Chapter XXXII: Appendix: II (5)

[1358] Polyb. vi. 14 ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης οὗτος (ὁ δῆμος) βουλεύεται καὶ πολέμου. καὶ μὴν περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ διαλύσεως καὶ συνθηκῶν οὑτός ἐστιν ὁ βεβαιῶν ἕκαστα τούτων καὶ κύρια ποιῶν ἢ τοὐναντίον.

[1359] The Gaditani approach the Senate for the renovation of a treaty made with a pro-magistrate in 78 B.C. Cicero questions its validity (_pro Balbo_ 15, 34) on the ground that the people was not consulted. The passage illustrates both the Senate’s exercise of this power and the continuance of a controversy as to its right.

[1360] Hence the institution of the _Graecostasis_. Varro (_L.L._ v. 165) describes it as “sub dextra hujus (the Rostra) a comitio locus substructus ubi nationum subsisterent legati, qui ad senatum essent missi; is Graecostasis appellatus a parte ut multa.”

[1361] So the Numantian envoys in 36 B.C. are received ἔξω τοῦ τείχους (Dio _fr._ 79). As a rule the appeal was made to the nearest _imperator_, and his representations might accord such legati a reception within the city. See Momms. _Staatsr._ iii. 2 p. 1150.

[1362] Liv. _Ep._ xlvi. “in commune lex lata est ne cui regi Romam venire liceret.” Cf. Polyb. xxx. 17.

[1363] Cic. _ad Q. fr._ ii. 13, 3 “Appius interpretatur ... quod Gabinia sanctum sit, etiam cogi ex Kal. Febr. usque ad Kal. Mart. legatis senatum quotidie dare.”

[1364] Polyb. xxii. 24; Liv. xlv. 17.

[1365] For the attempt made by the _lex Sempronia_ to obviate this power see p. 201.

[1366] Cic. _ad Fam._ v. 2, 3 (to Metellus Celer, proconsul of Cisalpine Gaul, 62 B.C.) “Nihil dico de sortitione vestra: tantum te suspicari volo nihil in ea re per collegam meum me insciente esse factum.” Cf. _ad Att._ i. 16, 8.

[1367] Liv. xlv. 13; Dittenberger n. 240. The Senate sometimes referred questions respecting the internal affairs of these states to Roman _patroni_, with whom they had entered into relations of clientship (Liv. ix. 20; Cic. _pro Sulla_ 21, 60).

[1368] _lex de Termessibus_ ii. 6 “Nei quis magistratus ... meilites ... introducito ... nisei senatus nominatim ... decreverit.”

[1369] Sall. _Jug._ 62 “Metellus propere cunctos senatorii ordinis ex hibernis accersi jubet: eorum et aliorum, quos idoneos ducebat, consilium habet.” Cf. c. 104 “Marius ... Sullam (the quaestor) ab Utica venire jubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem, praeterea omnes undique senatorii ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit.”

[1370] Cic. _ad Att._ ii. 16, 4 “Illud tamen, quod scribit (Q. Cicero, governor of Asia) animadvertas velim, de portorio circumvectionis; ait se de consilii sententia rem ad senatum rejecisse.”

[1371] Cic. _de Off._ ii. 22, 76 “tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit (Paulus) ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum.” Cf. Plut. _Paul._ 38.

[1372] Momms. _Staatsr._ iii. 2 pp. 1112-20.

[1373] Plut. _Ti. Gracch._ 14 οὐδὲν ἔφη τῇ συγκλήτῳ βουλεύεσθαι προσήκειν, ἀλλὰ τῳ δήμῳ γνώμην αὐτὸς προθήσειν.

[1374] p. 229.

[1375] The Senate invalidated the _locationes_ of the censors of 184 B.C. (Liv. xxxix. 44 “locationes cum senatus precibus et lacrimis publicanorum victus induci et de integro locari jussisset”). A vain appeal was made by the _publicani_ of Asia to remit their contracts in 60 B.C. (Cic. _ad Att._ i. 17, 9; cf. ii. 1, 8).

[1376] The business of draining the Pomptine marshes is entrusted to a consul (Liv. _Ep._ xlvi.), the building of an aqueduct to a praetor (Frontin. _de Aquaed._ 7).

[1377] Cic. _ad Att._ iii. 24.

[1378] This was necessary when the supplies were destined for the army. See Sall. _Jug._ 104 “(Rufus) qui quaestor stipendium in Africam portaverat.” Compare the section on provincial government.

[1379] The phrase for opening this credit is _attribuere_. See Liv. xliv. 16 “ad opera publica facienda cum eis (censoribus) dimidium ex vectigalibus ejus anni (169 B.C.) attributum ex senatus consulto a quaestoribus esset.”

[1380] p. 194.

[1381] Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 1 sq.

[1382] Cic. _ad Q. fr._ ii. 6, 4 and 5 (56 B.C.) “consul est egregius Lentulus ... Dies comitiales exemit omnes. Nam etiam Latinae instaurantur: nec tamen deerant supplicationes. Sic legibus perniciosissimis obsistitur.”

[1383] In the later Republic these periods of thanksgiving had reached the inordinate length of fifteen, twenty, and even fifty days (Caes. _Bell. Gall._ ii. 35; iv. 38; Cic. _Phil._ xiv. 11, 29). At this period the _supplicatio_ was considered the usual preliminary of a triumph; but Cato explains to Cicero that this was not always the case (_ad Fam._ xv. 5, 2 “Quodsi triumphi praerogativam putas supplicationem et idcirco casum potius quam te laudari mavis, neque supplicationem sequitur semper triumphus,” etc.).

[1384] Cic. _pro Domo_ 49, 127 “video ... esse legem veterem tribuniciam quae vetat injussu plebis aedes, terram, aram consecrari.” The _jussus plebis_ probably implies that of the _populus_ as well. See Momms. _Staatsr._ iii. 2 p. 1050.

[1385] The Senate alone is mentioned as decreeing the reception of the _Magna Mater_ in 205 B.C., and as ordaining the erection of her temple (Liv. xxix. 10 and 11; xxxvi. 36).

[1386] See p. 56.

[1387] Dionys. ii. 72; Liv. i. 32; cf. Plin. _H.N._ xxii. 2.

[1388] Polyb. iii. 25; Liv. i. 24. Yet the ceremonies they describe are different. In that related by Polybius the stone has a passive signification; the priest hurls it from him and prays, “May I only be cast out, if I break my oath, as this stone is now.” In that described by Livy, “the pig represents the perjurer, the flint-knife the instrument of divine vengeance” (Strachan-Davidson’s Polybius, _Proleg._ viii.), and Jupiter is here to strike the _people_ that fails in the compact. Possibly the two forms of ritual were used in different kinds of treaties; the first, perhaps, in commercial compacts, the second in agreements that closed a war.

[1389] Liv. iv. 17; Middleton _Ancient Rome_ i. p. 245.

[1390] Liv. v. 36.

[1391] See p. 283.

[1392] Liv. xxii. 61.

[1393] Varro _L.L._ v. 3 “multa verba aliud nunc ostendunt, aliud ante significabant, ut hostis: nam tum eo verbo dicebant peregrinum qui suis legibus uteretur, nunc dicunt eum quem tum dicebant perduellem.” Cf. Cic. _de Off._ i. 12, 37.

[1394] p. 284.

[1395] Polyb. iii. 22.

[1396] “Aeduos, fratres consanguineosque saepe numero a senatu appellatos” (Caes. _B.G._ i. 33).

[1397] Cf. p. 284 for this rule and for the exception to it made in 166 B.C.

[1398] In the first treaty with Carthage two kinds of legal satisfaction are given to Roman traders. In Libya and Sardinia the state guarantees the debt; in the Sicilian cities under the Carthaginian protectorate Romans and Carthaginians are on an equal footing (Polyb. iii. 22).

[1399] Hartmann (O. E.) _Der ordo judiciorum und die judicia extraordinaria der Römer_ Thl. i. pp. 229 ff.

[1400] Festus p. 274 “Reciperatio est, ut ait Gallus Aelius, cum inter populum et reges nationesque et civitates peregrinas lex convenit quomodo per reciperatores reddantur res reciperenturque resque privatas inter se persequantur.” See Keller _Civilprocess_ p. 36; Rudorff _Rechtsgeschichte_ ii. p. 34.

[1401] p. 207.

[1402] In the treaty supposed to be the work of Spurius Cassius and to date from 493 B.C. the following clause was found: τῶν τ’ ἰδιωτικῶν συμβολαίων αἱ κρίσεις ἐν ἡμέραις γιγνέσθωσαν δέκα, παρ’ οἷς ἂν γένηται τὸ συμβόλαιον (Dionys. vi. 95).

[1403] Dionys. iii. 34, 51.

[1404] ib. vi. 95; Festus p. 241.

[1405] Dionys. viii. 70, 74.

[1406] p. 295.

[1407] App. _B.C._ i. 23. Dionysius (viii. 72) speaks of the Latins and Hernicans exercising voting privileges (ψηφοφορία) in Rome in the year 486 B.C. But it is impossible that they could have been enrolled in the centuries, which was a Roman army list, and no assembly of the tribes had yet received state recognition.

[1408] Dionys. viii. 69, 72, 74.

[1409] Livy, by attributing _civitas_ to Tusculum (vi. 26) and calling the Tusculans _cives_ (vi. 36), seems to imply that they were full citizens. In this case the city could not have been from the first a _municipium_, the name it bears later (“municipium antiquissimum” Cic. _pro Planc._ 8, 19). Festus, however (p. 127), includes Tusculum amongst the states with _civitas sine suffragio_, i.e. amongst the true _municipia_, and we know that Livy (x. 1) uses _civitas_ for _civitas sine suffragio_. The Satricani are _cives Romani_ in 319 B.C. (Liv. ix. 16). Satricum had formerly belonged to the thirty Latin cities (Dionys. v. 61).

[1410] Liv. viii. 14 “Ceteris Latinis populis (i.e. other than those with whom special arrangements were made) conubia commerciaque et concilia inter se ademerunt.”

[1411] Liv. ix. 43 “Hernicorum tribus populis, Aletrinati, Verulano, Ferentinati, quia maluerunt quam civitatem, suae leges redditae; conubiumque inter ipsos, quod aliquamdiu soli Hernicorum habuerunt, permissum. Anagninis, quique arma Romanis intulerant, civitas sine suffragii latione data: concilia conubiaque adempta, et magistratibus, praeterquam sacrorum curatione, interdictum.”

[1412] p. 299.

[1413] Dionys. vii. 13; Plut. _Cor._ 13.

[1414] Hyginus p. 176 “cum signis et aquila et primis ordinibus ac tribunis deducebantur”; Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 27 “non enim, ut olim, universae legiones deducebantur cum tribunis et centurionibus et sui cujusque ordinis militibus.”

[1415] Varro _L.L._ v. 143; Serv. ad _Aen._ v. 755.

[1416] Liv. xxvii. 38 (207 B.C.) “colonos etiam maritimos, qui sacrosanctam vacationem dicebantur habere, dare milites cogebant”; xxxvi. 3 (191 B.C.) “contentio orta cum colonis maritimis ... nam, cum cogerentur in classem, tribunos plebei appellarunt.”

[1417] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 11, 28; _pro Caec._ 34, 100.

[1418] p. 203.

[1419] Festus p. 233 “Praefecturae eae appellabantur in Italia, in quibus et jus dicebatur et nundinae agebantur; et erat quaedam earum res publica, neque tamen magistratus suos habebant; in quas legibus praefecti mittebantur quodannis, qui jus dicerent. Quarum genera fuerunt duo: alterum, in quas solebant ire praefecti quattuor, [qui] viginti sex virum numero populi suffragio creati erant ... alterum, in quas ibant quos praetor urbanus quodannis in quaeque loca miserat legibus.” Amongst the _praefecturae_ which he enumerates are the Roman colonies of Volturnum, Liternum, Puteoli, and Saturnia.

[1420] Liv. viii. 14 “Campanis ... Fundanisque et Formianis ... civitas sine suffragio data. Cumanos Suessulanosque ejusdem juris conditionisque, cujus Capuam, esse placuit.” For Atella and Calatia see Festus pp. 131, 233.

[1421] Liv. x. 1.

[1422] ib. ix. 43, quoted p. 299.

[1423] Festus p. 131 “municipes erant qui ex aliis civitatibus Romam venissent, quibus non licebat magistratum capere sed tantum muneris partem, ut fuerunt Cumani, Acerrani, Atellani, qui et cives Romani erant et in legione merebant, sed dignitates non capiebant”; cf. p. 127 “participes ... fuerunt omnium rerum ad munus fungendum una cum Romanis civibus praeterquam de suffragio ferendo aut magistratu capiendo.” The words “qui ex aliis civitatibus Romam venissent” in the first definition do not describe the _municipes_ of historical times; they suggest a possible origin for the institution. These rights were first conditioned by domicile in Rome, but the condition was subsequently removed.

[1424] p. 235.

[1425] Festus p. 233, quoted p. 302.

[1426] Liv. viii. 14.

[1427] ib. xxiv. 19; xxvi. 6.

[1428] The language of Livy makes it doubtful whether he conceives the _foedus_ to have continued after the _civitas_ had been conferred. They are different stages of rights, but he may mean them to be cumulative. In xxxi. 31 we read “cum ... ipsos (Campanos) foedere primum, deinde conubio atque cognationibus, postremo civitate nobis conjunxissemus” (cf. xxiii. 5). The _civitas_ here is probably the full citizenship conferred on individual Capuans. They are spoken of as _socii_ in 216 B.C. (xxiii. 5), and though the word is sometimes loosely used, it harmonises in its literal sense with the great constitutional privileges of the town.

[1429] As at Arpinum (Cic. _ad Fam._ xiii. 11, 3).

[1430] Festus p. 127 “quorum civitas universa in civitatem Romanam venit.”

[1431] It did not possess any magistracy for secular purposes (Liv. ix. 43 “magistratibus, praeterquam sacrorum curatione, interdictum”).

[1432] “in ditionem” (Liv. xxxvii. 45), “in potestatem” (xxxix. 54).

[1433] “in fidem” (ib. viii. 2).

[1434] Polyb. xx. 9, 12 παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἰσοδυναμεῖ τό τε εἰς τὴν πίστιν αὑτὸν ἐγχειρίσαι καὶ τὸ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν δοῦναι περὶ αὑτοῦ τῷ κρατοῦντι.

[1435] Gell. x. 3, 19.

[1436] _Dig._ 49, 15, 7, 1 “liber populus est is qui nullius alterius populi potestati est subjectus.”

[1437] _Lex Antonia de Termessibus_ i. 8.

[1438] Plin. _Ep. ad Traj._ 92 (93).

[1439] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. 6, 13; cf. App. _B.C._ i. 102 (ἐπὶ συνθήκαις ἔνορκοι).

[1440] _Dig._ 49, 15, 7, 1 “hoc adjicitur, ut intellegatur alterum populum superiorem esse, non ut intellegatur alterum non esse liberum.” Cf. Cic. _pro Balbo_ 16, 35 “Id habet hanc vim, ut sit ille in foedere inferior.”

[1441] _Dig._ l.c. “is foederatus est item sive aequo foedere in amicitiam venit sive foedere comprehensum est ut is populus alterius populi majestatem comiter conservaret.”

[1442] _Lex Agraria_ 1. 21 “socii nominisve Latini, quibus ex formula togatorum [milites in terra Italia inperare solent].”

[1443] Liv. xxii. 57; xxvii. 10 “milites ex formula paratos esse.”

[1444] The number of troops required was decreed every year by the Senate (Liv. xli. 5 etc.), the consuls fixing the amount which each state was to send in proportion to its fighting strength.

[1445] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 9, 24.

[1446] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 8, 21 “innumerabiles aliae leges de civili jure sunt latae; quas Latini voluerunt, adsciverunt.”

[1447] Liv. xxxv. 7 (193 B.C.) “M. Sempronius tribunus plebis ... plebem rogavit plebesque scivit ut cum sociis ac nomine Latino creditae pecuniae jus idem quod cum civibus Romanis esset.” The enactment was produced by the discovery that Roman creditors escaped the usury laws by using Italians as their agents.

[1448] Macrob. _Sat._ iii. 17, 6.

[1449] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 8, 20 “foederatos populos fieri fundos oportere ... non magis est proprium foederatorum quam omnium liberorum.” For the formula of acceptance (“fundi—i.e. auctores—facti sunt”) cf. Festus p. 89.

[1450] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 24, 54 “Latinis, id est foederatis.”

[1451] The distinction is expressed in the familiar _socii ac nominis Latini_ (Liv. xli. 8), _socii et Latium_ (Sall. _Hist._ i. 17), and perhaps in _socii Latini nominis_, if this last expression is to be regarded as an asyndeton.

[1452] These twelve colonies, with the dates of their foundations, are—Ariminum (268 B.C.), Beneventum (268), Firmum (264), Aesernia (263), Brundisium (244), Spoletium (241), Cremona and Placentia (218), Copia (193), Valentia (192), Bononia (189), Aquileia (181).

[1453] The later Latin colonists have of right no _conubium_ with Rome (Ulp. _Reg._ v. 4 “Conubium habent cives Romani cum civibus Romanis; cum Latinis autem et peregrinis ita si concessum sit”). The change may have come with this last outburst of Latin colonisation in Italy; but it may be as late as the extension of _latinitas_ to the provinces. For the right of _commercium_ possessed by these colonies see Cic. _pro Caec._ 35, 102 “jubet enim (Sulla Volaterranos) eodem jure esse quo fuerint Ariminenses, quos quis ignorat duodecim coloniarum fuisse et a civibus Romanis hereditates capere potuisse?”

[1454] Appian (_B.C._ i. 23), speaking of C. Gracchus’ proposal to extend the citizenship, suggests a Latin right ψῆφον ἐν ταῖς Ῥωμαίων χειροτονίαις φέρειν. Livy, with reference to the year 212 B.C., speaks of the _sortitio_ as to the tribe or tribes in which the Latins should vote (xxv. 3, in the trial of Postumius “sitella ... lata est ut sortirentur ubi Latini suffragium ferrent”).

[1455] Liv. xli. 8 “Lex sociis ac nominis Latini, qui stirpem ex sese domi relinquerent, dabat ut cives Romani fierent.”

[1456] This was the _latinitas_ given to Cisalpine Gaul in 89 B.C. by a law of the consul Cn. Pompeius Strabo. Ascon. _in Pison._ p. 3 “Pompeius enim non novis colonis eas (Transpadanas colonias) constituit, sed veteribus incolis manentibus jus dedit Latii, ut possent habere jus quod ceterae Latinae coloniae, id est ut gerendo magistratus civitatem Romanam adipiscerentur.” Consequently when Caesar refounded Comum in this district, in accordance with the _lex Vatinia_ (59 B.C.), the new _civitas_ possessed this right (App. _B.C._ ii. 26).

[1457] _Lex Acilia_ l. 77; Cic. _pro Balbo_ 24, 54. The probable dates of these laws are 122 and 111 B.C. respectively.

[1458] The allies before the social war reckon as their chief grievance “per omnes annos atque omnia bella duplici numero se militum equitumque fungi” (Vell. ii. 15).

[1459] Liv. xlii. 1 “(L. Postumius Albinus) ... literas Praeneste misit, ut sibi magistratus obviam exiret, locum publice pararet, ubi deverteretur, jumentaque, cum exiret inde, praesto essent. Ante hunc consulem nemo unquam sociis in ulla re oneri aut sumptui fuit ... Injuria consulis ... et silentium ... Praenestinorum jus, velut probato exemplo, magistratibus fecit graviorum in dies talis generis imperiorum.”

[1460] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. x. 3, 3.

[1461] App. _B.C._ i. 21 and 34. According to Valerius Maximus (ix. 5, 1) Flaccus proposed to give the _provocatio_ to those “qui civitatem mutare noluissent.”

[1462] App. _B.C._ i. 23. Plutarch makes it a simple proposal of citizenship for the allies (_C. Gracch._ 5). The geographical limits of these proposed extensions are unknown. Velleius (ii. 6) remarks vaguely, with respect to the Gracchan law, “dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis, extendebat eam paene usque Alpis.”

[1463] App. _B.C._ i. 35; he promised to reintroduce the law περὶ τῆς πολιτείας. Liv. _Ep._ lxxi. “socios et Italicos populos spe civitatis Romanae sollicitavit”; Vell. ii. 14 “Tum conversus Drusi animus ... ad dandam civitatem Italiae.”

[1464] Diod. xxxvii. 2.

[1465] Cf. the words of Pontius Telesinus, the Samnite leader in the later struggle at the Colline gate (Vell. ii. 27), “eruendam delendamque urbem ... nunquam de futuros raptores Italicae libertatis lupos, nisi silva, in quam refugere solerent, esset excisa.” This, however, is an expression of Samnite rather than of Italian feeling.

[1466] App. _B.C._ i. 49; Cic. _pro Balbo_ 8, 21.

[1467] Only one clause of this law is known—that by which the _civitas_ was granted to _incolae_ enrolled on the registers of federate communities; they were to have the citizenship, if they made profession to the praetor within sixty days (Cic. _pro Arch._ 4, 7). It is difficult to believe that this cumbrous rule applied to the citizens of the towns.

[1468] The gradual nature of the incorporation is attested by the expression of Velleius (ii. 16), “paulatim deinde recipiendo in civitatem, qui arma aut non ceperant aut deposuerant maturius, vires refectae sunt.”

[1469] Vell. ii. 20 “Itaque cum ita civitas Italiae data esset, ut in octo tribus contribuerentur novi cives, ne potentia eorum et multitudo veterum civium dignitatem frangeret plusque possent recepti in beneficium quam auctores beneficii, Cinna in omnibus tribubus eos se distributurum pollicitus est.” Appian (_B.C._ i. 49) seems to speak of the creation of ten new tribes (δεκατεύοντες ἀπέφηναν ἑτέρας ἐν αἷς ἐχειροτόνουν ἔσχατοι). The attempt to reconcile these accounts by supposing that they refer to different classes of allies or are the respective products of the two acts of legislation (Kubitschek _Imp. Rom. trib. descr._; Beloch _der Italische Bund_) receives some epigraphic support, but rests either on a correction of Appian’s text or on the assumption that his account refers to ten of the _old_ tribes.

[1470] Liv. _Ep._ 84 “Novis civibus senatus consulto suffragium datum est,” a careless phrase of the epitomiser or copyist for the distribution through the tribes (Drakenborch). Sulla, in spite of his rescission of the rights of certain rebel towns, did not disturb this arrangement.

[1471] Augustus formed the plan of giving to the senates (_decuriones_) of the twenty-eight colonies which he founded in Italy the right of voting for the magistrates at Rome. They were to send their votes under seal (Suet. _Aug._ 46).

[1472] Liv. xxxviii. 36.

[1473] Cicero says that his grandfather, in or just before the consulship of Scaurus (115 B.C.), “restitit M. Gratidio ... ferenti legem tabellariam” (_de Leg._ iii. 16, 36).

[1474] _C.I.L._ i. p. 163.

[1475] A fragment of a constitution of Tarentum, dating apparently from a time not long subsequent to the _lex Julia_ of 90 B.C., has been preserved (_Fragmentum Tarentinum_ in _L’Année Épigraphique_, 1896, pp. 30, 31). Arpinum was undergoing reorganisation in 46 B.C. (Cic. _ad Fam._ xiii. 11, 3).

[1476] Cic. _in Verr._ v. 13, 34 “unum illud, quod ita fuit illustre notumque omnibus, ut nemo tam rusticanus homo L. Lucullo et M. Cotta consulibus (74 B.C.) Romam ex ullo municipio vadimonii causa venerit quin sciret jura omnia praetoris urbani nutu ... Chelidonis ... gubernari.”

[1477] Ascon. _in Pison._ p. 8.

[1478] This is proved both by the attempt of Crassus, as censor in 65 B.C., to place the Transpadanes on the register of citizens (Dio Cass. xxxvii. 9), and by Cicero’s comment on Marcellus’ action in scourging a citizen of Novum Comum in 51 B.C. (Cic. _ad Att._ v. 11, 2 “Marcellus foede in Comensi: etsi ille magistratum non gesserit, erat tamen Transpadanus”).

[1479] Dio Cass. xli. 36.

[1480] Cic. _ad Att._ v. 2, 3 “eratque rumor de Transpadanis, eos jussos IIIIviros creare. Quod si ita est, magnos motus timeo.”

[1481] App. _B.C._ v. 3 τήν τε γὰρ Κελτικὴν τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων ἐδόκει Καίσαρος ἀξιοῦντος (i.e. Octavianus after Philippi) αὐτόνομον ἀφιέναι, γνώμῃ τοῦ προτέρου Καίσαρος. Cf. iii. 30 and Dio Cass. xlviii. 12.

[1482] The name given to the district in the law _Gallia Cisalpeina_, _Gallia cis Alpeis_ (cc. 22 and 23) suits both epochs equally well, for Caesar had not made it a part of Italy. The fact that the _praetor urbanus_ is the central authority in jurisdiction (cc. 21 and 22) suits the Augustan epoch better.

[1483] _Lex Rubria_ cc. 21 and 22. For the _vadimonium_ cf. Cic. _in Verr._ v. 13, 34 (quoted p. 313).

[1484] Generally _quattuorviri_, this board being usually divided into two magistrates with higher jurisdiction (_duumviri juri dicundo_) and two police officials (_duumviri aediles_). Sometimes we find _IIIIviri dicundo_, perhaps a designation for the joint board, or, where the magistrates with aedilician power alone are referred to, _IIIIviri aediles_ or _aedilicia potestate_. See Wilmanns _Index_ pp. 620-622.

[1485] _Lex Julia mun._ l. 84. Cf. Cic. _in Pis._ 22, 51 “neque enim regio ulla fuit, nec municipium neque praefectura aut colonia, ex qua non ad me publice venerint gratulatum.”

[1486] Wilmanns _Index_ p. 618.

[1487] Sicily, Sardinia, Hither and Further Spain, Illyricum, Macedonia and Achaea (separated by Caesar), Africa, Asia, Gallia Narbonensis, Gallia Cisalpina, Bithynia, Cyrene with Crete, Cilicia and Syria.

[1488] The number is given by Pliny (_H.N._ iii. 88). In Cicero’s time there was about this number. He speaks of the appointment of 130 censors (_in Verr._ ii. 55, 137), two for each state (ib. 53, 133).

[1489] Cassiodorus _Chron._ ad A.U.C. 670 “Asiam in XLIIII. regiones Sulla distribuit.”

[1490] Tac. _Ann._ iii. 44. This division may be the work of Augustus.

[1491] pp. 244, 283.

[1492] p. 245.

[1493] Except that ownership of the soil is not always, as in Italy, the ground of exemption from taxation. On the free city of Termessus in Pisidia “free possession” is alone conferred.

[1494] See the _lex Antonia de Termessibus_ (71 B.C.), especially the clause which confers autonomy “so far as is consistent with this charter” (i. l. 7 “eique legibus sueis ita utunto ... quod advorsus hanc legem non fiat”).

[1495] Cic. _de Prov. Cons._ 3, 6. For the weakening of this respect for αὐτονομία in the Ciceronian period and Caesar’s attempt to strengthen it by law (probably the _lex Julia repetundarum_ of 59 B.C.) see Cic. _in Verr._ iii 89, 207; _in Pis._ 16, 37 (“lege Caesaris justissima atque optima populi liberi plane et vere erant liberi”).

[1496] Festus p. 218.

[1497] Cic. _in Verr._ ii. 13, 32; 15, 37; 16, 39; 24, 59.

[1498] Liv. xlv. 17 and 32.

[1499] Plin. _ad Traj._ 79 (83), 1.

[1500] As Cicero did in his government of Cilicia. See _ad Att._ vi. 2, 4 “omnes (civitates), suis legibus et judiciis usae, αὐτονομίαν adeptae, revixerunt”; vi. 1, 15 “multaque sum secutus Scaevolae (governor of Asia _circa_ 98 B.C.); in iis illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus ... Graeci vero exsultant quod peregrinis judicibus utuntur.”

[1501] This we may gather from Cicero’s account of the proceedings of the native magistrates in Cilicia (_ad Att._ vi. 2, 5 “Mira erant in civitatibus ipsorum furta Graecorum, quae magistratus sui fecerant: quaesivi ipse de iis, qui annis decem proximis magistratum gesserant; aperte fatebantur”).

[1502] On the conquest of Epirus in 167 B.C., although all the Illyrians were declared _liberi_, only some were pronounced “non solum liberi sed etiam immunes” (Liv. xlv. 26).

[1503] Cf. Tac. _Hist._ iv. 74 “nam neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt.”

[1504] Liv. xlv. 29.

[1505] Cic. _pro Leg. Man._ 6, 14 “ceterarum provinciarum vectigalia, Quirites, tanta sunt ut iis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contenti esse possimus, Asia vero tam opima est et fertile ut ... facile omnibus terris antecellat.”

[1506] Gaius ii. 7 “in eo (provinciali) solo dominium populi Romani est vel Caesaris, nos autem possessionem tantum vel usumfructum habere videmur.” The theory is perhaps as old as the Gracchan period. C. Gracchus’ association of the Asiatic taxes with the censor (cf. p. 231) must have done a good deal to develop it. It is no wonder that this theory led to the view that the provinces were “quasi quaedam praedia populi Romani” (Cic. _in Verr._ ii. 3, 7).

[1507] These expressions are known only from the literature of the Empire; it may be a mere accident that in Republican literature _tributum_ seems never to be used of imperial taxation. The form _stipendium_ is preferred. In Liv. xxiii. 32 we have the _tributum_ of Sardinia mentioned with reference to Republican times. The _venditio tributorum_ and the ὠναί of Cilicia (Cic. _ad Fam._ iii. 8, 5; _ad Att._ v. 16, 2) probably refer to local taxes improperly sold to _publicani_.

[1508] Liv. xliii. 2 “(Hispani) impetraverunt ne frumenti aestimationem magistratus Romanus haberet.”

[1509] p. 319.

[1510] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. 33, 77.

[1511] ib. ii. 13, 32; 26, 63, etc.

[1512] ib. iii. 6, 12 “inter Siciliam ceterasque provincias ... in agrorum vectigalium ratione hoc interest, quod ceteris aut impositum vectigal est certum ... aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiae lege Sempronia.”

[1513] Cf. Cic. _ad Q. fr._ i. 1, 11, 33 “nomen autem publicani aspernari non possunt, qui pendere ipsi vectigal sine publicano non potuerint, quod iis aequaliter Sulla discripserat.” The reference is to Sulla’s temporary abolition of the Gracchan principle of collection.

[1514] App. _B.C._ v. 4; Dio Cass. xlii. 6.

[1515] Nothing seems to be known about the conditions of sale of the provincial _portoria_, e.g. whether those of Asia were put up at Rome like the _decumae_.

[1516] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. cc. 81-96, 188-222.

[1517] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. 70, 163. Cf. Liv. xxxvi. 2 “idem L. Oppio de alteris decumis exigendis in Sardinia imperatum.” Sometimes this enforced sale of corn (_frumentum imperatum_) was required from free cities such as Halaesa, Centuripae, and Messana in Sicily (Cic. _in Verr._ iii 73, 170; iv. 9, 20).

[1518] pp. 201, 202.

[1519] p. 201.

[1520] Sall. _Jug._ 27; Cic. _de Prov. Cons._ 2, 3; _pro Domo_ 9, 24.

[1521] Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 9, 25.

[1522] Cf. Cic. _de Prov. Cons._ 15, 87 (if the consul of 55 B.C. succeeds Caesar on March 1, 54 B.C.) “Fuerit toto in consulatu sine provincia, cui fuerit, antequam designatus est, decreta provincia? Sortietur, an non? Nam et non sortiri absurdum est, et quod sortitus sis non habere. Proficiscetur paludatus? Quo? Quo pervenire ante certam diem non licebit. Januario, Februario provinciam non habebit. Kalendis ei denique Martiis nascetur repente provincia.”

[1523] Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 9, 25; xii. 4, 2.

[1524] Cic. _in Verr._ i. 13, 34 “pecunia attributa, numerata est. Profectus est quaestor in provinciam (Verres). Venit exspectatus in Galliam ad exercitum consularem cum pecunia.”

[1525] _Rationes referre_ (Cic. _in Verr._ i. 13, 36). In accordance with a _lex Julia_ (perhaps _repetundarum_) of Caesar’s, the accounts had to be deposited at the _aerarium_, and two copies in two cities of the province (Cic. _ad Fam._ v. 20, 2; Plut. _Cato Min._ 38).

[1526] p. 215.

[1527] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. 58, 134 “Quaestores, legatos ... multi missos fecerunt et de provincia decedere jusserunt, quod illorum culpa se minus commode audire arbitrarentur aut quod peccare ipsos aliqua in re judicarent.”

[1528] The transition is marked in 169 B.C. (Liv. xliv. 18 “Senatus Cn. Servilio consuli negotium dedit, ut is in Macedoniam, quos L. Aemilio videretur, legaret”).

[1529] Cicero delegates even jurisdiction to one of his _comites_, Volusius (_ad Att._ v. 21, 6). Other members of his retinue were his son Marcus and his brother Quintus. These intimates of the governor were spoken of as _contubernales_, _cohors_ _amicorum_, even as _cohors praetoria_ (Cic. _ad Q. fr._ i. 1, 4, 12), although this title was properly applied to the governor’s military guard.

[1530] p. 319, note 2.

[1531] Cic. _in Verr._ ii. 13, 32 “Siculi hoc jure sunt ut, quod civis cum cive agat, domi certet suis legibus.”

[1532] ib. “quod Siculus cum Siculo non ejusdem civitatis (agat), ut de eo praetor judices ex P. Rupilii decreto ... sortiatur.”

[1533] It is possible, however, that the principle here adopted was that the _judex_ should be of the nationality of the defendant.

[1534] Cic. l.c. “quod privatus a populo petit aut populus a privato, senatus ex aliqua civitate, qui judicet, datur, cum alternae civitates rejectae sunt.”

[1535] ib. “quod civis Romanus a Siculo petit, Siculus judex datur, quod Siculus a civi Romano, civis Romanus datur.”

[1536] ib. “ceterarum rerum selecti judices ex conventu civium Romanorum proponi solent.”

[1537] Cic. _ad Att._ vi. 1, 15 “multaque sum secutus Scaevolae; in iis illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus ... Graeci vero exsultant quod peregrinis judicibus utuntur”; _ad Att._ vi. 2, 4 “omnes (civitates), suis legibus et judiciis usae, αὐτονομίαν adeptae, revixerunt.”

[1538] “Edictum Siciliense” (Cic. _in Verr._ i. 45, 117).

[1539] Extreme changes might be made a ground of complaint by the departing governor. Thus Cicero writes from Cilicia (50 B.C.) “Appius enim ad me ex itinere bis terve ... literas miserat, quod quaedam a se constituta rescinderem” (_ad Att._ vi. 1, 2).

[1540] Cic. _ad Fam._ iii. 8, 4.

[1541] Thus Cicero, governor of Cilicia, followed in some respects the edict of Mucius Scaevola, the former governor of Asia (Cic. _ad Att._ vi. 1, 15).

[1542] Cic. _ad Att._ vi. 1, 15 “unum (genus) est provinciale, in quo est de rationibus civitatum, de aere alieno, de usura, de syngraphis; in eodem omnia de publicanis. Alterum, quod sine edicto satis commode transigi non potest, de hereditatum possessionibus, de bonis possidendis vendendis, magistris faciendis: quae ex edicto et postulari et fieri solent. Tertium, de reliquo jure dicundo ἄγραφον reliqui. Dixi me de eo genere mea decreta ad edicta urbana accommodaturum.”

[1543] Cic. _ad Fam._ iii. 8, 6.

[1544] Cic. _ad Att._ v. 21, 9.

[1545] Cic. _ad Att._ v. 20, 1; _ad Fam._ iii. 8, 4 and 5.

[1546] Suet. _Caes._ 7 “Quaestori (Caesari) ulterior Hispania obvenit; ubi cum, mandatu praetoris, jure dicundo conventus circumiret, etc.” Quaestorian jurisdiction was more frequent in Sicily than in other provinces, on account of the presence of the second quaestor at Lilybaeum.

[1547] Cic. _ad Fam._ xii. 30, 7 “Illud non nimium probo quod scribis ... te tuis etiam legatis lictores ademisse.”

[1548] Thus Verres quashes either a decision, or the execution of a decision, given by his quaestor (Cic. _Div. in Caec._ 17, 56 “Lilybaeum Verres venit postea: rem cognoscit: factum improbat: cogit quaestorem suum pecuniam ... adnumerare et reddere”).

[1549] Possibly certain kinds of criminal jurisdiction were guaranteed to cities by the _lex provinciae_. The Senate of Catina in Sicily tried a slave (Cic. _in Verr._ iv. 45, 100).

[1550] Cic. _in Verr._ i. 33, 84 (of an _émeute_ at Lampsacus) “Non te ad senatum causam deferre ... non eos homines, qui populum concitarant, consulum literis evocandos curare oportuit?”

[1551] The council was not, however, legally necessary. Cf. Cic. _in Verr._ ii. 30, 75 “Reus plorare ... ut cum consilio cognosceret.”

[1552] ib. ii. 29, 70; 30, 75.

[1553] ib. ii. 30, 75 “hominem innocentem de sententia scribae, medici haruspicisque condemnat.”

[1554] For the threat of capital punishment on a Roman citizen see Cic. _ad Q. fr._ i. 2, 5; for its apparent execution, Diod. xxxvii. 5, 2.

[1555] Cic. _in Verr._ v. 66, 170 “Facinus est vincire civem Romanum; scelus, verberare: prope parricidium, necare: quid dicam in crucem tollere?” Cf. _pro Rab._ 5, 17.

[1556] See p. 285.

[1557] Cic. _de Rep._ v. 6, 8 (_ad Att._ viii. 11, 1); v. 7, 9.

[1558] p. 224.

[1559] p. 314.

[1560] Caesar reduced the number of the recipients of the corn-dole from 320,000 to 150,000 (Suet. _Caes._ 41). In the Principate it stood at about 200,000. See Marquardt _Staatsverw_. ii. p. 118.

[1561] p. 312.

[1562] p. 311.

[1563] It is true, however, that the Princeps was often made by an army, not by _the_ army.

[1564] Dio Cass. xlii. 20. The dictatorship of 49 B.C. had been held only for eleven days and was probably conferred merely _comitiorum habendorum causa_. See p. 193.

[1565] Dio Cass. xliii. 14 and 33. It has been interpreted as a dictatorship _rei publicae constituendae causa_.

[1566] _C.I.L._ i. p. 452.

[1567] Plut. _Caes._ 61; _Ant._ 12; Cic. _Phil._ ii. 34, 85.

[1568] Cf. Cic. _ad Fam._ xi. 27, 8 “si Caesar rex fuerit ... quod mihi quidem videtur.”

[1569] Dio Cass. xliii. 44. Caesar probably used it after his name and not as a _praenomen_, as stated by Suetonius (_Caes._ 76). It became with him a kind of _cognomen_, and Augustus, who inherited it, changed its position in the order of his names.

[1570] Dio Cass. xliii. 14.

[1571] Cic. _ad Fam._ xii. 1, 1 “nam, ut adhuc quidem actum est, non regno, sed rege liberati videmur.”

[1572] _Monumentum Ancyranum_ i. 8-9 “Populus ... me ... trium virum rei publicae constituendae creavit.”

[1573] App. _B.C._ v. 95.

[1574] _Mon. Anc._ vi. 13-15 “In consulatu sexto et septimo, bella ubi civilia exstinxeram, per consensum universorum potitus rerum omnium, rem publicam ex mea potestate in senatus populique Romani arbitrium transtuli.”

[1575] Dio Cass. xlix. 15.

[1576] Tac. _Ann._ iii. 28 “sexto ... consulatu ... quae triumviratu jusserat abolevit.”

[1577] Cf. Tac. _Ann._ i. 2 “posito triumviri nomine.”

[1578] _Mon. Anc._ l.c.

[1579] ib. vi. 16 (after the words on p. 338 note 4) “Quo pro merito meo senatus consulto Aug. appellatus sum.”

[1580] Dio Cass. liii. 12. Augustus uses the expression _consulare imperium_ for his position at this time (_Mon. Anc._ ii. 5, 8). It resembled a proconsular command, but was held within the city. Compare the position of Pompeius in 52 B.C.

[1581] Strabo p. 840 ἡ πατρὶς ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτῷ τὴν προστασίαν τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης κατέστη κύριος διὰ βίου.

[1582] In the Calendar we find for January 13 (the day of the settlement) “quod rem publicam P. R. restituit” (_C.I.L._ i. p. 312). Cf. Ovid _Fasti_ i. l. 589 “redditaque est omnis populo provincia nostro”; Vell. ii. 89 “prisca illa et antiqua rei publicae forma revocata.”

[1583] Dio Cass. lii. 1 ἐκ δὲ τούτου μοναρχεῖσθαι αὖθις ἀρκιβῶς ἤρξαντο. In the _Cenotaphia Pisana_ (A.D. 2) ii. l. 12 Augustus is called “custos imperi Romani totiusque orbis terrarum praeses” (Wilmanns n. 883).

[1584] Dio Cass. liii. 32.

[1585] Dio Cass. liii. 32.

[1586] Dio Cass. liv. 10.

[1587] ib. liii 32.

[1588] _C.I.L._ vi. n. 930. It describes itself as a law and is generally known as the _lex de imperio Vespasiani_. But its wording bears more analogy to that of a _senatus consultum_. See Mommsen _Staatsrecht_ ii. p. 878.

[1589] _Vitae Macrini_ 7; _Alexandri_ 8; _Probi_ 12; _Maximi et Balbini_ 8.

[1590] “Dato imperio” (_Vita Veri_ 4), “accepit imperium” (_Vita Alexandri_ 1). It is possible, however, that these are references merely to the reception of the title _imperator_; cf. _Vita Juliani_ 3 “imperator est appellatus”; _Vita Probi_ 12 “nomen imperatorium.” For the view that there was always a _lex de imperio_ see Karlowa _Römische Rechtsgeschichte_ i. pp. 493 ff.

[1591] Gaius _Inst._ i. 5 (on the imperial _constitutio_) “nec unquam dubitatum est quin id legis vicem obtineat, cum ipse imperator per legem imperium accipiat”; Ulpian in _Dig._ 1, 4, 1 “Quod principi placuit, legis habet vigorem: utpote cum lege regia, quae de imperio ejus lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat.” The view that these passages are interpolations is possible but hazardous. A genuine expression of belief in the _lex regia_ appears in Justinian (_Cod._ i. 17, l. 7).

[1592] For the monopoly of the _sacramentum_ possessed by the Princeps compare the charge brought against Agrippina after her death (59 A.D.), “Adiciebat crimina ... quod consortium imperii juraturasque in feminae verba praetorias cohortes ... speravisset” (Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 11).

[1593] “Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques” (Tac. _Ann._ i. 7).

[1594] Tac. _Hist._ i. 55 “Inferioris tamen Germaniae legiones sollemni Kalendarum Januariarum sacramento pro Galba adactae.” For the renewal of the oath on the anniversary of accession see Plin. _ad Traj._ 52.

[1595] Cf. Tac. _Hist._ iii. 58 (Vitellius) “vocari tribus jubet, dantes nomina sacramento adigit.”

[1596] _Lex de imp. Vesp._ 1 “foedusve cum quibus volet facere liceat.” These powers are summed up by Dio Cassius liii. 17 (as imperators the Emperors have the right) καταλόγους τε ποιεῖσθαι ... πολέμους τε ἀναιρεῖσθαι καὶ εἰρήνην σπένδεσθαι.

[1597] p. 283.

[1598] Dio Cass. lx. 23 (after Claudius’ conquest of Britain) ἐψηφίσθη τὰς συμβάσεις ἁπάσας, ὅσας ἂν ὁ Κλαύδιος ἢ καὶ οἱ ἀντιστράτηγοι αὐτοῦ πρός τινας ποιήσωνται, κυρίας, ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν τόν τε δῆμον εἶναι.

[1599] _Lex de imp. Vesp._ 15 “utique ei fines pomerii proferre promovere cum ex republica censebit esse, liceat ita, uti licuit Ti. Claudio Caesari Aug(usto) Germanico.” Cf. Tac. _Ann._ xii. 23.

[1600] p. 240.

[1601] Gaius _Inst._ i. 96.

[1602] Gell. xvi. 13, 5.

[1603] Gaius _Inst._ iii. 72 and 73.

[1604] This was effected, either indirectly by the gift of the gold ring (_jus aureorum anulorum_), or directly by the fiction of a _natalibus restitutio_. See _Dig._ 2, 4, 10, 3; 40, 11, 2; Plin. _ad Traj._ 72 and 73.

[1605] Dio Cass. xlix. 15; li. 19; liii. 32. See pp. 338, 340.

[1606] Tac. _Ann._ iii. 56 “id summi fastigii vocabulum Augustas repperit, ne regis aut dictatoris nomen adsumeret ac tamen appellatione aliqua cetera imperia praemineret.”

[1607] Dio Cass. xlix. 15 καὶ τὸ μήτε ἔργῳ μήτε λόγῳ τι ὑβρίζεσθαι· εἰ δὲ μή, τοῖς αὐτοῖς τὸν τοιοῦτό τι δράσαντα ἐνέχεσθαι οἶσπερ ἐπὶ τῷ δημάρχῳ ἐτέτακτο.

[1608] The _additional_ rights granted to the Emperor in connexion with the Senate (see p. 348) assume a right of intercourse with it.

[1609] Dio Cass. liii. 17 (the tribunician power) δίδωσί σφισι τά τε γιγνόμενα ὑφ’ ἑτέρου τινός, ἂν μὴ συνεπαινῶσι, παύειν.

[1610] Tac. _Ann._ iii. 70 “recipi Caesar (Tiberius) inter reos vetuit ... perstititque intercedere”; xiv. 48 “credebaturque haud perinde exitium Antistio quam imperatori gloriam quaeri ut condemnatum a senatu intercessione tribunicia morti eximeret” (Nero).

[1611] ἀμύνειν (Dio Cass. li. 19); cf. Tac. _Ann._ i. 2 (of Augustus) “ad tuendam plebem tribunicio jure contentum.”

[1612] p. 340.

[1613] The statement of Suetonius (_Aug._ 27 “Recepit et morum legumque regimen aeque perpetuum”) is not borne out by the _Monumentum Ancyranum_ or by Augustus’ titular designations.

[1614] Suet. _Aug._ 35; _Mon. Anc._ ii. 5 “consulari cum imperio lustrum solus feci.”

[1615] Dio Cass. lxvii. 4 τιμητὴς δὲ διὰ βίου πρῶτος δὴ καὶ μόνος καὶ ἰδιωτῶν καὶ αὐτοκρατόρων ἐχειροτονήθη.

[1616] ib. liii. 17 καὶ τοὺς μὲν καταλέγουσι καὶ ἐς τὴν ἱππάδα καὶ ἐς τὸ βουλευτικόν, τοὺς δὲ καὶ ἀπαλείφουσιν, ὅπῶς ἂν αὐτοῖς δόξῃ.

[1617] Tac. _Ann._ xi. 25 “Isdem diebus in numerum patriciorum adscivit Caesar (Claudius as censor) vetustissimum quemque e senatu aut quibus clari parentes fuerant ... exhaustis etiam quas (familias) dictator Caesar lege Cassia et princeps Augustus lege Saenia sublegere.” Cf. Suet. _Otho_ 1; and for Vespasian’s censorship _Vita Marci_ 1 “Annius Verus ... adscitus in patricios ... a Vespasiano et Tito censoribus.”

[1618] p. 14.

[1619] _Vita Juliani_ 3 “in patricias familias relatus”; _Macrini_ 7 “senatus ... Macrinum ... in patricios allegit novum hominem.” Cf. Dio Cass. lxxviii 17.

[1620] _Lex de imp. Vesp._ l. 3 “utique ei senatum habere, relationem facere, remittere, senatus consulta per relationem discessionemque facere liceat.” In l. 7 we find the right of the Princeps to summon the Senate _ex mandatu_.

[1621] _Jus tertiae relationis_ (_Vita Probi_ 12), _quartae_ (_Vita Pertinacis_ 5), _quintae_ (_Vita Marci_ 6, _Alexandri_ 1).

[1622] Tac. _Ann._ i. 14 “candidatos praeturae duodecim nominavit (Tiberius), numerum ab Augusto traditum, et hortante senatu ut augeret jure jurando obstrinxit se non excessurum.”

[1623] This practical effect seems sometimes to have been obviated by the Emperor’s selecting his candidates for nomination by lot (Dio Cass. lviii. 20). See Mr. Strachan-Davidson in Smith _Dict. of Antiq._ ii. p. 237.

[1624] _Lex de imp._ Vesp. l. 10 “utique quos magistratum potestatem imperium curationemve cujus rei petentes senatui populoque Romano commendaverit, quibusque suffragationem suam dederit promiserit, eorum comitis quibusque extra ordinem ratio habeatur.” Cf. Tac. _Ann._ i. 15 “sine repulsa et ambitu designandos.” For the precedent set by Caesar’s use of it see Suet. _Caes._ 41.

[1625] Tac. _Ann._ i. 15 “moderante Tiberio ne plures quam quattuor candidatos commendaret, sine repulsa et ambitu designandos.”

[1626] e.g. _praetor_, _tribunus_, _quaestor candidatus_ (Wilmanns _Index_ pp. 551 ff.).

[1627] Tac. _Ann._ i. 81 “plerumque eos tantum apud se professos disseruit, quorum nomina consulibus edidisset: posse et alios profiteri, si gratiae aut meritis confiderent.” It may have been a person so appointed who inaccurately describes himself as “per commendation(em) Ti. Caesaris Augusti ab senatu co(n)s(ul) dest(inatus)” (_Inscr. Reg. Neap._ n. 4762; _C.I.L._, ix. n. 2342).

[1628] _C.I.L._ xiv. n. 3608 “hunc ... Caesar Aug. Vespasianus iterum cos. fecit”; Plin. _Paneg._ 77 (of Trajan) “praestare consulibus ipsum qui consules facit.” Mommsen (_Staatsr._ ii. p. 925) thinks that the change came with Nero.

[1629] _Lex de imp. Vesp._ l. 22 “utique quibus legibus plebeive scitis scriptum fuit, ne divus Aug(ustus), Tiberiusve Julius Caesar Aug(ustus), Tiberiusque Claudius Caesar Aug(ustus) Germanicus tenerentur, iis legibus plebisque scitis imp(erator) Caesar Vespasianus solutus sit.”

[1630] Tac. _Hist._ i. 15 (Galba to Piso on the latter’s adoption) “si te privatus lege curiata apud pontifices, ut moris est, adoptarem.”

[1631] Paulus in _Dig._ 40, 1, 14, 1.

[1632] Ulpian in _Dig._ 1, 3, 31.

[1633] Dio Cass. liii. 17 ἐν πάσαις ταῖς ἱερωσύναις ἱερῶσθαι.

[1634] _Lex de imp. Vesp._ l. 17 “utique quaecunque ex usu rei publicae majestateque divinarum ... rerum esse censebit, ei agere fecere jus potestasque sit.”

[1635] p. 254.

[1636] Mommsen _Staatsr._ ii. p. 31.

[1637] Dio Cass, liii. 17. In the decrees to Maximus and Balbinus the _pontificatus maximus_ is mentioned (_Vita_ 8), and it is possible that it was held by both these emperors conjointly.

[1638] Zosimus iv. 36.

[1639] Suet. _Dom._ 8 “Incesta Vestalium virginum ... varie ac severe coercuit: priora capitali supplicio; posteriora, more veteri.”

[1640] Ulpian in _Dig._ 11, 7, 8.

[1641] Dio Cass. liii. 17; Tac. _Hist._ i. 77 “Otho pontificatus auguratusque honoratis jam senibus cumulum dignitatis addidit”; Plin. _ad Traj._ 13 (8) “rogo dignitati, ad quam me provexit indulgentia tua, vel auguratum vel septemviratum, quia vacent, adicere digneris.”

[1642] Cic. _ad Att._ viii. 9, 4 “nihil malle Caesarem quam principe Pompeio sine metu vivere”; _ad Fam._ vi. 6, 5 “esset hic quidem (Caesar) clarus in toga et princeps.” Cf. Vell. ii. 124 “una tamen veluti luctatio civitatis fuit, pugnantis cum (Tiberio) Caesare senatus populique Romani, ut stationi paternae succederet, illius, ut potius aequalem civem quam eminentem liceret agere principem.”

[1643] Tac. _Ann._ iii. 53 (Tiberius says) “non aedilis aut praetoris aut consulis partes sustineo, majus aliquid et excelsius a principe postulatur.”

[1644] Dio Cass. lvii. 8 (see note 5); Ovid _Fasti_ ii. 142 “Tu (Romule) domini nomen, principis ille (Augustus) tenet.”

[1645] Suet. _Aug._ 53.

[1646] Dio Cass. lvii. 8 δεσπότης μὲν τῶν δούλων, αὐτοκράτωρ δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, τῶν δὲ δὴ λοιπῶν πρόκριτός εἰμι. Cf. Tac. _Ann._ ii. 87.

[1647] See Mommsen _Staatsr._ ii. p. 760.

[1648] Caesar had been _imperator_ since his first salutation in Gaul; but the right to use the title as a _nomen_ seems first to have been granted him in 45 B.C. after the victory of Munda (Dio Cass. xliii. 44 ἐκείνῳ τότε πρώτῳ τε καὶ πρῶτον, ὥσπερ τι κύριον, προσέθεσαν). It does not seem, however, that he employed it as a _praenomen_, as is stated by Suetonius (_Caes._ 76). Cf. p. 337.

[1649] Dio Cass. l.c.

[1650] p. 156.

[1651] Dio Cass. liii. 16 Αὔγουστος ὡς καὶ πλεῖόν τι ἤ κατὰ ἀνθρώπους ὤν ἐπεκλήθη.

[1652] Karlowa _Rechtsgeschichte_ i. p. 508.

[1653] _Vita L. Veri_, 2.

[1654] Mommsen _Staatsr._ ii. p. 1140.

[1655] App. _B.C._ ii. 7 οὐδὲ γὰρ τοίσδε καίπερ οὖσι βασιλεῦσιν εὐθὺς ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς ἅμα ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐπωνυμίαις, ἀλλὰ σὺν χρόνῳ μόλις ἤδε ὡς ἐντελὴς ἐπὶ μεγίστοις δὴ μαρτυρία ψηφίζεται: _Vita Hadriani_ 6 “patris patriae nomen delatum sibi statim, et iterum postea, distulit quod hoc nomen Augustus sero meruisset.” It was declined altogether by Tiberius (Suet. _Tib._ 26 and 67) and was not borne by the transitory emperors Galba, Otho, and Vitellius. See Mommsen _Staatsr._ ii. p. 780.

[1656] See Mommsen _Staatsr._ ii. pp. 782-786. As typical instances we may cite an inscription of Vespasian giving the _praenomen imperatoris_: “Imp. Caesar. Vespasianus Aug. pontif. max. tribunic. potest, vi. imp. xiiii. p.p., cos. vi. desig. vii. censor” (Wilmanns n. 855), and one of Caracalla showing the title _proconsul_: “M. Aurellius Antoninus Pius Felix Augustus ... pontif. max., trib. pot. xviii. imp. iiii. cos. iiii. p.p. procos.” (ib. n. 2868). _Pater patriae_ appears sometimes before, sometimes after _consul_.

[1657] Dio Cass. xlix. 15.

[1658] On Gordian’s revolt in Africa the laurelled _fasces_ were immediately assumed (Herodian vii. 6; _Vita Maximini_ 14).

[1659] Originally twelve, later twenty-four (Dio Cass. lxvii. 4).

[1660] Dio Cass. li. 19.

[1661] ib.

[1662] For the reverence to the statue of the deified Emperor see Suet. _Tib._ 58 “genus calumniae (sc. majestatis) eo processit ut haec quoque capitalia essent: circa Augusti simulacrum servum cecidisse, vestimenta mutasse, nummo vel annulo effigiem impressam latrinae aut lupanari intulisse.” For the right of _asylum_ attaching to the living Emperor’s image see Tac. _Ann._ iii. 36; Gaius _Inst._ i. 53.

[1663] Tertull. _Apol._ 28 “citius ... apud vos per omnes deos quam per unum genium Caesaris pejeratur.” In the official oath taken by the magistrates of Salpensa and Malaca the deified Caesars and the genius of the living Caesar come between Jupiter and the _di Penates_. (Bruns _Fontes_.)

[1664] On Seneca’s question with reference to Agrippina (59 A.D.) “an militi imperanda caedes esset,” the answer is “praetorianos toti Caesarum domui obstrictos ... nihil ... atrox ausuros.” Caligula specifically included the names of his sisters in the _sacramentum_ (Dio Cass. lix. 9)

[1665] Mommsen _Staatsr._ ii. p. 831.

[1666] _Mon. Ancyr._ iii. 5; Dio Cass. lix. 8.

[1667] The name _Augusta_ as assumed by Victorina in Gaul (A.D. 268) certainly meant that she claimed to be Empress.

[1668] Plin. _Paneg._ 84.

[1669] Tac. _Ann._ iii. 49-51.

[1670] Gibbon ch. iii.

[1671] Seneca _de Ben._ vi. 34, 2 “Apud nos primi omnium Gracchus et mox Livius Drusus instituerunt segregare turbam suam et alios in secretum recipere, alios cum pluribus, alios universos. Habuerunt itaque isti amicos primos, habuerunt secundos, numquam veros.”

[1672] Seneca _de Clem._ i. 10 “cohortem primae admissionis”; _Vita Alex._ 20 “moderationis tantae fuit ... ut amicos non solum primi aut secundi loci sed etiam inferioris aegrotantes viseret.”

[1673] Hence such titles as “comes divi Hadriani in oriente,” “comes Imp. Antonini Aug. et divi Veri bello Germanico” (Wilmanns nn. 1184, 637).

[1674] p. 147.

[1675] _Interregnum_ might be used metaphorically of the interval between the death of one Princeps and the accession of another. See _Vita Taciti_ 1.

[1676] Tac. _Ann._ i. 12 “dixit forte Tiberius se ut non toti rei publicae parem, ita quaecumque pars sibi mandaretur, ejus tutelam suscepturum.”

[1677] p. 343.

[1678] Henzen _Act. Fr. Arv._ p. 64. Hadrian, after his salutation by the soldiers, wrote to the Senate that he had been _praepropere_ addressed as _imperator_ (_Vita Hadriani_ 6). Pertinax, after his appointment had been accepted by the praetorian guards, laid down his power in the Senate and was elected again (Dio Cass. lxxiii. 1).

[1679] Suet. _Vesp._ 6.

[1680] _Vita Taciti_ 2 (after the murder of Aurelian) “exercitus, qui creare imperatorem raptim solebat, ad senatum literas misit ... petens ut ex ordine suo principem legerent. Verum senatus, sciens lectos a se principes militibus non placere, rem ad milites rettulit, dumque id saepius fit, sextus peractus est mensis.”

[1681] In 13 B.C. Agrippa received _tribunicia potestas_ for five years (Dio Cass. liv. 12). For Tiberius’ claims see Tac. _Ann._ i 3 “filius, collega imperii, consors tribuniciae potestatis adsumitur.”

[1682] Tac. _Ann._ i 14 (Tiberius on his accession, A.D. 14) “Germanico Caesari proconsulare imperium petivit”; iii 56 (A.D. 22) “Tiberius mittit literas ad senatum quis potestatem tribuniciam Druso petebat.” For Trajan see Plin. _Paneg._ 8 “ante pulvinar Jovis optimi maximi adoptio peracta est ... simul filius, simul Caesar, mox imperator et consors tribuniciae potestatis”; _Vita Pii_ 4 “adoptatus est (Pius) ... factusque est patri et in imperio proconsulari et in tribunicia potestate collega”; _Vita Marci_ 6 (Marcus before he came to the throne) “tribunicia potestate donatus est atque imperio extra urbem proconsulari.”

[1683] Mommsen _Staatsr._ ii. p. 1158.

[1684] Vell. ii. 121 “cum ... senatus populusque Romanus postulante patre ejus, ut aequum ei jus in omnibus provinciis exercitibusque esset quam erat ipsi, decreto complexus esset.”

[1685] Agrippa twice declined a triumph offered him by Augustus (Dio Cass. liv. 11 and 24), and the Senate conferred the title of _Imperator_ only on the proposal of the Princeps (Tac. _Ann._ i. 58, Germanicus in A.D. 15, “exercitum reduxit nomenque imperatoris auctore Tiberio accepit”).

[1686] Mommsen _Staatsr._ ii. p. 1154.

[1687] Suet. _Gaius_ 24 “(Gaius Drusillam) heredem quoque bonorum atque imperii aeger instituit.”

[1688] ib. 14. Compare Domitian’s contention after the death of Vespasian “relictum se participem imperii sed fraudem testamento adhibitam” (Suet. _Dom._ 2).

[1689] Tac. _Hist._ i. 15 (see p. 350); i. 17 (of the adoption of Piso by Galba) “consultatum inde pro rostris an in senatu an in castris adoptio nuncuparetur”; Suet. _Galba_ 17 “(Galba Pisonem) perduxit in castra ac pro contione adoptavit.” Nerva proclaims on the Capitol his adoption of Trajan (Dio Cass. lxviii. 8).

[1690] See p. 360, n. 2.

[1691] p. 354.

[1692] Plut. _Galba_ 7 (a messenger announces that) ὁ δῆμος καὶ ἠ σύγκλητος αὐτοκράτορα τὸν Γάλβαν ἀναγορεύσειεν: Herodian ii. 12 (the Senate) ψηφίζεται τὸν μὲν (Ἰουλιανὸν) ἀναιρεθῆναι, ἀποδειχθῆναι δὲ μόνον αὐτοκράτορα τὸν Σεουῆρον: _Vita_ _Maximini_ 15 “Ubi haec gesta sunt (i.e. after the recognition of the Gordians) senatus magis timens Maximinum aperte ac libere hostes appellat Maximinum et ejus filium.”

[1693] This was the case with Caligula, although the _damnatio_ was incomplete. See Suet. _Claud._ 11 “Gaii quoque etsi acta omnia rescidit, diem tamen necis, quamvis exordium principatus sui, vetuit inter festos referri.”

[1694] The deposed Nero was thus treated as a traitor (Suet. _Ner._ 49 “codicillos praeripuit legitque se hostem a senatu judicatum et quaeri ut puniatur more majorum”).

[1695] The _acta_ of Tiberius were not sworn to (Dio Cass. lix. 9), although his memory was not condemned. His reign appears amongst the legitimate precedents for the authority of Vespasian in the _lex de imperio_, those of Gaius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius being omitted.

[1696] Dio Cass. lvii. 8 (Tiberius) ἐπὶ ταῖς τοῦ Αὐγούστου πράξεσι τούς τε ἄλλους πάντας ὥρκου καὶ αὐτὸς ὤμνυε.

[1697] Tiberius characteristically enough would not have his _acta_ sworn to during his lifetime (Tac. _Ann._ i. 72; Suet. _Tib._ 67), and some thought the motive was “ne mox majore dedecore impar tantis honoribus inveniretur” (Suet. l.c.). His objection to his own deification was interpreted by some as a sign “degeneris animi” (Tac. _Ann._ iv. 38).

[1698] Dio Cass. iii. 20. Here it is made the age for entrance into the Senate; but the completion of the twenty-fifth year is meant. Cf. Quintil. _Inst. Or._ xii. 6, 1 “quaestoria aetas.”

[1699] Dio Cass. l.c. Dispensations from these rules might be given by the Senate, in accordance with the _jus liberorum_ (“ut singuli anni per singulos liberos remittantur” _Dig._ 4, 4, 2), or to members of the imperial house (Tac. _Ann._ iii. 29 “Per idem tempus (A.D. 20) Neronem e liberis Germanici jam ingressum juventam (Tiberius) commendavit patribus, utque munere capessendi vigintiviratus solveretur et quinquennio maturius quam per leges quaesturam peteret ... postulavit”).

[1700] Dio Cass. liv. 26; cf. Tac. _Ann._ iii. 29, quoted in the last note.

[1701] In inscriptions of the early Principate the vigintivirate is sometimes not found in the list of _honores_. But it is more probable that it is omitted than that it was an alternative to the military tribunate. See Mommsen _Staatsr._ i. p. 544 n. 4.

[1702] Dio Cass. lii. 20.

[1703] Its use by Macrinus in the third century excited opposition (Dio Cass. lxxviii. 13). See Mommsen _Staatsr._ ii. p. 942.

[1704] Dio Cass. liv. 19 (of Tiberius in 16 B.C.) ἐστρατήγησε γάρ, καίπερ τὰς στρατηγικὰς τιμὰς ἔχων (Tiberius had received the _ornamenta praetoria_ in 19 B.C., see c. 10); c. 32 Drusus ἀγορανόμος ... καίπερ τὰς στρατηγικὰς τιμὰς ἔχων ἀπεδείχθη: cf. c. 22.

[1705] Suet. _Aug._ 35; Dio Cass. lviii. 12.

[1706] Mommsen _Staatsr._ i. p. 458.

[1707] The consular _insignia_ were granted to Nymphidius and to Crispinus under Nero (Tac. _Ann._ xv. 72; xvi. 17); the praetorian _insignia_ to Sejanus and to Macro under Tiberius (Dio Cass. lvii. 19; lviii. 12).

[1708] Quaestorian _insignia_ were granted to Laco under Tiberius (Dio Cass. lviii. 12).

[1709] Tac. _Ann._ xii. 21 “consularia insignia Ciloni (procurator of Pontus) ... decernuntur”; Suet. _Claud._ 24 “ornamenta consularia etiam procuratoribus ducenariis indulsit.”

[1710] As the praetorian _insignia_ to Pallas, the quaestorian to Narcissus (Tac. _Ann._ xii. 53; xi. 38). Cf. Suet. _Claud._ 28.

[1711] Suet. _Aug._ 35 (Augustus) “quosdam ad excusandi se verecundiam compulit: servavitque etiam excusatis insigne vestis et spectandi in orchestra epulandique publice jus.”

[1712] p. 156.