him from creating or advancing peers,
and, perhaps, from dissolving the present or any future
Parliament. The last of these points appear to be that which
admits of most doubt, whether it should be stated to the extent
which I have mentioned, or whether it should be confined to this
Parliament, or should be entirely omitted. My own opinion, I
think, rather leans to inserting it in its full extent, though I
see and confess that there are weighty objections to it.

I have now mentioned to you all I know of our views and
intentions on this most important subject. The next point
relates to our own situation. We have no knowledge at all, any
more than when I wrote to you before, of the Prince of Wales's
intentions, nor has any overture, direct or indirect, been made
to Mr. Pitt. This circumstance, joined to the affectation with
which Sheridan appears to be consulted on all occasions, seems
sufficiently to indicate what is to be expected. A part of this,
however, is to be attributed to Sheridan's eagerness to display
his personal importance, by which silly vanity I am told he has
much offended the Duke of Portland and Fox's immediate friends.

We are therefore still much in doubt whether there is any idea
of proposing terms of junction. We are all agreed that the most
desirable thing would be, that Pitt should be removed at once,
and without management. The difficulties of a real _bonâ fide_
junction appear insuperable, and in anything short of that,
duplicity and dishonesty might give them advantages which,
though we should not certainly envy, yet we might have much
cause to lament. There is, however, one circumstance arising
from the present state of things which, if that should continue,
will, I think, afford a clear and distinct line for us to
follow. The King's illness being such as it is now described to
be, it is not only possible, but much the most probable event,
that he will at some period be restored to the use of his
reason, either permanently, or during intervals of considerable
length. Under this impression, it seems impossible for us for a
moment to entertain proposals which might involve us in
contradictory obligations, and our acceptance of which might be
not only injurious to the King's feelings, which we are so much
bound to consult, but even prejudicial to the state of his mind.
Suppose him to awake out of the sort of dream, in which he now
is, and to find that Pitt had, by his own consent and his own
act, brought into his Government those very men whom he was
pledged to him to keep at a distance from it; suppose the King's
aversion and dislike to those men, so justly founded as it is,
to remain in full force and vigour. What then is Pitt to do? Is
he to separate himself from people whom he has joined on the
promise of mutual good faith and confidence, or is he to abandon
the King in the very point to which he has pledged him, and on
which he has always received from him a full and unequivocal
support? Besides the difficulties in which Pitt would thus find
himself involved, must not the very idea of such a situation
striking the King's imagination at the first moments of his
recovery, and agitating him in the same manner as these very
situations have done before, drive him back into his former
state, and render all further hopes of recovery desperate and
impossible?

This consideration I think unanswerable, and have no doubt that
it will continue to be so felt. In the case, therefore, of a
Regency, all proposals of junction will instantly be negatived
as inconsistent with our duty to the King. In the case of a
demise, which there is to-day more reason to think probable than
there has been for several days past, we shall feel ourselves
considerably embarrassed. I put the idea of a _bonâ fide_
junction, as I have already said, wholly out of the question,
being persuaded that the thing is impossible, and that our
opponents will never seriously intend it. Their proposals, if
any are made, will, I am convinced, have no other object than
that perhaps of satisfying the Prince of Wales, if your
information respecting him is well grounded, and of lessening
the odium of Pitt's removal in the eyes of the public, and
holding him out as a haughty and impracticable character.
Against this he must defend himself as well as he can, but the
whole will, I am persuaded, be nothing more than a match at
fencing; and the guard which I mentioned to you before, of
insisting on his present situation, seems as good a one as any
other. I have delivered to him your letter, and shown him that
which you wrote to me. He has desired me to say that he will, if
possible, write a few words to you by this messenger, but if he
should find that quite impossible, without delaying him, he has
begged me to express how strongly he feels your kind and
affectionate conduct towards him.

His popularity was never greater than in the present moment, and
if the Prince should be so ill-advised as to dismiss him, it is
probable that the current will run at least as strongly in his
favour as it did in his father's.

I have written you a dissertation rather than a letter, but I
know the desire which you must feel to be as fully informed as
possible, not only of facts, but also of opinions and
intentions. I need not mention to you how confidential every
part of this letter is, but particularly that part which
respects our intentions as to the settlement of a Regency;
because we conceive it of the utmost importance, though these
and many other ideas are floating in the public, to keep our
enemies as ignorant as we can of our real intentions in this
respect.

Of the different questions which you have stated respecting
Ireland, in the case of a demise, you will certainly be much
better able to judge than I am; but I cannot help wishing you to
look into the Act of Settlement in Queen Anne's time, and to
consider whether that does not provide for the continuance of
Irish officers, civil and military, as well as English.

In the case of a Regency, my idea is that as soon as the King's
illness is communicated to Parliament here, which will not be
till after the adjournment, directions should be given to the
Lord-Lieutenant and Council of Ireland to assemble the two
Houses by special summons; and that our Bill, whatever it is,
should be communicated to them in a speech from the
Lord-Lieutenant, and should be passed _verbatim_ in the Irish
Parliament. Some opinions here seem to doubt the necessity of
this; there has, however, been very little discussion upon it.

You will easily see the impossibility of doing anything about
your commissions, which must share the fate of many others in
England. I much fear that Tompkins's office at Chelsea will
stand in this predicament. The form is, that a recommendation
goes from this office to the Secretary of State, who takes the
King's pleasure upon it. The first step has been taken, but the
latter has been impossible. If my successor is a gentleman, he
will confirm the appointment; but the chances are so much
against that, that I almost despair.

Adieu, my dear brother.
Believe me ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

I had written before your messenger arrived a long letter in
cypher, which this opportunity of writing will save you the
labour of decyphering. In case, however, we should want to use
the cypher any more, pray add the following names: 5, Sheridan;
6, Duke of Portland; 7, First Lord of the Treasury.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 14th, 1788.

My dear Brother,

By a cursed blunder of Lord Sydney's messenger, he went away
last night without calling for my letter. Lord Sydney sends
another man to-day; but I have resolved to keep him till I can
send you this morning's account. That of yesterday evening was,
I think, in so far favourable, as it clearly shows that the King
is no longer in that settled state of derangement without other
disease, which was most to be apprehended, but that his disorder
is taking some turn, and whatever that may ultimately be, it
must be far more desirable than the continuance of his former
state. I am assured, that it was last night the opinion of
medical people, that the turn which seemed probable was one from
which it was not too sanguine to hope the best effects. I do
not, however, indulge this idea too far.

I mentioned yesterday, to Mornington, your kind intentions
towards him. He will write to you, to explain his situation
fully.

Pitt is gone down this morning to Windsor.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

You will be, perhaps, surprised to hear that Pitt has received a
very handsome letter from Lord Chesterfield, dated from
Weymouth, stating the alarm there for the King's life; and
desiring Pitt to do him the justice of believing him in that and
every other contingency, sincerely and personally attached to
him. I am not without hopes, that this may be improved into a
decided support of your interest in case of a contest; but you
well know the difficulties with which this would be attended.

I have just received the copy of the paper sent to St. James's,
which is by no means such as one could wish it. I wait for a
more particular account before I send this off.

One o'clock.

I now send off the messenger, though with little more
intelligence than before; but this is all I can get till Pitt
returns from Windsor, which may not be till late at night.

Here is Lord Mornington's letter, alluded to by Mr. Grenville.

LORD MORNINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Hertford Street, Nov. 15th, 1788.

My dear Lord,

Grenville has informed me of a new and most flattering instance
of your regard for me; you may well conceive how sensibly I feel
the value of the offer of a seat from you, in the event of
Grenville's failure in the county; and I should certainly at
once throw myself on the chance of his success, (which, I trust,
cannot be doubtful), if I did not feel it to be my duty to
strain every nerve in the general cause, and to the utmost
extent of my ability to increase our numbers in the House of
Commons, by purchasing a seat for myself.

If the King should remain in his present unhappy state of mind,
and the Parliament be either dissolved, or expire by its natural
death under the government of a Regent, I shall think myself,
under those circumstances, bound, by my respect for the person
who placed me at Windsor, to endeavour to preserve that seat for
him; that he may find his own friends, where he was pleased to
leave them, whenever he may happen to recover his reason. But I
might fail in this attempt to maintain the trust reposed in me,
and the expense of the attempt might be such as to disable me
from purchasing any other seat; in that case your offer would be
most acceptable.

My brother Pole has found an opening in a borough, long the
property of Anderson Pelham (Grimsby); and there is every reason
to suppose, indeed I think it certain, that Pitt, in any event,
will have two seats at that place at the general election for
about £5000. My brother is able to advance £1000 of this money,
and I mean to give him £1500, which will bring him in; another
friend of Pitt's agrees to pay the remaining money for the other
seat. By these means, as far as I am able, I have secured a vote
which will count as well as mine, whatever misfortune may befal
me. It has, however, been necessary to take immediate steps for
the attainment of this object; and my brother and Mr. Wood are
to be at Grimsby on Monday next. Now, if any sudden stroke
should produce a dissolution of Parliament (which is possible),
I might find myself unable, from the shortness of the notice, to
raise a larger sum than the £1500 necessary for my brother's
election. In this case also, your offer would afford me a most
desirable resource.

You will perceive that I have stated to you the whole of my
situation openly, and without reserve; and you will, I am
persuaded, understand that I should gladly embrace any occasion
of uniting more closely my political fortunes with your
protection; but I think you will agree, that it is my duty to
endeavour in the first instance to strengthen the general cause
in which we are all embarked, and the support of which at this
moment presses most strongly on every feeling of public and
private honour, and affection.

Grenville has given you (I suppose) to-day the improved accounts
of the King's health; I really think them very encouraging, and
it seems to be the general opinion.

Ever, my dear Lord,
Your most obliged and affectionate friend,
Mornington.

END OF VOL. I.

LONDON: Printed by Schulze and Co., 13, Poland Street.