Chapter XIV: , “The Pueblo tribes in the sixteenth century,” (1)

pp. 144–166, contains a translation of portions of
Castañeda, from the French version.

Oviedo y Valdés, Gonzalo Fernandez de.

La historia general de las Indias.—(Colophon) Seuilla, 1535.

Reprinted at Salamanca in 1547, and at Madrid in 1851, as
follows:

— Historia general y natural de las Indias, por el Capitan
Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, primer cronista del
Nuevo Mundo. Publícala la Real Academia de la Historia, con
las enmiendas y adiciones del autor, é ilustrada . . por D.
José Amador de los Rios.—Madrid, 1851–1855.

These four volumes form the definitive edition of Oviedo.
They were printed from the author’s manuscript, and include
the fourth volume, which had not hitherto been printed.

Owens, John G.

Natal ceremonies of the Hopi Indians.

_Journal Am. Ethnology and Archæology_ (Boston, 1893), II,
163–175.

Pacheco-Cardenas Coleccion.

Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento,
conquista, y colonizacion de las posesiones españolas en
América y Occeanía, sacados . . bajo la direccion de D.
Joaquin F. Pacheco y D. Francisco de Cárdenas.—Madrid,
1864–1884.

In 42 volumes. The title-page varies much from year to year.
There is as yet no useful index in print. Cited as _Doc. de
Indias_.

Paez, Juan.

Relacion del descubrimiento que hizo Juan Rodriguez [Cabrillo]
navegando por la contracosta del mar del Sur al Norte, hecha
por Juan Paez.

_Doc. de Indias_, XIV, 165–191; B. Smith, _Florida_,
173–189. Partió 27 Junio 1542. This report, which was
probably written by the pilot Bartolome Ferrel or Ferrelo,
has been translated in the _Report of the U.S. Geol. Survey
West of the 100th Meridian_, VII, 293–314. See note on page
412 _ante_.

Peralta. _See_ Suarez de Peralta.

Prince, Le Baron Bradford.

Historical sketches of New Mexico from the earliest records to
the American occupation.—New York and Kansas City, 1883.

For _Cabeza de Baca_, _Marcos de Niza_, and _Coronado_, see
pp. 40–148.

Proceso del Marqués del Valle y Nuño de Guzman y los adelantados
Soto y Alvarado, sobre el descubrimiento de la tierra nueva—en
Madrid, 3 Marzo, 1540; 10 Junio, 1541.

_Doc. de Indias_, XV, 300–408. See page 380 _ante_.

Proctor, Edna Dean.

The song of the ancient people.—Boston 1893.

Contains preface and note by John Fiske and commentary by F.
H. Cushing.

Ptolemy, C.

La Geografia di Clavdio Ptolemeo, con alcuni comenti & aggiunti
fatteui da Sebastiano munstero, con le tauole non solamente
antiche & moderne solite di stāparsi, ma altre nuoue.—In
Venetia, M.D.XLVIII.

The maps in this edition of Ptolemy’s _Geography_ for the
first time present the results of Coronado’s explorations.
See plate XLI _ante_. The bibliography of Ptolemy has been
set forth with great clearness and in most convenient form
by Dr Justin Winsor in the _Bibliographical Contributions_
of the Harvard College Library, No. 18; and with greater
detail by Mr Wilberforce Eames, in volume XVI of Sabin’s
_Dictionary of American Books_.

Purchas, Samuel.

Pvrchas his pilgrimage. Or relations of the world and the
religions observed and places discouered . . .—London, 1613.

The eighth book, America, chap. VII, _Of Cibola, Tiguez,
Quivira, and Noua Albion_, pp. 648–653. There were two
editions of this work in 1614, one in 1617, and one, the
best, in 1626, forming the fifth volume of the _Pilgrimes_.

— Haklvytvs posthumus or Purchas, his pilgrimes. Contayning a
history of the world, in sea voyages, & lande-trauells, by
Englishmen & others . . . In fower parts, each containing fiue
bookes. By Samvel Pvrchas.—London, 1625.

Part (volume) IV, pp. 1560–1562, gives a sketch of the
discovery of Cibola and Quivira, abridged from Ramusio. The
best guide to the confused bibliography of Purchas is that
of Mr Wilberforce Eames, in vol. XVI of Sabin’s _Dictionary
of American Books_. [p611]

Putnam, Frederick Ward.

The pueblo ruins and the interior tribes. Edited by Frederick W.
Putnam.

_U.S. Geog. Survey West 100th Meridian_, VII, Archæology pt.
ii, p. 315, Washington, 1879. Appendix (p. 399) contains
Albert S. Gatschet’s classification into seven linguistic
stocks, etc.

Ramusio, Giovanni Battista.

Terzo volvme delle navigationi et viaggi.—In Venetia. MDLVI.

In this, the first edition of the third volume of Ramusio’s
collection, folios 354–370 contain the narratives which
relate to the discoveries in the territory of the present
southwestern United States. The volumes of Ramusio have
an especial value, because in many cases the editor and
translator used the originals of documents which have not
since been found by investigators. Ramusio’s Italian text
furnished one chief reliance of Hakluyt, and of nearly all
the collectors and translators who followed him, including,
in the present century, Henri Ternaux-Compans. The best
guide to the various issues and editions of Ramnsio is that
of Mr Wilberforce Eames, in Sabin’s _Dictionary of American
Books_. The most complete single edition of the three
volumes is that of 1606.

Recopilacion de leyes de los reynos de las Indias. Mandadas
imprimir, y pvblicar por la magestad catolica del rey don Carlos
II. Tomo I (-IV).—Madrid, 1681.

New editions were issued in 1756, 1774, and 1791.

Ribas, Andres Perez de.

Historia de los trivmphos de nvestra Santa Fee entre gentes
del nueuo Orbe: refierense assimismo las costvmbres, ritos,
y supersticiones que vsauan estas gentes; sus puestos, y
temples: . . .—Madrid, 1645.

The mass of facts collected into this heavy volume throw
much light on the civil as well as the ecclesiastical
history of New Spain.

Rudo Ensayo, tentativa de una prevencional descripcion geographica
de la provincia de Sonora, . . . compilada así de noticias
adquiridas por el colector en sus viajes por casi toda ella,
como subministradas por los padres missioneros y practicos de la
tierra.—San Augustin de la Florida, 1863.

Edited by Buckingham Smith. An English translation by
Eusebio Guitéras is in the _Records of the American Catholic
Historical Society_, Philadelphia, June, 1894.

Ruge, Sophus.

Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen.—Berlin, 1881.

In _Allgemeine Geschichte_, von Wilhelm Oncken. _Coronado’s
Feldzug nach Cibola und Quivira_, pp. 415–423. The map
on page 417 is one of the best suggestions of Coronado’s
probable route.

— Die Entdeckungs-Geschichte der Neuen Welt.

In _Hamburgische Festschrift zur Erinnerung an die
Entdeckung Amerika’s_, Hamburg, 1892. I Band. _Coronado’s
Zug nach Cibola und Quivira_, pp. 87–89.

— Die Entwickelung der Kartographie von America bis 1570.—Gotha,
1892.

Festschrift zur 400 jährigen Feier der Entdeckung Amerikas.
Ergänzungsheft no. 106 zu “Petermann’s Mitteilungen.” An
admirable outline of the early history of the geographical
unfolding of America.

Salazar, Francisco Cervantes. _See_ Cervantes Salazar.

Santisteban, Fray Gerónimo de.

Carta escrita por Fr. Gerónimo de Santisteban á don Antonio
Mendoza, virey de Nueva España, relacionando la pérdida de la
armada que salió en 1542 para las islas del poniente, al cargo
de Ruy Lopez de Villalobos.—De Cochin, de la India del Rey de
Portugal. 22 Henero 1547.

_Doc. de Indias_, XIV, 151–165. See page 412 _ante_.

Savage, James Woodruff.

The discovery of Nebraska.

_Nebraska, Historical Society Transactions_, I, 180–202.
Read before the Society, April 16, 1880. In this paper Judge
Savage accepts the statements that Quivira was situated
in latitude 40 degrees north as convincing evidence that
Coronado’s Spaniards explored the territory of the present
State of Nebraska. This paper, together with one by the same
author on “A visit to Nebraska, in 1662” (by Peñalosa), was
reprinted by the Government Printing Office (Washington,
1893) for the use of the United States Senate, for what
purpose the resolution ordering the reprint does not state.
It forms Senate Mis. Doc. No. 14, 53d Congress, 2d session.

Schmidt, Emil.

Vorgesehichte Nordamerikas im Gebiet der Vereinigten
Staaten.—Braunschweig, 1894.

Die vorgeschichtlichen Indianer im Südwesten der Vereinigten
Staaten, pp. 177–216. Compiled in large part from
Nordenskiöld and V. Mindeleff.

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe.

Historical and statistical information respecting the history,
condition, and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United
States.—Philadelphia, 1851–1855.

For _Coronado’s expedition_ see vol. IV, pp. 21–40.
Schoolcraft’s map of Coronado’s route is opposite p. 38.

Shipp, Barnard.

The history of Hernando de Soto and Florida; or, record of the
events of fifty-six years, from 1512 to 1568.—Philadelphia,
1881.

For _Coronado_, see pp. 121–132.

Simpson, James Hervey.

Journal of a military reconnaissance from Santa Fé, New Mexico,
to the Navajo country.

_Senate Ex. Doc_. 64, 31st Congress, 1st sess., Washington,
1850, pp. 56–168.

— Coronado’s march in search of the “Seven Cities of Cibola,”
and discussion of their probable location.

_Smithsonian Report_ for 1869, pp. 309–340. Reprinted by
the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, 1884. Contains an
excellent map of Coronado’s route. [p612]

Smith, (Thomas) Buckingham.

Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la Florida y
tierras adyacentes. Tomo I [1516–1794].—Londres (Madrid, 1857).

Only one volume was ever published. Cited as B. Smith’s
_Florida_. These documents are printed, for the most part,
from copies made by Muñoz or by Navarrete. See note to the
English translation of Cabeza de Vaca’s _Naufragios_, and
see also Rudo Ensayo and Soto.

Sosa, Gaspar Castaño de. _See_ Castaño de Sosa.

Soto, Hernando de.

Asiento y capitulacion hechos por el capitan Hernando de Soto
con el Emperador Carlos V para la conquista y poblacion de la
provincia de la Florida, y encomienda de la gobernacion, de la
isla de Cuba.—Valladolid, 20 Abril, 1537.

_Doc. de Indias_, XV, 351–363. B. Smith, _Florida_, 140–146.

— Narratives of the career of Hernando de Soto in the conquest
of Florida, as told by a Knight of Elvas and in a relation by
Luys Hernandez de Biedma, factor of the expedition. Translated
by Buckingham Smith.—New York, 1866.

Bradford Club series, V.

— Letter of Hernando de Soto [in Florida, to the Justice and
Board of Magistrates in Santiago de Cuba. July 9, 1539] and
memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda. Translated from the
Spanish by Buckingham Smith.—Washington, 1854.

This is not the place for an extensive list of the sources
for the history of de Soto’s expedition, and no effort has
been made to do more than mention two volumes which have
proved useful during the study of the Coronado expedition.
The best guide for the student of the travels of de Soto
and Narvaez is the critical portions of John Gilmary Shea’s
chapter in Winsor’s _Narrative and Critical History of
America_, vol. II, pp. 283–298.

Squier, Ephraim George.

New Mexico and California. The ancient monuments, and the
aboriginal, semicivilized nations, . . . with an abstract of
the early Spanish explorations and conquests.

_American Review_, VIII, Nov., 1848, pp. 503–528. Also
issued separately.

Stevens, John.

A new dictionary, Spanish and English. . . . Much more copious
than any hitherto extant, with . . . proper names, the
surnames of families, the geography of Spain and the West
Indies.—London, 1726.

Captain John Stevens was especially well read in the
literature of the Spanish conquest of America, and his
dictionary is often of the utmost value in getting at
the older meaning of terms which were employed by the
conquistadores in a sense very different from their present
use. Captain Stevens translated Herrera and Veitia Linage
(see note under Moses), taking very great liberties with the
texts.

Stevenson, James.

(Illustrated catalogues of collections obtained from the Indians
of New Mexico in 1879, 1880, and 1881.)

_Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, 1880–81,
pp. 307–465; _Third Annual Report_, 1881–82, pp. 511–594.

Stevenson, Matilda Coxe.

The religious life of the Zuñi child.

_Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, 1883–84,
pp. 539–555.

— The Sia.

_Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_,
1889–90, pp. 9–157.

Suarez de Peralta, Joan.

Tratado del descubrimiento de las Yndias y su conquista,
y los ritos . . . de los yndios; y de los virreyes y
gobernadores, . . . y del principio que tuvo Francisco Draque
para ser declarado enemigo.—Madrid, 1878.

See entry under Zaragoza and note on page 377 _ante_. This
very valuable historical treatise was written in the last
third of the XVI century.

Tello, Fray Antonio.

Fragmentos de una historia de la Nueva Galicia, escrita hácia
1650, por el Padre Fray Antonio Tello, de la órden de San
Francisco.

Icazbalceta’s _Mexico_, II, 343–438. Chapters viii–xxxix are
all that are known to have survived.

Ternaux-Compans, Henri.

Voyages, relations et mémoires originaux pour servir a
l’histoire de la découverte de l’Amerique publiés pour la
première fois, en français.—Paris, 1837–1841.

Twenty volumes. Volume IX contains the translation of
_Castañeda_, and of various other narratives relating to
the Coronado expedition. These narratives are referred to
under the authors’ names in the present list. It is cited as
Ternaux’s _Cibola_.

Thomas, Cyrus.

Quivira: A suggestion.

_Magazine of American History_ X, New York, Dec., 1883, pp.
490–496.

Tomson, Robert.

The voyage of Robert Tomson marchant, into Noua Hispania in the
yeere 1555, with diuers obseruations concerning the state of
the countrey: And certaine accidents touching himselfe.

_Hakluyt_, III, 447–454 (ed. 1600). See note on page 375
_ante_.

Torquemada, Juan de.

Los veynte i vn libros rituales y monarchia Yndiana, con el
origen y guerras de los Yndios Occidentales. Compvesto por
Fray Ivan de Torquemada, Ministro Prouincial de la orden de S.
Françisco en Mexico, en la Nueba España.—Seuilla, 1615.

This work was reprinted at Madrid in 1723 by Barcia. This,
the second, is the better edition. The first two volumes
contain an invaluable mass of facts concerning [p613] the
natives of New Spain. The comments by the author are, of
course, of less significance.

Ulloa, Francisco de.

A relation of the discouery, which in the name of God the fleete
of the right noble Fernando Cortez Marques of the Vally, made
with three ships; the one called Santa Agueda of 120. tunnes,
the other the Trinitie of 35. tunnes, and the thirde S. Thomas
of the burthen of 20. tunnes. Of which fleete was captaine the
right worshipfull knight Francis de Vlloa borne in the citie
of Merida.

_Hakluyt_, III, 397–424 (ed. 1600). Translated from Ramusio,
III, fol. 339–354 (ed. 1556).

— _See_ Alarcon.

Vetancurt, Augustin de.

Teatro Mexicano descripcion breve de los svcessos exemplares,
historicos, politicos, militares y religiosos del nuevo mundo
Occidental de las Indias.—México, 1698.

— Menologio Franciscano de los Varones mas señalados, quo con
sus vidas exemplares . . . ilustraron la Provincia de el Santo
Evangelio de Mexico.

This work forms a part of the second volume of the Teatro
Mexicano.

Villagra, Gaspar de.

Historia de la Nveva Mexico.—Alcala, 1610.

Villalobos, Ruy Lopez de. _See_ Santisteban, Fray Gerónimo de.

Ware, Eugene F.

Coronado’s march.

_Agora_, Lawrence, Kansas, Nov., 1895 [not completed.] A
translation of Castañeda’s narrative from the French of
Ternaux.

Whipple, A. W., _et al._

Report upon the Indian tribes [of Arizona and New Mexico].

_Pacific Railroad Reports_, vol. III, pt. 3, Washington,
1856.

Winship, George Parker.

A list of titles of documents relating to America, in volumes
I–CX of the Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia
de España.

_Bulletin of the Boston Public Library_, October, 1894.
Reprinted, 60 copies.

— The Coronado Expedition, 1540–1542.

_Fourteenth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology_, Washington,
1896. Contains the Spanish text of Castañeda, and
translations of the original narratives.

— Why Coronado went to New Mexico in 1540.

_Papers of American Historical Association_, 1894,
Washington, 1895, pp. 83–92.

— New Mexico in 1540.

_Boston Transcript_, Oct. 14, 1893. A translation of the
_Relation de lo que . . . Alvarado y Padilla descubrieron_.

— Coronado’s journey to New Mexico and the great plains.
1540–1542.

_American History Leaflet_, No. 13, New York, 1894.
Contains a translation of the _Relacion del Suceso_, and of
Coronado’s _Letter to Mendoza_, 20 October, 1541.

Winsor, Justin.

Narrative and critical history of America, edited by Justin
Winsor (8 volumes).—Boston, 1889.

Besides Professor Haynes’ chapter in volume II, pp. 473–503
(see entry under Haynes), the same volume contains chapters
by Dr Winsor on _Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North
America_, pp. 431–472; by Clements R. Markham on _Pizarro
and the Conquest and Settlement of Peru and Chile_, pp.
505–573, and by John G. Shea on _Ancient Florida_, pp.
231–298. The fact that special investigators in minute
fields of historical study have found omissions and errors
in this encyclopedic work only serves to emphasize the value
of the labors of Dr Winsor. There is hardly a subject of
study in American history in which the student will not, of
necessity, begin his work by consulting the critical and
bibliographical portions of Winsor’s _America_.

Wytfliet, Cornelius.

Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ Avgmentvm, siue Occidentis Notitia
Breui commentario illustrata Studio et opera Cornely Wytfliet
Louaniensis.—Lovanii, M.D.XCVII.

For _Coronado_, see p. 170, or p. 91 of the French
translation of 1611. Qvivira et Anian. See plates LI–LIII
_ante_.

Zamacois, Niceto de.

Historia de Méjico desde sus tiempos mas remotos.—Méjico,
1878–1888.

Nineteen volumes. For the chronicle of events in New Spain
during the years 1535–1546, see vol. IV, 592–715.

Zaragoza, Justo.

Noticias históricas de la Nueva España.—Madrid, 1878.

In this volume Señor Zaragoza has added much to the inherent
value of the Tratado of Suarez de Peralta (see entry above)
by his ample and scholarly notes, and by a very useful
“Indice geográfico, biográfico, y de palabras Americanas.”
These indices, within their inevitable limitations, contain
a great deal of information for which the student would
hardly know where else to look. This is equally true of the
indices to the _Cartas de Indias_, for the excellence of
which Señor Zaragoza was largely responsible.

FOOTNOTES

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTORY MATERIAL, pp. 339–412

[1] The Indian’s story is in the first chapter of Castañeda’s Narrative. Some additional information is given in Bandelier’s Contributions to the History of the Southwest, the first chapter of which is entitled “Sketch of the knowledge which the Spaniards in Mexico possessed of the countries north of the province of New Galicia previous to the return of Cabeza de Vaca.” For bibliographic references to this and other works referred to throughout this memoir, see the list at the end of the paper.

[2] The most important source of information regarding the expedition of Narvaez is the Relation written by Cabeza de Vaca. This is best consulted in Buckingham Smith’s translation. Mr Smith includes in his volume everything which he could find to supplement the main narration. The best study of the route followed by the survivors of the expedition, after they landed in Texas, is that of Bandelier in the second chapter of his Contributions to the History of the Southwest. In this essay Bandelier has brought together all the documentary evidence, and he writes with the knowledge obtained by traveling through the different portions of the country which Cabeza de Vaca must have traversed. Dr J. G. Shea, in his chapter in the Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii, p. 286, disagrees in some points with Mr Bandelier’s interpretation of the route of Cabeza de Vaca west of Texas, and also with Mr Smith’s identifications of the different points in the march of the main army before it embarked from the Bahia de los Cavallos. Other interesting conjectures are given in H. H. Bancroft’s North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 63, and map at p. 67.

[3] Buckingham Smith collected in his Letter of Hernando de Soto, pp. 57–61, and in his Narrative of the Career of Hernando de Soto (see index), all that is known in regard to Ortiz, one of the soldiers of Narvaez, who was found among the Indians by De Soto in 1540.

[4] Mendoza to Charles V, 10 Diciembre, 1537. Cabeza de Vaca y Dorantes, . . . despues de haber llegado aquí, determinaron de irse en España, y viendo que si V. M. era servido de enviar aquella tierra alguna gente para saber de cierto lo que era, no quedaba persona que pudiese ir con ella ni dar ninguna razon, compré á Dorantes para este efecto un negro que vino de allá y se halló con ellos en todo, que se llama Estéban, por ser persona de razon. Despues sucedió, como el navio en que Dorantes ibase volvió al puerto, y sabido esto, yo le escribí á la Vera-Cruz, rogándole que viniese aquí; y como llegó á esta ciudad, yo le hablé diciéndole que hubiese por bien de volver á esta tierra con algunos religiosos y gente de caballo, que yo le daria á calalla, y saber de cierto lo que en ella habia. Y él vista mi voluntad, y el servicio que yo le puse delantre que hacia con ello á Dios y á V. M., me respondió que holgaba dello, y así estoy determinado de envialle allá con la gente de caballo y religiosos que digo. Pienso que ha de redundar dello gran servicio á Dios y á V. M.—From the text printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Docs. de Indias, ii, 206.

[5] Some recent writers have been misled by a chance comma inserted by the copyist or printer in one of the old narratives, which divides the name of Maldonado—Alonso del Castillo, Maldonado—making it appear as if there were five instead of four survivors of the Narvaez expedition who made their way to Mexico.

[6] Besides the general historians, we have Cabeza de Vaca’s own account of his career in Paraguay in his Comentarios, reprinted in Vedia, Historiadores Primitivos, vol. i. Ternaux translated this narrative into French for his Voyages, part vi.

[7] The Spanish text of this letter has not been seen since Ramusio used it in making the translation for his Viaggi, vol. iii, fol. 355, ed. 1556. There is no date to the letter as Ramusio gives it. Ternaux-Compans translated it from Ramusio for his Cibola volume (Voyages, vol. ix, p. 287). It is usually cited from Ternaux’s title as the “Première lettre de Mendoza.” I quote from the French text the portion of the letter which explains my narrative: “. . . Andrès Dorantès, un de ceux qui firent partie de l’armée de Pamphilo Narvaez, vint près de moi. J’eus de fréquents entretiens avec lui; je pensai qu’il pouvait rendre un grand service à votre majesté; si je l’expédiais avec quarante ou cinquante chevaux et tous les objets nécessaires pour découvrir ce pays. Je dépensai beaucoup d’argent pour l’expédition, mais je ne sais pas comment il se fit que l’affaire n’eut pas de suite. De tous les préparatifs que j’avais faits, il ne me resta qu’un nègre qui est venu avec Dorantès, quelques esclaves que j’avais achetés, et des Indiens, naturels de ce pays, que j’avais fait rassembler.”

[8] Two of these are extant—the Relacion of Cabeza de Vaca and Oviedo’s version of an account signed by the three Spaniards and sent to the Real Audiencia at Santo Domingo, in his Historia General de las Indias, lib. xxxv, vol. iii, p. 582, ed. 1853.

[9] See Buckingham Smith’s translation of Cabeza de Vaca’s Narrative, p. 150.

[10] The effect of the stories told by Cabeza de Vaca, and later by Friar Marcos, is considered in a paper printed in the Proceedings of the American Historical Association at Washington, 1894, “Why Coronado went to New Mexico in 1540.”

[11] The best sources for these proceedings is in Mota Padilla’s Historia de la Nueva Galicia (ed. Icazbalceta, pp. 104–109). A more available account in English is in H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 457.

[12] An official investigation into the administration of an official who is about to be relieved of his duties.

[13] The best account, in English, of the Casa de Contratacion is given by Professor Bernard Moses, of Berkeley, California, in the volume of papers read before the American Historical Association at its 1894 meeting.

[14] See Fragmentos de una Historia de la Nueva Galicia, by Father Tello (Icazbalceta, Documentos de Mexico, vol. ii, p. 369).

[15] Mendoza, in the “première lettre,” gives a brief sketch of the efforts which Cortes had been making, and then adds: “Il ne put donc jamais en faire la conquête; il semblait même que Dieu voulût miraculeusement l’en eloigner.” Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 287.

[16] On the maps it is usually designated as S. †.

[17] The details of this episode are given in the relations and petitions of Cortes. H. H. Bancroft tells the story in his North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 77. The Cortes map of 1536 is reproduced, from a tracing, in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii, p. 442.

[18] This is the story which Garcilaso de la Vega tells in his Commentales Reales, pt. II, lib. ii.

[19] Contributions to the History of the Southwest, pp 79–103.

[20] This region is identified by Bandelier in his Contributions, p. 104, note. The letter from which the details are obtained, written to accompany the report of Friar Marcos when this was transmitted to the King, is in Ramusio, and also in Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 285.

[21] This certification, with the report of Friar Marcos and other documents relating to him, is printed in the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion, vol. iii, pp. 325–351.

[22] The instructions given to Friar Marcos have been translated by Bandelier in his Contributions, p. 109. The best account of Friar Marcos and his explorations is given in that volume.

[23] Herrera, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. vii, cap. vii.

[24] Bandelier, in his Contributions, p. 122, says this was “about the middle of April,” but his chronology at this point must be at fault.

[25] See F. W. Hodge, “Aboriginal Use of Adobes,” The Archæologist, Columbus, Ohio, August, 1895.

[26] These are described in the Castañeda narrative.

[27] In lieu of turquoises the Pima and Maricopa today frequently wear small beaded rings pendent from the ears and septum.

[28] Bandelier, Contributions, pp. 154, 155.

[29] There is an admirable and extended account, with many illustrations, of the Apache medicine men, by Captain John G. Bourke in the ninth report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

[30] This is precisely the method pursued by the Zuñis today against any Mexicans who may be found in their vicinity during the performance of an outdoor ceremonial.

[31] This question has been fully discussed by F. W. Hodge. See “The First Discovered City of Cibola,” American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1895.

[32] Tomson’s exceedingly interesting narrative of his experiences in Mexico is printed in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 447, ed. 1600.

[33] Compare the ground plan of Hawikuh, by Victor Mindeleff, in the eighth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pl. XLVI, with the map of the city of Mexico (1550?), by Alonzo de Santa Cruz, pl. XLIII of this paper.

[34] Diaz started November 17, 1539. The report of his trip is given in Mendoza’s letter of April 17, 1540, in Pacheco y Cardenas, ii, p. 356, and translated herein.

[35] The Spanish text from which I have translated may be found on pages 144 and 148 of Zaragoza’s edition of Suarez de Peralta’s Tratado. This edition is of the greatest usefulness to every student of early Mexican history.

[36] The depositions as printed in the Pacheco y Cardenas Docs. de Indias, vol. xv., pp. 392–398, are as follows: Pedro Nuñez, testigo rescebido en la dicha razon, juró segun derecho, é dijo: . . . que estando en la ciudad de México, puede haber tres meses [the evidence being taken November 12, 1539], poco mas ó menos, oyó decir este testigo públicamente, que habia venido un fraile Francisco, que se dice Fray Marcos, que venia la tierra adentro, é que decia el dicho fraile que se habia descobierto una tierra muy rica é muy poblada; é que habia cuatrocientas leguas dende México allá; é que dice que han de ir allá por cerca del río de Palmas; . . .

Garcia Navarro, . . . oyó decir publicamente, puede haber un mes ó mes y medio [and so all the remaining witnesses] que habia venido un fraile, nuevamente, de una tierra, nuevamente descobierta, que dicen ques quinientas leguas de México, en la tierra de la Florida, que dicen ques hácia la parte del Norte de la dicha tierra; la cual diz, que es tierra rica de oro é plata é otros resgates, é grandes pueblos; que las casas son de piedra é terrados á la manera de México, é que tienen peso é medida, é gente de razon, é que no casan mas de una vez, é que visten albornoces, é que andan cabalgando en unos animales, que no sabe cómo se llaman, . . .

Francisco Serrano, . . . el fraile venia por tierra, por la via de Xalisco; é ques muy rica é muy poblada é grandes ciudades cercadas; é que los señores dellas, se nombran Reyes; é que las casas son sobradas, é ques gente de mucha razon; que la lengua es mexicana, . . .

Pero Sanchez, tinturero . . . una tierra nueva muy rica é muy poblada de ciudades é villas; . . . por la vía de Xalisco . . . hácia en medio de la tierra. . . .

Francisco de Leyva . . . en la Vera-Cruz, oyó decir que habia venido un fraile de una tierra nueva muy rica é muy poblada de ciudades é villas, é ques á la banda del Sur, . . . Otrosí, dixo: que es verdad que no embargante que no toca en este puerto, dejaba de seguir su viaje; pero que entró en este puerto por necesidad que llevaba de agua é otros bastimentos é de ciertas personas que venian muy enfermos.

Hernando de Sotomayor . . . questando en la Puebla de los Angeles . . . públicamente se decia . . . é que las casas son de piedras sobradadas, é las ciudades cercadas, é gente de razon; . . . é questa dicha tierra es la parte donde vino Dorantes é Cabeza de Vaca, los cuales escaparon de la armada de Narvaez; é que sabe é vido este testigo, que fué mandado al maestre por mandado del Virey é con su mandamiento, que no tocase en parte ninguna, salvo que fuese derechamente á España, con la dicha nao, é quel secretario del Virey hizo un requirimiento al dicho maestre, viniendo por la mar, que no tocase en este puerto ni en otra parte destas islas. . . . [This statement appears in each deposition.]

Andrés Garcia, dixo: . . . questando en la ciudad de México, un Francisco de Billegas le dió cartas para dar en esta villa, para dar al Adelantado D. Hernando de Soto, é si no lo hallase, que las llevase á España é las diese al hacedor suyo; é queste testigo tiene un yerno barbero que afeitaba al fraile que vino de la dicha tierra; é quel dicho su yerno, le dixo este testigo, questando afeitando al dicho fraile, le dixo como antes que llegasen á la dicha tierra estaba una sierra, é que pasando la dicha sierra estaba un río, é que habia muchas poblazones de ciudades é villas, é que las ciudades son cercadas é guardadas á las puertas, é muy ricas; é que habia plateros; é que las mugeres traian sartas de oro é los hombres cintos de oro, é que habia albarnios é obejas é vacas é perdices é carnicerias é herreria, é peso é medida; é que un Bocanegra, dixo á este testigo que se quedare, que se habia descobierto un nuevo mundo. . . .

[37] The document, as printed in Doc. Inéd. Hist. España, vol. iv, pp. 209–217, is not dated. The date given in the text is taken from the heading or title to the petition, which, if not the original, has at least the authority of Señor Navarrete, the editor of this Coleccion when the earlier volumes were printed. This memorial appears, from the contents, to have been one of the documents submitted in the litigation then going on between the rival claimants for the privilege of exploring the country discovered by Friar Marcos, although the document is not printed with the other papers in the case.

[38] Documentos Inéditos Hist. España, vol. iv, p. 211: Memorial que dió el Marqués del Valle en Madrid á 25 de Junio de 1540. . . . “Al tiempo que yo vine de la dicha tierra el dicho Fray Marcos habló conmigo . . . é yo le dí noticia de esta dicha tierra y descubrimiento de ella, porque tenia determinacion de enviarlo en mis navíos en proseguimiento y conquista de la dicha costa y tierra, porque parescia que se le entendia algo de cosas de navegacion: el cual dicho fraile lo comunicó con el dicho visorey, y con su licencia diz que fué por tierra en demanda de la misma costa y tierra que yo habia descubierto, y que era y es de mi conquista; y despues que volvió el dicho fraile ha publicado que diz que llegó á vista de la dicha tierra; lo cual yo niego haber él visto ni descubierto, antes lo que el dicho fraile refiere haber visto, lo ha dicho y dice por sola la relacion que yo le habia hecho de la noticia que tenia de los indios de la dicha tierra de Santa Cruz que yo truje, porque todo lo que el dicho fraile se dice que refiere, es lo mismo que los dichos indios á mí me dijeron; y en haberse en esto adelantado el dicho Fray Marcos fingiendo y refiriendo lo que no sabe ni vió, no hizo cosa nueva, porque otras muchas veces lo ha hecho y lo tiene por costumbre como es notorio en las provincias del Perú y Guatemala, y se dará de ello informacion bastante luego en esta corte, siendo necesario.”

[39] The request occurs in the earliest letters from the viceroy, and is repeated in that of December 10, 1537. This privilege was withdrawn from all governors in the colonies by one of the New Laws of 1543. (Icazbalceta, Col. Hist. Mexico, ii, 204.) The ill success of Coronado’s efforts did not weaken Mendoza’s desire to enlarge his territory, for he begs his agent in Spain, Juan de Aguilar, to secure for him a fresh grant of the privilege in a later letter. (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. iii, p. 506; B. Smith, Florida, p. 7.)

[40] Ulloa’s Relation is translated from Ramusio in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 397, ed. 1600.

[41] Memorial que dió al Rey el Marques del Valle, en Madrid, 25 de junio, 1540: Printed in Doc. Inéd. España, vol. iv, p. 209. Compare with this account that in H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 425. Mr Bancroft is always a strong advocate of the cause of Cortes.

[42] Oviedo, Historia General, vol. iv, p. 19.

[43] The capitulacion or agreement with De Soto is printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. xv, pp. 354–363.

[44] These documents fill 108 pages in volume XV of the Pacheco y Cardenas Documentos de Indias. At least one other document presented in the case, the Capitulacion . . . que hizo Ayllon, is printed elsewhere in the same Coleccion. This, also, does not include the two long memorials which Cortes succeeded in presenting to the King in person.

[45] This much feared conjunction came very near to being realized. A comparison of the various plottings of the routes De Soto and Coronado may have followed and of their respective itineraries shows that the two parties could not have been far apart in the present Oklahoma or Indian territory, or perhaps north of that region. This evidence is confirmed by the story of the Indian woman, related by Castañeda. Dr J. G. Shea, in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii, p. 292, states that Coronado heard of his countryman De Soto, and sent a letter to him. This is almost certainly a mistake, which probably originated in a misinterpretation of a statement made by Jaramillo.

[46] See his Carta in Doc. Inéd. España, vol. civ, p. 491.

[47] The Titulo, etc, dated 6 Julio, 1529, is in Pacheco y Cardenas, Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos de Indias, vol. iv, pp. 572–574.

[48] Fragmento Visita: Mendoza, Icazbalceta’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 90, § 86. “Porque antes que el dicho visorey viniese . . . habia muy poca gente y los corregimientos bastaban para proveellos y sustentallos, y como despues de la venida del dicho visorey creció la gente y se aumentó, y de cada dia vienen gentes pobres á quien se ha de proveer de comer, con la dicha baja y vacaciones se han proveido y remediado, y sin ella hubieran padecido y padecieran gran necesidad, y no se poblara tanto la tierra, y dello se dió noticia á S. M. y lo aprobó y se tuvo por servido en ello. § 194 (p. 117): Despues que el dicho visorey vino á esta Nueva España, continamente ha acogido en su casa á caballeros y otras personas que vienen necesitados de España y de otras partes, dándoles de comer y vestir, caballos y armas con que sirvan á S. M.” . . .

[49] Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, part II, cap. i, lib. ii, p. 58 (ed. 1722), tells the story of Alvarado’s experiment. The picture of the life and character of the Spanish conquerors of America, in the eyes of a girl fresh from Europe, is so vivid and suggestive that its omission would be unjustifiable.

[50] Tomson’s whole narrative, in Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. iii, p. 447 (ed. 1600), is well worth reading. Considerable additional information in regard to the internal condition of New Spain, at a little later date, may be found in the “Discourses” which follow Tomson’s Narrative, in the same volume of Hakluyt.

[51] The proof text for this quotation, as for many of the following statements which are taken from Mota Padilla’s Historia de la Nueva Galicia, may be found in footnotes to the passages which they illustrate in the translation of Castañeda’s narrative. I hope this arrangement will prove most convenient for those who study the documents included in this memoir. I shall not attempt in the introductory narrative to make any further references showing my indebtedness to Mota Padilla’s invaluable work.

[52] The Testimonio contains so much that is of interest to the historical student that I have translated it in full herein.

[53] Herrera, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xi, vol. iii, p. 204 (ed. 1730), mentions pigs among the food supply of the army. For the above description, which is not so fanciful as it sounds, see notes from Mota Padilla, etc, accompanying the translation of Castañeda.

[54] Castañeda’s statement is supported by Herrera, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. v, cap. ix, vol. iii, p. 121 (ed. 1730), and by Tello, in Icazbalceta’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 370.

[55] See the Fragmento de Visita, in Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 95.

[56] The laws were signed at Valladolid, June 4 and June 26, 1543, and the copy printed in Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 214, was promulgated in New Spain, March 13, 1544.

[57] See Mendoza’s letter to the King, December 10, 1537.

[58] The proceso which was served on Cortes is in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. xv, p. 371.

[59] The grant, dated at Madrid, November 8, 1539, is given in Tello’s Fragmento (Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 371).

[60] Before the end of the month Mendoza wrote a letter to the King, in which he gave a detailed account of the preparations he had made to insure the success of the expedition, and of the departure of the army. This letter is not known to exist.

[61] This march from Compostela to Culiacan, according to the letter which Coronado wrote from Granada-Zuñi on August 3, occupied eighty days. The same letter gives April 22 as the date when Coronado left Culiacan, after stopping for several days in that town, and this date is corroborated by another account, the Traslado de las Nuevas. April 22 is only sixty days after February 23, the date of the departure, which is fixed almost beyond question by the legal formalities of the Testimonio of February 21–26. We have only Ramusio’s Italian text of Coronado’s August 3 letter, so that it is easy to suspect that a slip on the part of the translator causes the trouble. But to complicate matters, eighty days previous to April 22 is about the 1st of February. Mota Padilla, who used material of great value in his Historia de la Nueva Galicia, says that the army marched from Compostela “el 1° de Febrero del año de 1540.” Castañeda does not give much help, merely stating that the whole force was assembled at Compostela by “el dia de carnes tollendas,” the carnival preceding Shrove tide, which in 1540 fell on February 10, Easter being March 28. Mendoza, who had spent the New Year’s season at Pasquaro, the seat of the bishopric of Michoacan, did not hasten his journey across the country, and we know only that the whole force had assembled before he arrived at Compostela. At least a fortnight would have been necessary for completing the organization of the force, and for collecting and arranging all the supplies.

Another combination of dates makes it hard to decide how rapidly the army marched. Mendoza was at Compostela February 26. He presumably started on his return to Mexico very soon after that date. He went down the coast to Colima, where he was detained by an attack of fever for some days. Thence he proceeded to Jacona, where he wrote a letter to the King, April 17, 1540. March 20 Mendoza received the report of Melchior Diaz, who had spent the preceding winter in the country through which Friar Marcos had traveled, trying to verify the friar’s report. Diaz, and Saldivar his lieutenant, on their return from the north, met the army at Chiametla as it was about to resume its march, after a few days’ delay. Diaz stopped at Chiametla, while Saldivar carried the report to the viceroy, and he must have traveled very rapidly to deliver his packets on March 20, when Mendoza had left Colima, although he probably had not arrived at Jacona.

Everything points to the very slow progress of the force, hampered by the long baggage and provision trains. Castañeda says that they reached Culiacan just before Easter, March 28, less than thirty-five days after February 23. Here Coronado stopped for a fortnight’s entertainment and rest, according to Castañeda, who was present. Mota Padilla says that the army stayed here a month, and this agrees with Castañeda’s statement that the main body started a fortnight later than their general.

The attempt to arrange an itinerary of the expedition is perplexing, and has not been made easier by modern students. Professor Haynes, in his Early Explorations of New Mexico (Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii, p. 481), following Bandelier’s statement on page 26 of his Documentary History of Zuñi, says that the start from Compostela was made “in the last days of February, 1540.” Mr Bandelier, however, who has given much more time to the study of everything connected with this expedition than has been possible for any other investigator, in his latest work—The Gilded Man, p. 164—adopts the date which is given by Mota Padilla. The best and the safest way out of this tangle in chronology is gained by accepting the three specific dates, February 23—or possibly 24—Easter, and April 22, disregarding every statement about the number of days intervening.

[62] Mota Padilla says, “warden of one of the royal storehouses in Mexico,” which may refer to some other position held by Samaniego, or may have arisen from some confusion of names.

[63] This is taken from Mota Padilla’s account of the incident, without any attempt to compare or to harmonize it with the story told by Castañeda. Mota Padilla’s version seems much the more reasonable.

[64] A note, almost as complicated as that which concerns the date of the army’s departure, might be written regarding the length of the stay at Culiacan. Those who are curious can find the facts in Coronado’s letter from Granada, in Castañeda, and in the footnotes to the translation of the latter.

[65] The complete text of Alarcon’s report was translated into Italian by Ramusio (vol. iii, fol. 303, ed. 1556), and the Spanish original is not known to exist. Herrera, however, gives an account which, from the close similarity to Ramusio’s text and from the personality of the style, must have been copied from Alarcon’s own narrative. The Ramusio text does not give the port of departure. Herrera says that the ships sailed from Acapulco. Castañeda implies that the start was made from La Natividad, but his information could hardly have been better than second hand. He may have known what the viceroy intended to do, when he bade the army farewell, two days north of Compostela. Alarcon reports that he put into the port of Santiago de Buena Esperanza, and as the only Santiago on the coast hereabout is south of La Natividad, which is on the coast of the district of Colima, H. H. Bancroft (North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 90) says the fleet probably started from Acapulco. Bancroft does not mention Herrera, who is, I suppose, the conclusive authority. Gen. J. H. Simpson (Smithsonian Report for 1869, p. 315), accepted the start from La Natividad, and then identified this Santiago with the port of Compostela, which was well known under the name of Xalisco. The distance of Acapulco from Colima would explain the considerable lapse of time before Alarcon was ready to start.

[66] Coronado’s description of this portion of the route in the letter of August 3 is abbreviated, he says, because it was accompanied by a map. As this is lost, I am following here, as I shall do throughout the Introduction, Bandelier’s identification of the route in his Historical Introduction, p. 10, and in his Final Report, part II, pp. 407–409. The itinerary of Jaramillo, confused and perplexing as it is, is the chief guide for the earlier part of the route. There is no attempt in this introductory narrative to repeat the details of the journey, when these may be obtained, much more satisfactorily, from the translation of the contemporary narratives which form the main portion of this memoir.

[67] This “Red House,” in the Nahuatl tongue, has been identified with the Casa Grande ruins in Arizona ever since the revival of interest in Coronado’s journey, which followed the explorations in the southwestern portion of the United States during the second quarter of the present century. Bandelier’s study of the descriptions given by those who saw the “Red House” in 1539 and 1540, however, shows conclusively that the conditions at Casa Grande do not meet the requirements for Chichilticalli. Bandelier objects to Casa Grande because it is white, although he admits that it may once have been covered with the reddish paint of the Indians. This would suit Mota Padilla’s explanation that the place was named from a house there which was daubed over with colored earth—almagre, as the natives called it. This is the Indian term for red ocher. Bandelier thinks that Coronado reached the edge of the wilderness, the White Mountain Apache reservation in Arizona, by way of San Pedro river and Arivaypa creek. This requires the location of Chichilticalli somewhere in the vicinity of the present Fort Grant, Arizona.

[68] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. iii, p. 375, ed. 1600.

[69] Hawikuh, near Ojo Caliente, was the first village captured by the Spaniards, as Bandelier has shown in his Contributions, p. 166, and Documentary History of Zuñi, p. 29. The definite location of this village is an important point, and the problem of its site was one over which a great deal of argument had been wasted before Mr Bandelier published the results of his critical study of the sources, which he was enabled to interpret by the aid of a careful exploration of the southwestern country, undertaken under the auspices of the Archæological Institute of America. It was under the impetus of the friendly guidance and careful scrutiny of results by Professor Henry W. Haynes and the other members of the Institute that Mr Bandelier has done his best work. It is unfortunate that he did not use the letter which Coronado wrote from Granada-Hawikuh, August 3, 1540, which is the only official account of the march from Culiacan to Zuñi. The fact that Bandelier’s results stand the tests supplied by this letter is the best proof of the exactness and accuracy of his work. (This note was written before the appearance of Mr Bandelier’s Gilded Man, in which he states that Kiakima, instead of Hawikuh, is the Granada of Coronado. Mr F. W. Hodge, in an exhaustive paper on The First Discovered City of Cibola (American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1895), has proved conclusively that Mr Bandelier’s earlier position was the correct one.)

[70] Marcos returned to Mexico with Juan de Gallego, who left Cibola-Zuñi soon after August 3. Bandelier, in his article on the friars, in the American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 551, says that “the obvious reason” for Marcos’s return “was the feeble health of the friar. Hardship and physical suffering had nearly paralyzed the body of the already aged man. He never recovered his vigor, and died at Mexico, after having in vain sought relief in the delightful climate of Jalapa, in the year 1558”—seventeen years later.

[71] Alvarado’s official report is probably the paper known as the Relacion de lo que. . . . Alvarado y Fray Joan de Padilla descubrieron en demanda de la mar del Sur, which is translated herein. The title, evidently the work of some later editor, is a misnomer so far as the Mar del Sur is concerned, for this—the Pacific ocean—was west, and Alvarado’s explorations were toward the east. This short report is of considerable value, but it is known only through a copy, lacking the list of villages which should have accompanied it. Muñoz judged that it was a contemporary official copy, which did not commend itself to that great collector and student of Spanish Americana. There is nothing about the document to show the century or the region to which it relates, so that one of Hubert H. Bancroft’s scribes was misled into making a short abstract of it for his Central America, vol. ii, p. 185, as giving an account of an otherwise unknown expedition starting from another Granada, on the northern shore of Lake Nicaragua.

[72] Castañeda says that this Indian accompanied Alvarado on the first visit to the buffalo plains, and this may be true without disturbing the statement above.

[73] He was called “The Turk” because the Spaniards thought that he looked like one. Bandelier, in American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 555, thinks this was due to the manner in which he wore his hair, characteristic of certain branches of the Pawnee.

[74] This probability is greatly strengthened by Mota Padilla’s statement in relation to the Turk and Quivira, quoted in connection with Castañeda’s narrative.

[75] The Spaniards had already observed two distinct branches of these pure nomads, whom they knew as Querechos and Teyas. Bandelier, in his Final Report, vol. i. p. 179, identified the Querechos with the Apaches of the plains, but later investigation by Mr James Mooney shows that Querecho is an old Comanche name of the Tonkawa of western central Texas (Hodge, Early Navajo and Apache, Am. Anthropologist, Washington, July, 1895, vol. iii, p. 235). I am unable to find any single tribal group among the Indians whom we know which can be identified with the Teyas, unless, as Mr Hodge has suggested, they may have been the Comanche, who roamed the plains from Yellowstone Park to Durango, Mexico.

[76] I am inclined, also, to believe Jaramillo’s statement that the day’s marches on the journey to Quivira were short ones. But when he writes that the journey occupied “more than thirty days, or almost thirty days’ journey, although not long day’s marches,”—seguimos nuestro viaje . . . más de treinta dias ú casi treinta dias de camino, aunque no de jornadas grandes—and again, that they decided to return “because it was already nearly the beginning of winter, . . . and lest the winter might prevent the return,”—nos paresció á todos, que pues que hera ya casi la boca del inbierno, porque si me acuerdo bien, jera media y más de Agosto, y por ser pocos para inbernar allí, . . . y porque el invierno no nos cerrase los caminos de nieves y rios que no nos dexesen pasar (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. xiv, pp. 312, 314)—we experience some of the difficulties which make it hard to analyse the captain’s recollections critically and satisfactorily.

[77] Final Report, vol. i, p. 170.

[78] Ibid., vol. i, p. 178.

[79] Bandelier’s best discussion of the route is in his article on Fray Juan de Padilla, in the American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 551. The Gilded Man also contains an outline of the probable route. An element in his calculation, to which he gives much prominence, is the tendency of one who is lost to wander always toward the right. This is strongly emphasized in the Gilded Man; but it can, I think, hardly merit the importance which he gives to it. The emphasis appears, however, much more in Bandelier’s words than in his results. I can not see that there is anything to show that the Indian guides ever really lost their reckoning.