Chapter I: The Conquest

The history of Mexico is an inspiring one, filled with tragic eras. The earliest inhabitants known were the Toltecs, who came from Central America in the seventh century. They were proficient in many crafts and erected gigantic temples, traces of which have been found in all parts of the Republic. This race was followed by the Aztecs, or Mexicans, in the fourteenth century. These were scattered throughout the Valley of Mexico and their warlike deeds of bravery have formed many a theme for beautiful stories. After two centuries they became a semi-barbaric nation, living in the glory of the natural wealth of their country. A great chieftain, Montezuma, was their monarch, and at the head of their vast army.

When the resources of this great land became suspected by European powers, four hundred years ago, each nation greedily sought to grasp her opportunity of adding to her riches this new field. Spain was more determined and appointed willing subjects to make voyages of discovery to the great unknown country. The first explorer to visit Mexico was Hernandez de Cordova, in 1517, but his discoveries lay about the coast of Yucatan and his brilliant reports caused a thirst for the conquest of the new land.

The siren voices of gold and glory perpetually sounded in the ears of Spanish adventurers, stirred their ambitions and nerved them to deeds of unforgotten bravery.

Columbus had found gold in the strange lands he had discovered in the West Indies, he had tracked it westward in 1498, as he found the Island of Trinidad, threaded the waters of the Gulf of Paria, sighted the great continent southward and later discovered the Isthmus of Panama, then called Veragua. But Mexico, the land of surpassing beauty and wealth that was to be the rarest jewel of the Spanish possessions, the land that was to give forth inexhaustible riches to fill the dwindling treasury of Spain, and to sustain her waning power, was yet unknown. Spanish rule had been planted in the Islands of San Domingo, Cuba and Porto Rico. The thirst for gold and glory grew with the enjoyment of their possession. Settlement established, the representatives of the Spanish Crown made seats of government new centres for extension of Spanish dominion.

When the news reached Spain, in 1499, of the discovery of Paria by Columbus a year previously, Alonso de Hojeda, who had been one of the companions of Columbus, set out with Juan de Cosa, as chief pilot, and Americo Vespucci. They followed the route and took a course south of his, sighting the coast of Surinam, thence to the Gulf of Paria to the Island of Curaçao, and afterward to the Gulf of Venezuela. As a result of this marvellous accomplishment vast and undreamed of wealth soon poured into Spain.

The governors of the settlements established were men whose imaginations were soon fired with the prospect of vast powers and unlimited wealth to be seized. Even yet it was not known what continent had been found. The barrier, narrow as it was, that stood between the Pacific and Columbus had not been penetrated. The mystery of the continent was still unsolved, the vast and prolific countries that stretched north and south of the Gulf of Mexico were unknown lands.

Among the numerous Spaniards who sought to unveil the mystery of the continent and to plant new colonies for Spain was Nuñez de Balboa, who undertook to colonize Darien, and in 1513 crossed the Isthmus of Panama and in defining the limit of the continent there discovered the Pacific, which he named the South Sea, and claimed it and the islands lying on it in the name of his sovereign.

The first navigator of the Gulf of Mexico was Hernandez de Cordova, who, in 1517, sailed from Cuba, where he was stationed in the service of Spain, on a slaving expedition among the Bahamas. Contrary winds drew him to an unknown coast, where he landed and found the first sign of that advanced culture which distinguished Mexico among the discovered countries. This place he called Yucatan. Here the natives were found to be dwelling in houses of stone and mortar and wore garments of well-woven cloth. They worshipped in magnificently carved temples adorned with idols and ornaments of gold. But to gain possession of this prize the Spaniards had a long and bitter struggle. At Champoton they narrowly escaped destruction by the natives, whose military organization proved remarkable. Against such a force the valor and arms of the invader had to yield. But Cordova had sailed around the peninsula to Campeche, Champoton and the River Estero de los Lagartos; thence he returned to Santiago de Cuba, laden with wonderful spoils. Amongst his acquisitions were crowns and ducks of gold, fish and idols. Much encouragement was found in the declaration of two native captives of the expedition that there were gold mines and gold dust in abundance in their country, the fame of which soon reached Spain.

The governor, Velasquez, elated with the reports of Cordova fitted out a large expedition the following year, of which his nephew Juan de Grijalva was given chief command. Following the course of Cordova, Juan de Grijalva found difficulty at first in securing the friendship of the natives, but he was able later to obtain much gold in barter. Learning that precious metals could be found in a country called Mexico, he sailed northward and made many discoveries along the Mexican Coast, among others the Island of San Juan de Ulua, in the harbor of Vera Cruz, and the Tabasco River. It is recorded by Bernal Diaz, who was a contemporary of Cortés, that on one occasion the explorers, believing that the highly polished axes, with curiously carved handles, of the people of Guascasualco, were made of an inferior gold, were to discover when they exchanged trinkets for them, that they were simply finely polished copper. Notwithstanding this fact, Velasquez was determined on a thorough exploration of Mexico and he appointed Cortés to the command of a new expedition, which set out from Cuba on the tenth of February, 1519, in twelve vessels carrying seven hundred men. It was not without jealous misgivings that the governor saw this intrepid leader depart, nor, as events proved, was he mistaken in his suspicion regarding the great ambition of Cortés. The expedition reached Trinidad, where Velasquez having determined to replace Cortés sent vessels to detain him, but he had departed on February 18, 1519, and reached the shores of the unknown land in March, 1519. His little force was awaiting him at the Island of Cozumel, near the extreme point of the Peninsula of Yucatan, whence it sailed with two hundred Indian slaves and sixteen horses. This was the power with which the great Aztec land was to be won and the proud ascendancy of Montezuma to be overthrown. The roll of companions of the daring leader included many names that were to become imperishably recorded in the history of Spanish America. Among them were the brilliant Pedro de Alvarado, Alonso de Avila, Cristobal de Olid, Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Ordaz, Velasquez de León, Alonso Puertocarrero and Antón Alaminos.

The solemn directions to Cortés were that he should explore the country discovered by Cordova; restore to freedom the Spanish held in captivity by the Indians; convert the natives to the Christian faith and barter with them; and, finally, to use the most scrupulous care to omit nothing that might redound to the service of God or his sovereign.

Reaching the Tabasco River, which Grijalva had discovered a year before, following the course of that explorer, Cortés landed and gained the first glimpse of that civilization of which had been told such wonderful stories. The people were of advanced culture, the houses were substantially built and the natives wore rich and beautiful garments. That first intercourse was also to give a foretaste of the struggle before him. The Totonacs were the rulers of the land, they were subject to the authority of the Aztecs, but made desperate because of the tribute they were compelled to pay and the severe treatment accorded to them, they were not unwilling to see in the new comers allies to them in their struggles against Montezuma. With their natural instinct of self-preservation they resisted the approach of the Spaniards and only after a sanguinary battle, on the 25th of March, in which they were defeated, would they enter into friendly relations with the invaders. In testimony of their goodwill they presented many female slaves to the conqueror, among whom was the celebrated Marina, whose affectionate loyalty and intelligence later proved a great assistance to the Spaniards. This woman, who in Aztec was called Malintzin, was born in Coatzacoalcos, she was the daughter of a great cacique, on whose death her mother sacrificed her in the interest of a brother and sold her to the cacique of Tabasco.

Besides his victory in arms, Cortés won over a large number of converts who were received into the bosom of the church with great ceremonial pomp. Thus did he lay the foundation of his great work by fulfilling the obligations imposed upon him by his sovereign. This auspicious beginning elevated the hopes of the Spanish and they sailed northward on April 18th and after delays by storms reached San Juan de Ulua. Here the natives manifested a friendly spirit and barter was readily entered into. Establishing himself in this place, the commander desired that messengers should be sent to Montezuma to notify him of the wish of the Spaniard to visit him.

Montezuma sent his ambassador, Teuthile, with wonderful gifts, in pomp and glory, and in this representative of the great monarch, Cortés found a person of different attainments from those of any native he had hitherto met. His dress was costly and he wore ornaments of precious metals; his manners were dignified and with diplomatic skill he made it known that he desired to learn the wishes of the stranger. He was informed that Cortés desired to visit Montezuma to meet him on behalf of his own monarch. After an interval the ambassador returned accompanied by a distinguished cacique and attended by one hundred men bearing beautiful gifts of exquisitely wrought feather work and receptacles filled with grains of gold and other artistic articles, all demonstrating the possession of rich materials and an advanced knowledge of the handicrafts. Such gifts served only to stimulate the Spaniard’s purpose to conquer this rich country. To the request that Cortés should return to his own land, the reply was only a still more earnestly expressed desire to interview the Mexican monarch. Failing by diplomacy to gain an audience with the monarch, Cortés now realized that force alone could give him possession of this wonderful land that he conceived to be his by right of his discoveries.

While awaiting the outcome of negotiations with Montezuma, the audacious leader had busily occupied himself in acquiring information concerning the country and its wealth and in considering means by which he should seize the possessions he coveted. He learned that the Totonacs had occupied their territory for seven or eight centuries; that they had lost their independence to the Aztecs two or three generations before; and had suffered very great indignity and borne many heavy burdens. He shrewdly used his opportunities to contract a firm friendship with these people.

Cortés observing that some of his companions were mistrustful of him, began to chafe under the burden of his obligation to Velasquez. He decided now to throw off his duty to the governor, and strengthen his own independence and power before his plans could be interfered with and his great prospect should become known. Sagaciously, if not loyally, therefore, he founded the City of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz and created it a Spanish municipality; then resigning his commission from Velasquez, he caused his own appointment as commander-in-chief of the expedition, and placed himself directly under the authority of the Spanish crown. To advance his interests with his sovereign in this course, he sent Montejo and Puertocarrero to Spain with instructions to explain his situation and plans, and in order to demonstrate the wonders of their new territory he dispatched some natives and a large treasure with them.

So adroitly had Cortés acted toward the Totonacs whom he had thus far met that he received an invitation from the chief of the tribe to visit the capital at Cempoalla. He proceeded toward that city, the fleet sailing along the coast, while the expedition penetrated the strange country. As they progressed the dreary and arid lands changed to a scene of luxuriant and verdant vegetation, a flora bewilderingly beautiful to their eyes, with evidences everywhere of a civilization they had not expected, and also of the barbarism of their native religion in the remains of numerous victims who had been immolated to propitiate their gods. Giant hills broke the distant view, and the snow-covered peak of Orizaba, majestically stood above the valley. The people wore rich mantles and robes of finely woven cloth, crudely wrought golden chains hung on their necks, and rings adorned their nostrils and ears. They welcomed the Spaniards with friendly acclaim and bore before them in profusion tropical fruits and flowers.

The city entered was substantially and attractively built, and the prospect was gladdening to the heart of Cortés. Their houses were of a primitive brick and mortar, were surrounded by gardens of fruit trees and shrubbery, while around the city stretched rich fields of grain, giving the scene a picturesque appearance.

Cortés was soon convinced that the Totonacs and other tribes who were subjects of Montezuma were hostile to their monarch. Ever alert to forward his plans, he soon seized on an incident that gave him an occasion to make lasting friends of the Totonacs. Some Aztec tax-gatherers had arrived to demand a tribute of twenty young men and women to be sacrificed to the gods in expiation of the reception the tribe had given to the Spaniards. The chief, feeling the assurance of Spanish protection, cast the tax-gatherers into prison. Thereupon, conceiving an adroit plan to gain the favor of both Aztecs and Totonacs, Cortés rescued two of the five captives, whom he caused to be safely conducted to Montezuma, and preserved from sacrifice the other three. By this diplomatic stroke he was able to establish alliances with several chiefs against Montezuma.

At this time, the audacious genius of the commander was manifested in a crisis that threatened not only his dominion but all that his imagination had conjured up. The friends of Velasquez in his army having stirred up a conspiracy against Cortés and intending to seize one of the vessels and return to Cuba, the leader made a desperate hazard to compel the allegiance of his companions and cut off all chance of defection. In August, 1519, he ordered eleven of his ships to be sunk in the harbor, alleging as the cause that they were worm-eaten. There was now no course open to him but to remain in the country and conquer the people, or be destroyed.

Cortés thereupon garrisoned Vera Cruz with a hundred men, and set out on his march to the City of Mexico, first destroying the idols in the _teocalli_ at Cempoalla. His force now consisted of about four hundred and fifty Spaniards, six light guns, fifteen horses, a number of Totonacs and a numerous body of Indian carriers.

Continuing his progress the Spaniard approached the territory of the Tlascalans, an independent people, who were said by the Totonac chief to hate the Aztecs so bitterly that the Spaniards would be sure of a friendly reception. They were doomed to a bitter disappointment. The Tlascalan country lay on the east of the Plain of Anáhuac and was closely encircled by high ranges and when the Spaniards reached the boundary of the territory they found it defended by a strong stone wall. Messengers were sent to request a free passage through the country, but this was denied. They regarded this as a challenge and scaled the enclosing wall, but met a most stubborn foe. Again and again did the little Spanish force tremble for their fate as they received the attacks of the enemy, who numbered thirty thousand brave warriors, but their arms and skill proved too much for the Tlascalans, with their primitive weapons, and after a great struggle they were defeated. Not all their bravery could avail them against the desperate and determined Spaniards. The natives had made a mistake in believing that the Spaniards were children of the sun and that they could be defeated in a moonlight attack. Acknowledging their defeat, they soon made peace and Cortés and his allies entered the city on September 22, 1519. No more faithful men could be found than these Tlascalans, whose enmity to Montezuma the able Cortés knew well how to turn to account. Binding firmly the bonds of friendship and alliance, the conquerors were able to move forward, on October 13th, on their way to Cholula, the next main city between them and Tenochtitlan.

The sight of the magnificent temple with its hundred towers, with its rich carvings and decorations of gold, dazzled the eyes and exalted the hopes of the small Spanish force, with its intrepid leader, and its six thousand Totonac and Tlascalan allies, as the Sacred City of Cholula was approached. The ruler of the beautiful city was ready to welcome Cortés, until he learned that their enemies, the Tlascalans, were among his forces, and became suspicious and unfriendly toward the Spaniards and refused to permit them to enter unless the Tlascalans were left outside of the city. With his usual promptitude of action Cortés notified the ruler that he would leave the city the following day and requested that the caciques furnish him with two thousand guides. Pursuing this plan, apparently, he drew up the greater part of his troops within the court of one of the temples, and ranged the rest without, with a full command of the avenues; then he issued orders that at a given signal the Tlascalans should enter. The caciques arrived at the appointed hour with the number of men requested, who not realizing the strategy of the Spaniard came unarmed and not prepared for any unfriendly attack. Cortés ordered an attack upon this body of men, and for several days a horrible slaughter of the unprepared Cholulans lasted, until at least six thousand were massacred. Their own peril and the right of self-preservation could not justify such an act of treachery on the part of a Christian invader. Men who practised the sublime teachings of Christ, and were horrified at finding in Mexico pagans and idol worshippers, still felt they could by a lawless disregard of what was really right, slaughter human beings in their greed for conquest. This is one among many blots on the history of Spain. On November 1st, the ambitious conqueror resumed his determined march to the Aztec capital. The success he had achieved over the Cholulans proved to Montezuma that the intrepid Spaniard could not be turned from his purpose. In vain did he send his representatives bearing royal gifts, with the intention of becoming friendly with Cortés, but the richness of the gifts only served to strengthen the ambition of the Spaniard to gain all those riches for the crown. With unwearying steps, and with still greater determination, the conquering force moved on to Tenochtitlan. Neither the frowning barriers of the valley, nor the dangers before them, could turn their steps aside. Even the huge Popocatapetl was made an instrument of their will, a minister to their necessities, for Diego de Ordaz led a party of Spaniards to the mouth of its vast crater to test its accessibility and find out if sulphur could be obtained for making gunpowder. Everything gave courage to the Spaniards.

Nature unfolded vistas of most enchanting beauty; luxuriant vegetation clothed the land with a verdure so intense in color and dense in its exuberance as to insure an inexhaustible source of wealth; and the capital product gold was in evidence everywhere, furnishing a prize to be won that was well worth every sacrifice.

As Cortés approached, the Aztec ruler’s perplexity knew no bounds. He appealed to his council, they were divided in opinion as to the course he should pursue. His brother, Cuitlahua, or Cuitlahuatzin, counselled an immediate attack, while Cacamatzin, the ruler of Texcoco, urged that the Spaniards be received with all the courtesy due to the ambassadors of a foreign ruler. Already had Ixtlilxochtil, Cacamatzin’s brother, entered into friendly alliance with the Spanish leader. Distracted, Montezuma, inspired by his religious superstitions, believed that the gods had decreed against him. He dispatched Cacamatzin, accompanied by many of the principal caciques and an imposing retinue of attendants, to greet Cortés at Amaquemacan and bid him welcome to the capital. Thus invited and well attended, the invaders passed through Iztapalapan amid great throngs of astonished natives eager to get a look at the wonderful beings and their strange dress and accoutrements. At last the proud, magnificent city was before them, the goal of their enterprise. Over the causeways on the lakes, foot and horse marched, an unwonted spectacle. What hopes and fears tormented them as, step by step, they moved toward the entrance to Tenochtitlan and beheld the city in all its splendor stretched along the shores of Lake Texcoco! A handful of Spaniards, less than five hundred, supported only by native allies who might at any time turn against them, marching to a city whose inhabitants they had been repeatedly told were treacherous. But the die was cast.

On November 8th, Montezuma proceeded to the outskirts of his capital and personally invited Cortés and his companions into the Aztec capital. It was no barbarian, in outward guise at least, that greeted the Spaniard. Instead, a proud and dignified ruler attired in sumptuous princely robes, and surrounded by a pomp and ceremony as exacting as that of any of the Old World courts, received with marked politeness and courtesy the unwelcome guest. All pointed to the extreme exclusiveness and dignity of Montezuma, and when Cortés, following the Castilian custom, sought to embrace the Aztec, he was forcefully prevented by the attendant chiefs, who deemed the act disrespectful to so great a personage as their ruler. The reception completed, Montezuma appointed an escort, consisting of his brother and his nephew, to conduct Cortés within the city and to the quarters assigned to them as a residence.

The original Aztec capital was built on an island in one of the cluster of lakes occupying the Valley of Anáhuac. Here on the western side grew the settlement about the temple of rushes, till the capital spread over the islands, the dwellings being raised on piles and filled ground as it was required. Ruler after ruler added to its extent and endeavored to beautify it, till at the time of the Conquest, its structures resembled fairy castles. The great avenues constructed of hard cement crossed the city running from north to south and east to west crossing at the centre. That running north and south extended in both directions, by means of causeways, to the mainland, and the other to the mainland on the west. The causeways were carried on piles and were broad enough to allow of ten horsemen riding abreast, and at intervals were bridged to permit of the passage of boats. The aqueduct conveying the water to the capital was supported on a similar causeway. The dwellings of the people were one story high and were frequently built on terraces. Each stood by itself and was separated from the others by narrow lanes or little gardens and enclosing an open court. High above these rose the many temples, on mounds, and above all, soared the great temple of the god of war.

Cortés entered the capital with all the honors of a victor, to the strains of music and with colors flying, and was conducted to the palace of Axayacatl, the father of Montezuma, as his place of residence. No resistance was offered, the ruler yielded to the gloomy predictions of the priests, he who had always been so proud and valiant in war, that, but a few years before, he had been elected chief in preference to his elder brother. Yet almost abjectly, at the approach of the Spaniards, he humbled himself and his people in awe, influenced by the superstitions of his religion.

It is possible to form a correct idea of the person and character of Montezuma from a description given by one of Cortés’s party. He was about forty years old, tall, slender and thin, but well-proportioned. His complexion, like that of the other inhabitants, was not very brown. His hair was long only over his ears, which it covered; his beard was black and handsome. His face was somewhat long and its expression cheerful, and his fine eyes were full of expression. He had many concubines, all of whom were of note and rank, besides two lawful wives of lineage equal to his.

The palace occupied by the Spaniards was situated near the temples, a locality selected in conformity with the belief that they were of divine character and should, therefore, be domiciled near the gods. The apartments were very large and those appropriated to Cortés were furnished with carpets. Each of his companions was provided with a separate bed, and given all the comforts and luxuries suitable to his rank.

On the day after their arrival in the city, Montezuma visited Cortés and invited him to his palace where he made acknowledgment of Spanish supremacy. It is impossible to suppose that Montezuma could have regarded the presence of the Spaniards as other than inimical to his country’s interest, especially in view of the fact that their native allies and companions were his bitter enemies. The evidences that each succeeding day furnished of the great strength of the Aztec nation and of the powerful organization by which the country was governed brought clearly to the mind of Cortés the magnitude of the undertaking to which he was committed and the stupendous difficulty that must attend his work of conquest. Everything he saw of the riches of the Aztecs, of the resources of the country both pricked him on and gave him pause. Wealth and magnificence, order and discipline were apparent on all hands. From the top of the great temple, Cortés had viewed the surrounding country. The great causeways; the system of defensive drawbridges; the busy canoes laden with the produce brought regularly to the great markets, thronged with active traders; the vision of temples towering one above the other glistening white in the clear atmosphere; all spoke of strength and organization; of a political system that was directed with care and ability. Cortés had succeeded thus far through audacity and a bravery even to madness. The conditions were such that the same qualities must be largely relied on for further gains.

The Totonacs had by the terms of their contract with Cortés cast off their allegiance to Montezuma and refused to continue the payment of tribute, so when an Aztec chief sought to compel the people of Cempoalla to do so, they refused and took up arms and Escalante, the Spanish commander at Vera Cruz, came to their support. Though the Aztec Cuauhpopoca was defeated in the encounter, Escalante was killed. There had also been a real or imaginary plot against the life of Cortés. Here was his occasion. He saw in it a means of promoting his purpose, no matter what the rights involved might be. Promptly deciding, he called five of his most trusted and audacious companions, Pedro de Alvarado, Gonzalo de Sandoval, Francisco de Lujo, Velasquez de Leon and Alonso de Avila and to them imparted his plan to seize and hold Montezuma, and with them called on the ruler, at the same time ordering a small body of soldiers to assemble in Montezuma’s palace while the major part was stationed in the courtyard and the avenues leading thereto.

Montezuma, unsuspicious of the plot, received Cortés with accustomed courtesy, and offered him one of his daughters in marriage; but as such an alliance was not likely to further the conqueror’s designs it was declined. Throwing off the mask, Cortés charged Montezuma with treachery, as being the instigator of Cuauhpopoca’s demand on the people of Cempoalla and of the subsequent conflict, and called upon him to summon the chief. To this Montezuma assented, but it availed him naught, for Cortés further required that he should reside in the palace of the Spaniards in order to establish his innocence in the matter. He was finally seized and held to prevent any treachery on the part of his subjects. Captivity was not to be Montezuma’s only fate; his relentless foe humiliated him for awhile by riveting fetters on his ankles. To strike terror into the hearts of the Mexicans, Cortés ordered the chief, Cuauhpopoca, his son and fifteen men of rank to be burned at the stake in view of a great multitude of Aztecs, as a punishment for having fought against Escalante.

If Montezuma was broken, other members of his court were not. Cacamatzin, the nephew of Montezuma, realized that the Spaniards had come to dispossess his nation and had striven to arouse his people to an effort to drive out the Spaniards. He, too, had been made prisoner. But besides the military supremacy that Cortés was fastening upon the Aztecs, there was on his part a constant activity in other directions. Montezuma was still a captive, but Cortés used his victim to legalize his actions. Five vessels were built, to be used on the lakes. The coast was surveyed for about one hundred and eighty miles south of Vera Cruz and the site chosen for a fortified post at the mouth of the Coatzacoalco River. He obtained land in Oaxaca and established a plantation for the crown. He brought his puppet ruler to take the oath of allegiance to the Spanish crown and to become a feudatory prince, his oath and those of his principal chiefs being duly attested and a record made by the royal notary. In pursuance of this scheme, tribute was ordered to be paid to the Spaniards and the vast treasure of Axayacatl was bestowed upon them by Montezuma.

All the indignities heaped upon their ruler and all the spoliation suffered by the people were unavailing to rouse them to open revolt against their despoilers. The yoke of the Spaniards seemed to be riveted upon them and Cortés may have been satisfied that the prize of Mexico was safely in his grasp. His thoughts now turned to the task of overthrowing the superstitious idolatry of the Mexicans and erecting in its stead the worship of Christ. With this purpose in view, he entered the temples and threw out the idols, and converted one of the buildings into a Christian church. This act infuriated the Aztecs and Montezuma urged Cortés to seize the opportunity to leave the country, while it was possible to get safely away. Such advice fell on unappreciative ears, but unwilling to disclose his real intention and desiring to keep his captive tractable, Cortés pointed out that he lacked ships, but would endeavor to build some.

After a brief interval, news arrived of the coming of some Spanish ships to Vera Cruz, of which Montezuma learned and he again urged Cortés to take his departure. On his part, the conqueror supposed that reinforcements had arrived for him as the result of the reports of Puertocarrero and Montejo to their sovereign. The fleet, however, was not so friendly to Cortés; it had been dispatched from Cuba, by Velasquez, in order to wrest from him the fruits of his enterprise. The reports of the great progress and treasure that Cortés had made and gained aroused anew the cupidity and ill-will of the governor and he had determined to overthrow his former commander. The new expedition was under the command of Pedro de Narvaez and comprised eighteen ships with a force of nine hundred men. Arrived at Vera Cruz, Narvaez demanded the submission of Sandoval, the commander, to himself as the representative of Velasquez. The fearless Sandoval answered the insolently-addressed demand by seizing Narvaez’s emissaries, and sending them to Cortés lashed to the backs of Indian carriers, but on their approach to the capital they were released and mounted on horses and courteously treated, by order of Cortés. The new situation thus presented was most grave and called for extraordinary measures. Leaving Alvarado in command at Mexico, Cortés marched against Narvaez with about three hundred Spanish troops and a large force of Indians and joined by Sandoval and de Leon he surprised and overcame Narvaez at night, capturing him and his force. The result increased the troops of Cortés, for most of Narvaez’s men joined the conqueror and the ships were dismantled. This fortuitous event was overshadowed, however, by the news from the interior.

In the absence of Cortés, Alvarado, whom the Mexicans called Tonatiuh, because of his fair complexion, had cruelly massacred hundreds of Mexicans of the highest rank in their temple during a war festival, on May 20th. The pretext urged by Alvarado for his cruel act was that an attack on the Spaniards was planned to follow the feast and that he had merely outwitted them in anticipation, as his leader had done at Cholula. As Cortés returned to the capital from his campaign against Narvaez, signs multiplied of the growing unpopularity of his occupation. Among the tribes, few were friendly, except the loyal Tlascalans. His ships on the lake had been destroyed and thus a great difficulty, if not an insurmountable one, was opposed to his escape, in case of the need of leaving the capital. The people of that place were in full revolt and constantly attacking the Spaniards.

In this crisis, Cortés endeavored to pacify the natives; he released Cuitlahuatzin, the brother of Montezuma, whom he had captured earlier with Cacamatzin. But for once his course was faulty. Cuitlahuatzin was welcomed by the people as the representative of Montezuma. His character was unlike that of Montezuma, and instead of giving aid to the Spaniards, he applied all his activity and zeal in attempting to overthrow them. Shut within their stone palace, the great commander and his companions were attacked by an immense host of Aztec warriors who, scorning the destruction of thousands of their number by the artillery of the Spaniards, pressed their siege unceasingly until night. The next day Cortés sallied out against his assailants, driving them back with great slaughter, but in no way breaking their force or weakening the courage of the foe. In his extremity, he made use of his captive and, decking him with his robes of state, he caused him to mount the central turret of the palace and order the people to lay down their arms in accordance with his will. His authority evoked no sympathy; his plea that the Spaniards should be allowed to depart and his promise of a restoration of the old state of affairs were disregarded. The people, for an instant manifesting reverence for their ruler, soon became enraged and insulted him. The day, June 27, 1520, was a fateful one. An arrow pointed by his nephew, Cuauhtemoc, was the signal for a general attack with stones and Montezuma was severely wounded. He died three days later, it is claimed, at the hands of the Spaniards, who are also said to have murdered his nephew, Cacamatzin, and other rulers, besides priests and men of rank whom they took prisoners.

Meantime, the position of the Spaniards was nearly hopeless. The enemy had taken a stand on the pyramid of their great temple, whence they could rain a tempest of missiles on the quarters of the Spaniards, which must become untenable unless the pyramid was cleared. Inch by inch, Cortés and his men fought the Mexicans up the lofty steps to the topmost platform of the pyramid, where the most desperate struggle was continued for three hours till all the natives, except two priests, were either killed or had been hurled to the pavement below. Then, casting the great idol of Huitzilopochtli to the square below, the Spaniards set fire to the temple. The victory was vain, however, for the fate of Cortés’s enterprise was sealed. Two courses only he saw, escape from the city as best he could; or death for himself and his companions. He had failed to beat off his assailants by his sorties; they were but more infuriated.

In the palace of his father, the corpse of Montezuma lay, at midnight, while the Spanish priest, Olmeda said the mass for the dead. All preparations for flight had been made and hardly had the solemn service been ended before the Spaniards filed out of their quarters to take up their march out of the city which they had dreamed was their own, and which with most of its treasures and the great empire they had hoped to establish they were now relinquishing as terrified fugitives; not however, entirely oblivious of gain, for by permission the men were to take all the gold they could carry.

The night march was favored because the Aztecs rarely fought at night, and because darkness would serve, in part, to cover the retreat. The once proud and victorious soldiers moved forward, still orderly and with discipline. Sandoval, Ordaz, and Lujo led with a part of the infantry; Cortés, with the artillery, the treasure, the women and the prisoners formed the centre; and with him were Olid, Morla and Avila; in the rear were Alvarado and Leon, with the main body of the infantry and the heavier guns. Scattered throughout the three divisions marched the loyal Tlascalans, who in the darkest hour had never failed in loyalty and valor.

The organization and discipline of the Aztecs find no better illustration than in the measures they had taken and in their action on this memorable _noche triste_. The bridges on the canals had been destroyed, and sentinels had been carefully posted to give immediate alarm, and the great drum of _huehuetl_ was served so as to bring the native soldiers in arms instantly on its being sounded.

The night was very dark, a drizzling rain was falling as the heartsick Spaniards cautiously proceeded through the silent streets of the city and neared the causeway of Tlacopan. No foe had opposed them thus far, but, as they were about to retreat along the causeway, sentinels gave the alarm, the dreaded sound of the great drum was heard and innumerable warriors attacked the Spaniards; they assailed them from canoes, in the streets, from the flat house-roofs,--from every direction came the assailants. Plan, purpose and bravery combined to make the task of the retreating force almost impossible of execution. With the foresight characteristic of Cortés his equipment included a portable bridge, but its sufficiency fell short of the present urgency. Fighting with the stubbornness of valor and desperation, the first canal was crossed, but its capacity gave passage so slowly that before it could be moved forward to the second canal the vanguard was attacked savagely. Meantime, the weight of the artillery and the troops had forced the bridge into the earth so that it could not be removed. The situation was indescribable. Thronging the narrow causeway, surrounded by a daring and capable enemy bent on exterminating the Spaniards, trapped in fact, escape seemed impossible.

Desperate men dashed on horseback across the openings in the causeway, swam, or passed across on a sinister bridge formed of corpses; but far the greater number perished in that fateful hour. No one could tell of the horrors of that passage, nor of the heroic bravery of the Spaniards. The great leader, in defeat, was the equal of himself in victory. He led the way and had crossed the last canal by a ford, but wounded as he was, he returned with a few of his horsemen to aid those in the rear. Alvarado, also, was severely wounded, and the story of his escape is a favorite one. History has enshrined the legend: he fixed his long lance in the bottom of the lake and then vaulted across the breach in the causeway. The rear guard of the army returned to their quarters in the city, where after a siege of three days they surrendered and were sacrificed on the altars of the Aztec gods. The motto that had inspired the conqueror when he added it to his standard, bravely adorned with the arms of Charles V. and signed with the crimson cross: _Amice sequam crucem et nos fidem habemus vere in hoc signa vincemus_ (Friends, let us follow the cross and if we have faith, we shall conquer), must have seemed a reproach or a mockery to the Spaniards as they fled from the city over the Tlacopan causeway only to meet, most of them, a horrible death.

On legend also must we rely for the statement that on bringing his thinned ranks, depleted by five hundred of his brave compatriots and four thousand equally brave and loyal Indians, to a native temple on the mainland, Cortés rested under a large tree, since called the Tree of La Noche Triste, and shed tears as he contemplated the forlorn and desperate state of his soldiers. His was not a nature to succumb to defeat. Bereft though he was of some of his bravest comrades, of troops, of most of his horses, of all his artillery, almost without firearms, and his treasure lost, his plan was ready; he would seek a place of safety in Tlascala and there define his plans for recovery of his position.

The retreat continued and Otompan, or Otumba, was reached on July 7th. The way was there barred by an immense army led by Cihuacoatl. The main reliance of the Spaniards was now on the pike and the sabre, with which they defended themselves, but so valiant was the defense, and often the attack, that after seventy-five days of consecutive fighting, during which terrible carnage took place, against inconceivable odds, the Aztecs were put to rout. It is believed that final success was due to the bravery and strategy of Cortés, who had learned that with the lowering of the banner of their chief, the Mexican soldiers would flee. He therefore, supported by Sandoval, Alvarado, Olid, and Dominguez, attacked the chief and hurled him to the ground and killed him. Thereupon, the army fled, having lost one hundred thousand men, while of the Spaniards one hundred and of the allies twenty thousand fell.

Taking up the march again toward Tlascala, not without grave misgiving as to the possibility of a reversal of the friendly spirit and fidelity of his allies, they reached the capital and were greeted with most friendly welcome. Here, Cortés fell a prey to a fever that resulted from the wound he had received on the Dismal Night; here, too, he was to learn that the treasure of gold he had left behind him when he went on to conquer Tenochtitlan had been taken by the Mexicans, who destroyed the messengers bearing it to him. He had also to put down the opposition of some of his soldiers who desired to go back to Cuba, but having received reinforcements and made gunpowder from the sulphur taken from the crater of the great Popocatepetl, he determined to reopen his campaign by operations against Tepeaca and took and sacked the capital and established the settlement of Segura de la Frontera.

It was evident to Cortés that his military task was more difficult than at first. The new Aztec ruler, Cuitlahuatzin, was of different mould from Montezuma. The leaders were very able and extremely courageous. Every effort had been made by them to displace the loyalty of the native allies, but in this they had failed, for their number was increased. Cortés determined that every place that lay on the road to Tenochtitlan must be friendly or conquered. Betrayed by their cacique, Cuauhquechollan was subdued; Iztocan was taken and sacked and a hundred temples given to the flames. Adding further to his native forces, and releasing some of the companions of Narvaez, the conqueror completed his plans for the recapture of the Aztec capital, including the building of thirteen flat-bottomed boats to be used on Lake Tezcoco.

Before siege was laid to the capital, the successor of Montezuma died, on November 26th, of smallpox, to which thousands of Aztecs had succumbed. This scourge was of great service to the Spaniards. The new ruler was Cuauhtemoctzin, or Guatemotzin, the nephew and son-in-law of Montezuma. Preparatory to his final march on Tenochtitlan, Cortés formulated a drastic code for the regulation of his army and significantly declared that the pending war and its acquisitions would be robbery unless its principal aim was the conversion of the heathens. Thus, with an apparently more serious purpose than before, the army, with its eight thousand carriers, bearing the thirteen brigantines, moved on Tezcoco, on December 28th, and following the most difficult route, took it without contest. Establishing a friendly ruler here, Cortés then took Tlacopan and entered the southern border of the Valley of Mexico. At this time he was captured in the course of a reconnaissance, but was liberated by his soldiers before the time of his sacrifice had arrived. He was also obliged to quell an insurrection in Tezcoco, which aimed at his assassination.

Cortés was now ready for his attempt on Tenochtitlan. His brigantines were launched on the lake on April 28th and with his army divided into three bodies under Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval, consisting of nine hundred Spaniards, one hundred and twenty-five thousand native allies, eighty-seven horses, and with three large and fifteen small guns, chiefly disposed throughout the fleet, the march on the capital began on May 20th. Cortés took command of the fleet of thirteen brigantines and a great number of native canoes. The three commanders occupied, respectively, Tlacopan, Coyoacan, and Iztapalapan, which they made their bases of operations. In a few days, Cortés had taken several lake positions; the capital was completely blockaded; the water supply was also cut off and the way was opened for an attack on the city itself. This he succeeded in entering and reached the principal square and seized the great temple of the war god, withdrawing, however, at nightfall.

Three days later, being largely reinforced from Tezcoco, he again attacked the capital and entered it, setting fire to the palace in which he had formerly resided and to Montezuma’s aviary. The resistance of the Aztecs was so formidable and their bravery and steadfastness so terrible that the retreat at night to camp could be accomplished by Cortés only with great difficulty. But little real progress was being made by this method as the enemy destroyed the military works of the invaders as soon as the latter had retired. Such operations promised little and yielding to the counsel of his lieutenants, Cortés decided on making a general attack.

On June 28th, all plans being communicated to his leaders, an advance on the market place of Tlatelolco was ordered. Through a misadventure, the forces were separated. Alderete, who had already almost reached the objective point, was greeted with the din of the great sacred drum and he was immediately attacked by the Aztec hosts. He had omitted to close the breaches in the causeway, and the other divisions could not follow. The advance body was routed and fled back on the causeway. There with Cortés on the other side of the opening, a terrible battle raged. Cortés was wounded and narrowly escaped capture, but he rallied the soldiers and led a retreat. Pedro de Alvarado and Sandoval, having also nearly reached the market-place, retreated. The exultant Aztecs taunted their enemies on their defeat and flung among them three dripping heads of Spaniards, shouting as they did so “Malinche” (the name they applied to Cortés), “Tonatiuh” (Alvarado), and “Sandoval.” To this they added the abominable torture attending their barbarous sacrifices as they offered the bodies of their captives on the altars of their demon-gods and feasted at a banquet on their corpses at evening.

This defeat seemed to threaten the destruction of the Spaniards. It is to the eternal credit of the native allies that not all the efforts of Guatemotzin and his emissaries the priests, nor his threats could undermine their loyalty to Cortés.

Realizing the disadvantages under which he labored by reason of the difficulty of keeping open the approaches by the causeways, of operating his forces and of defending them under these conditions, Cortés developed a new plan of attack; he would fill the canals. Accordingly, he led his fighting men and utilized the Indian auxiliaries to destroy with hoes every building they reached. The great _teocalli_ had been put to the torch; the objective point was at hand. Slowly, but steadily, the invaders advanced and the enemy crowded closer and closer within narrowing limits, pressed by a determined and relentless foe, and ever falling under the combined blows of growing famine, want of water, and pestilence. Guatemotzin at first scorned to surrender when called upon to do so; then, as the sufferings of the Aztecs grew past endurance, he promised to arrange terms, but failed to appear, preferring death. The last shortening of the living chain about them had been made; the eager soldiers leaped at the command for a general attack, and pouring into the city after his fighting men, the Indians fell upon the Aztecs sparing none on that day of fearful revenge and continuing the carnage on August 13, 1521. The Aztec chief was captured as he sought to escape on a _piragua_, and was led before the conqueror, from whom he begged the boon of death by his dagger, now that he was a prisoner after having done all that he could in defence of his country and people. Their leader captive, the surviving Aztec warriors submitted and were permitted to leave the capital. Tenochtitlan and the Aztec dominion were destroyed. The conqueror left a garrison in the city and his victorious forces withdrew to their respective bases of operation. The cost of life to the invaders during the almost three months’ siege was about one-tenth of their strength.

The victors’ joy was tempered with disappointment. The treasure they had hoped to find was not forthcoming. Guatemotzin was believed by the Spaniards to possess a knowledge of its whereabouts and Cortés ordered him to be tortured to extort a revelation which he had declared he could not make. He averred that some treasure had been cast into the lake, but like many another reputed vast hoard, it was not discovered, in spite of a careful search of the waters of Lake Tezcoco.

Master of the prize that had been won at the cost of many thousands of lives, vast treasure and heroic deeds, Cortés decided to reclothe the fallen city with the dignity of chief place in the conquered dominions. The aqueduct he soon restored and canals were filled and additional causeways built. He was as able an administrator as he was a commander. The Indians he had dispossessed were allowed to settle in prescribed districts in the new city. With an immense number of Mexicans whose labor he could utilize, the City of Mexico soon became a solid and imposing place.

Not long after the conquest was completed, new troubles arose that threatened the power that Cortés had acquired. Velasquez, the governor of Cuba had so contrived that the royal government authorized both an investigation of the conqueror’s conduct and the taking over of the government of New Spain, but the official sent proved no match for the conqueror and he returned to Cuba. Soon thereafter, Charles V. conferred on Cortés the titles and powers of governor, captain-general, and chief justice of New Spain. His acts confirmed, his companions rewarded, and his dignities established, Cortés began to explore and settle the new dominion. On the Pacific he threw out the settlement of Zacatula, on the Atlantic, San Estevan, Medellin, and Antigua, which latter he projected as the principal port. Regulations were made to encourage the settling of the country and great inducements were offered to those who married. In the appropriation of lands, Spaniards only were recognized, the natives being held in a condition of slavery, save only the Tlascalans, whose loyalty was rewarded by immunity from tribute and the entire control of their lands, besides the enjoyment of other privileges and the bestowal of titles of distinction on their leaders. Later, their capital became the seat of the first bishopric, they elected their alcalde and he became their governor. But no honors bestowed on them could repay their services, for without their aid, no Spaniard would have survived, no nation would have been possible.

One of the consequences of the capture of the City of Mexico was the effort on the part of the southern provinces of Mexico bordering on Guatemala to conciliate the great conqueror and secure his goodwill. These sent ambassadors laden with gifts of such value that Cortés was fired with the ambition to acquire lands on the southern sea, for which purpose he fitted out an expedition that soon accomplished its object. This was supplemented by an expedition sent in aid of the people of Tehuantepec against the adjoining province of Tututepec. This resulted in the invasion of the latter province by Alvarado, its defeat and the settlement of Spaniards in the territory; while he proceeded to Guatemala and discovering its wealth determined on its conquest when the opportunity occurred. Fitting out a strong force, chiefly of natives, Alvarado marched south and was loyally treated by the people of Tehuantepec but resisted by those of Soconusco, whom he defeated and thus conquered their provinces. He continued his march through Guatemala, with which we need not here deal, except to say that Alvarado remained loyal to Cortés, by whom he was recommended for the governorship of Guatemala.

During one of his expeditions, Cortés disposed of his faithful friend Marina, by gift to a Spanish knight, whom she married. Though she was endowed with large grants of land from the government of Spain, her abandonment was but a mean requital of her affection and inestimable services to Cortés and the Spanish cause, and the romantic interest associated with “Malinche,” and the popularity accorded to her, better measure the appreciation of her services.

On his return from Honduras, Cortés was received in Mexico with great rejoicing by the people, his enemies had been active in Spain and he had been accused of aiming at an independent sovereignty. An investigation was committed to Juan Ponce de Leon, with the power of governor meantime. His death in a few weeks and also that of the successor he named brought the duty to the task of Alonso de Estrada, a bitter enemy of Cortés, who was still captain general. Under these circumstances, Cortés determined to appeal in person to his sovereign and accordingly sailed from Villa Rica with rich presents and specimens characteristic of the flora and fauna of the country. With him were Sandoval and Tapia, and two sons of the late Montezuma and Maxixca, and several native chiefs.

Arrived in Spain, he went to the convent of La Rabida, where Sandoval, one of his ablest companions, died. The arrival of Cortés created intense interest and he was accorded the greatest distinction by the sovereign, who conferred on him the title of Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca and bestowed on him large estates in Oaxaca, in Mexico City, and elsewhere. His governorship of New Spain was not restored, however, but he was appointed captain general of that dominion and empowered to make discoveries and settlements in the southern ocean. The conqueror now married a lady of royal blood, Doña Juana de Zuñiga and in 1530 embarked for Mexico.

In the closing days of 1527, Charles V. had appointed an _audiencia_ to govern New Spain, at the head of which was Nuñez de Guzman, governor of the Province of Panuco, aided by four _oidores_. This administration was vicious in the extreme; barbaric cruelty was exercised toward the natives, who were capriciously murdered and enslaved; charges against Cortés were encouraged and considered with foregone determination; the clergy was tyrannized over and abused for their efforts to obtain justice and humane treatment of the natives; till in 1529, Zumarraga, the first bishop of Mexico, related in a letter to Spain the tale of the misdoings of the _audiencia_. Guzman, dreading the exposure of his evil deeds and hoping to avert disaster to himself, set out on December 20, 1529, on an expedition to conquer the province of Jalisco, or Amazonas, which had been discovered by Cortés. Guzman, during his rule of Panuco, harassed and plundered the native inhabitants with utter disregard of even the semblance of justice and descended to acts of the most petty despotism. He even caused the Indians to be put to death because they had omitted to clean the streets in his path. At the least manifestation of discontent on the part of the Huastecas, during his absence from his province as governor of Mexico, he caused whole towns to be subdued by force of arms as rebels, and the inhabitants to be sold as slaves, so that this monster’s cruelty resulted in almost the depopulation of entire districts. Now that he was entering on the conquest of Jalisco he raised funds by seizing and exporting as slaves the natives of his own province, those who fled in terror to the deep forests and mountain fastnesses being pursued by slave-hunting parties to take them.

This inhuman conqueror left a trail of desolation behind him as he marched through Michoacan and Nueva Galicia. He tortured and burnt those chiefs who could or would not furnish him with gold, or even a token of his displeasure; the chief of the Tarascans of Michoacan, who had manifested the extreme of friendliness toward him, stripping himself and his people of all their gold and possessions, giving him free passage through his country and furnishing him with hosts of burden bearers, was in spite of all, put to daily torture and, when this ceased to afford diversion, was then burned. The tyrant was fiercely fought in the territory he invaded, but the natives were defeated and he founded the cities of Guadalajara and Compostella. During this campaign, Chirinos, one of Guzman’s officers, invaded the Zacatecas, a so-called Chichimec tribe.

The depredations and maladministration of the _audiencia_ did not cease even during the absence of Guzman, so that the Crown, forced by the representations of the ecclesiastical authorities, resolved to govern Mexico by a viceroy and appointed Antonio de Mendoza, but displaced the old _audiencia_ and appointed another to govern until the arrival of Mendoza in Mexico.

The royal commission to Cortés to make discoveries was henceforth the sole motive of the conqueror’s activity in Mexico. He landed at Villa Rica in July, 1530, and, being forbidden to come within ten miles of the capital until the new _audiencia_ was installed, he took up his abode at Tezcoco. He was never again, however, to reside permanently in the capital, for he found himself in conflict with the new _audiencia_ and withdrew to Cuernavaca, there to manage and cultivate his estates.

In 1532, he dispatched an expedition to explore the Pacific coast northward, but the fleet was lost. The next year he sent two vessels in the same direction one of which in 1534 touched the Peninsula of Lower California, which was supposed to be an island. Even such a succession of disasters could not crush the spirit of Cortés, who, in 1535, led an expedition which established a colony on the eastern shore near the southern extremity of the Peninsula of California, but owing to the barrenness of the land it was a failure, the few survivors making their way back to Mexico in 1536. In 1539, he sent out another expedition under Francisco de Ulloa who, with three ships explored the western coast of the same peninsula to about the twentieth parallel of north latitude, or certainly as far as Cedros Island. But his adventures were interrupted by the viceroy, Mendoza, who had arrived in October, 1535, and who claimed that the right of discoveries in the southern ocean was vested in him.

Again Cortés left Mexico, in January, 1540, to seek redress at the Court of Spain, but his efforts were without success. He enlisted to fight against the Moors at Algiers; then returned to Spain, where, after much discouragement and even, it is said, contempt, he finally obtained permission from Charles V. to return to Mexico. He died, however, near Seville, on December 2, 1547, on his return journey to the magnificent land that he had conquered and added to the dominions of Spain, with all its limitless resources, rich in all that country needed to support its tottering power and for a time to restore and even to increase its former greatness.