Chapter M: Gerard to Arthur Lee (3)

There cannot be a greater violation of those laws, which bind civilized nations together, which are the general property, and which distinguish their wars from those of savages and barbarians, than this manifesto. All civilized nations are called upon, as well by their own interests as those of humanity, to vindicate its violated laws. Your Excellency will therefore permit me to hope, that so daring and dangerous a procedure will call forth a declaration from the king of Spain, whose pre-eminent character among princes for piety, wisdom, and honor, will render him a fit avenger of the common cause of mankind. It is not America only, that is wronged by this savage proclamation, but the feelings of humanity, the dictates of religion, the laws of God, and of nations.

Your Excellency will also give me leave to request, that this representation may be laid before his Majesty, and enforced with such arguments as your Excellency’s greater knowledge, and the favor you have had the goodness to manifest for our just cause may suggest.

I have the honor to be your Excellency’s very humble servant,

ARTHUR LEE.

[40] This letter was forwarded to Count de Florida Blanca, through the agency of Count d’Aranda, Spanish Ambassador in France.

TO THE BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

Paris, December 25th, 1778.

Sir,

I had the honor of receiving your Excellency’s favor of the 1st. I am extremely sorry for having troubled you with a representation, which seems to have given offence, instead of obtaining redress. Neither the character of a merchant, nor that of all the merchants of Europe, can weigh against the evidence of one’s senses. I do assure your Excellency upon my honor, that the musket, which is the specimen of those sent for the best Prussian arms, and which have cost me five livres a piece more than the best arms in France, is one of the worst that I ever beheld. I have seen most of the troops in Europe, and I never saw such a musket in a soldier’s hand. It has this remarkable in it, that it is neither of the old nor the new model; but seems to have been a barrel spoiled in attempting to new model it, and this put into a stock of such wood, and of such fashion, that nothing can be imagined worse. There is no mark upon it of its having been examined. In short, a mistake between the new and the old model is out of the question.

But your Excellency will give me leave to observe, that if my demand was not explicit, it is a little surprising, that the house of Splittberger, in the correspondence that passed between them and Mr Grand, before the order was executed, did not ask an explanation, whether the old or the new model was meant. They knew, though we did not, that there were different kinds of arms of the Prussian make, and therefore that a mistake might happen. As to myself, I had seen the troops at Berlin, and the arsenal furnished with arms of the new model. I had conversed with sundry officers upon the preference due to arms of the Prussian make, and never found any one who by that term did not understand those of the new model. Not knowing, therefore, that there was any possibility of mistake, I did not conceive I could be more explicit. Upon the whole, instead of the best arms in Europe, which I promised, I sent the worst, if the rest are like the specimen sent me.

I hope your Excellency will pardon me for having given you the pain of reading one letter on this subject, and I should not have added a second, but that there was a sort of censure thrown upon me, which I most assuredly did not deserve. I should have thought myself censurable, if I had concealed from your Excellency a proceeding on the part of those gentlemen, which appeared so flagrant to me. You thought I was alone to blame, in which I cannot in any degree whatsoever concur.

I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a copy of a manifesto, which the avowedly savage intentions of our enemies have compelled Congress to make. The previous resolution will show your Excellency with what reluctance Congress has adopted retaliation. As long as it was possible to impute the barbarities committed, to the unauthorised malignity of individuals, they entreated forbearance. But when a solemn avowal on the part of his Britannic Majesty’s Commissioners, of their determination to exercise the extremes of war, and to desolate for the sole purpose of destroying, had deprived them of the apology they had too generously made for the actions of their enemies, their duty to the people, to humanity, to the nations, called from Congress this resolution of retaliation.

This conduct of our enemies will, like all their other follies and persecutions, knit more firmly our confederation. The inhuman purpose of massacre and desolation, upon a pretext of our being mortgaged to France, which the very treaty to which they allude expressly contradicts, has armed every heart and hand against them. It has confirmed the wavering, animated the timid, and exasperated the brave. The laws of nations are the Common property of all civilized people. Our liberties, which _were_ the object of the war, are secure; we are _now_ fighting the battles of humanity and of nations, against the avowed and bitter enemies of both.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency’s, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

Paris, December 27th, 1778.

Sir,

I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a manifesto from Congress, in answer to that of his Britannic Majesty’s Commissioners. You have also enclosed a copy of a former resolution of Congress on this subject, from which it will appear how earnestly they have shunned this shocking extremity. As long as it was possible to impute the barbarities committed to the unauthorised intemperance of individuals, Congress exhorted the suffering people to lenity and forbearance. But when they became acts of authority, avowed and ordered, Congress must not only stand justified before God and man, but would have been culpable in the eyes of both, had they longer withheld the order for retaliation. Permit me to hope, that your Excellency will represent these things to his Majesty, and that they will produce an immediate declaration, which is most likely to arrest the sanguinary progress of our enemy, and compel them to relinquish the devastation of our country for the defence of their own.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Chaillot, January 3d, 1779.

Sir,

I have the honor to send to your Excellency the copy of a letter, which I received yesterday. It is from the same person as the other, which I had the honor of communicating to you through Mr Grand. It is fourteen months since the writer has been proposing a rendezvous with Mr Franklin and myself, for the purpose of arranging the conditions of an accommodation. This gentleman, who is named Berkenhout, has since that time been sent to America with the British Commissioners. He has been imprisoned in Philadelphia on suspicion of the object of his mission, and released for want of proofs. He has again, as you see, returned to his country, and to his endeavors to seduce, by offers of emoluments and _titles of honor_, which we call in our language, _honors_.

If your Excellency is of opinion, that it would be of any utility to endeavor to obtain proofs of authority for what he offers, I will answer him accordingly; if otherwise, I will not return him any answer. This is also the opinion of my colleagues.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Versailles, January 4th, 1779.

Sir,

I did not find annexed to the letter you did me the honor of writing to me yesterday, the one from England, which you mentioned, and which you say is from Dr Berkenhout, who rendered himself suspected at Philadelphia. But without seeing this letter, I think, Sir, that after what has passed between Congress and the English Commissioners, it would be unbecoming the dignity of your commission to grant a rendezvous to agents, who did not bring the palm of sovereign independence in their hands. My opinion would be, therefore, that you should answer in plain terms to this agent, that unless he assures you of the most entire acknowledgment of your independence, and brings you propositions conformable to the fidelity, with which your nation and government glory in fulfilling their engagements, that you cannot consent to any interview with him, or with any other emissary. You and your colleagues both perceive, that these people wish to negotiate with you, not for the purpose of granting you suitable conditions, but to hold up an appearance that there is little agreement between you and us, by means of which illusion the purse of the English is drained.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Chaillot, January 8th, 1779.

Sir,

I have the honor to send to your Excellency the answer, which I should have written to Dr Berkenhout, had I sent one. I have studied the Court of London and its agents very much, and for a long time, and I conceive, that it is most for our interest to treat them with pride, if not with an appearance of contempt.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S._ My letters from England announce, that a fleet of one hundred and twenty sail, with provisions for the English Islands, is to sail from Cork in a short time, with an escort of two sail of the line and one frigate.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, January 5th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

My despatches of April the 14th, May the 9th, 20th and 23d, June the 1st, 9th, 15th and 17th, July the 6th, 16th, 20th, 26th and 29th, August the 21st and 31st, September the 9th and 30th, October the 5th and 19th, November the 4th, 18th and 20th, and December the 5th, remain unanswered.

Nothing material has since happened in Europe. The late proceedings in Holland discover, that the English party have gained ground there. The truth is, that the English borrow their money and then bribe them with it; for it is so manifestly their interest to join against England, and their advantages from the trade of America, being free, are clearly so much greater than those of any other nation, that unless their rulers were blinded by some powerful application, it is impossible but that they should be active and earnest in promoting this revolution. The Court of France is acting with firmness and wisdom to restrain them by powerful motives of interest.

There does not at present seem any probability of an accommodation in Germany. The ordinary of the expense our enemy is to incur this year stands thus.

Exchequer bills to be paid off, £2,500,000
British troops, 3,640,000
Foreign do. 713,000
Navy, 4,589,000
Militia, 700,000
-----------
£12,142,000

To this add transport service and
extraordinaries, which cannot be less than 5,000,000
-----------
£17,142,000

Troops.
-------
They purpose having on the British establishment 82,744
Foreigners, 24,800
Augmentation to the British by new levies, 14,400
Militia, including fencible men, 39,701
American Tories, 6,000
Irish establishment, 14,685
-------
181,685

Though they will never be able to realise this number, or near it, yet the expense will not therefore be diminished. With their taxes doubled, and such an enormous increase of expense while her commerce is so greatly abridged, it may easily be judged how long Great Britain can continue so ruinous a contest. Nothing seems more sure, than that she will not get even the stipulated number of recruits from Germany; much less has she any chance of an augmentation.

Yet all the advices concur in assuring us, that the Cabinet is determined on pushing the war in America, for which purpose they propose sending the following regiments; 1st and 2d battalions of Royals; 3d, 11th, 13th, 19th, 25th, 30th, 32d, 36th and 69th. The 18th, 66th and 67th from Ireland. These fourteen regiments may contain from five to six thousand men. One of my correspondents, in whom I have much reliance, thinks they will be sent to the West Indies, and not to the Continent. In truth, I believe they will wait till the operations of Count d’Estaing enable them to decide whether they can venture to send them to New York, or must necessarily re-enforce the troops in their islands in order to preserve them.

I send you copies of the bill of lading and the invoice of supplies shipped from Bilboa, which I hope will arrive safe. You also have an account of the money I have been intrusted with, and how I have expended it. The vouchers are the merchants’ accounts, which I have regularly transmitted as I received them.

We wrote to M. de Beaumarchais upon our receiving your letter, and the agreement with his supposed company, that we were ready to settle accounts with him whenever he chose. He has made no answer. If your commercial agents do not keep an exact account of the marks of what they receive on the public account, and count or weigh what is delivered, you will want the means as we do, of checking the demands made. For example, M. Monthieu brings in an account to us for so many uniforms of blue cloth and so many pounds of rose copper; and Mr Williams, the agent, gives a receipt for so many bales of uniforms and so many casks of copper, without specifying the number, weight, or quality, so that we are as little able to judge whether what we are to pay for has been received, as if no receipt at all was produced. Nor is the receipt of the agent on your side of the water in the least more explicit.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S._ Circumstances are such, that it is not prudent to say much about my particular department, but I think Congress will have reason to be satisfied with that quarter. January 28th.

_Public Money expended._

1777, Livres.
May 25th, Power of Attorney to Dr Franklin
to dispose of the first remittance, 9
Remitted to Gardoqui at Bilboa
(for supplies sent to Congress)
November 29th, 1777, 60,790;
May 29th, 1778, 14,599;
September 25th, 24,654;
January 3d, 1779, 19,905; 119,848
1778,
Feb. 7th, Courier with despatches to Nantes, 120
20th, A person’s expenses to and from
London, to get intelligence, 1,165
March 30th, Remitted to the prisoners at Portsmouth
by Mr Thornton, 495
Advanced for the State of Virginia, 35,585
June, Cost and expenses of 800 fusils, 22,548
" 10th, Lieutenant Jones of the Providence,
his expenses for bringing despatches, 347
" 23d, Mr Thornton’s expenses to
Portsmouth, &c. 480
My own expenses, 2,232
Sept. 25th, Mr Bonfield’s accounts for supplies
sent, 52,501
-------
_Amount carried over_, 235,330

_Amount brought over_, 235,330

Banker’s commission, 1,037
30,000 blankets ordered from Bilboa, 210,000
Charges on them, 18,000
-------
464,567

_Public Money received._

1777, May, Remittance from Spain, 187,500
1778, Oct. Two do " do 187,500
Interest on the last for three months, 2,000
-------
377,000
-------
Debit, 87,567
-------
January 1st, 1779. Livres 464,567

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Versailles, January 10th, 1779.

Sir,

I received with the letter, which you did me the honor to write me the 8th, a copy of your answer to Dr Berkenhout, which is noble and frank. These are not qualities the most cherished in England, but it is good that they should know there, that your intentions are not different from those of your constituents, and that they in vain attempt your and their fidelity. Agreeable to our advices from England, the gales of wind towards the end of last month have much disordered the numerous convoys, that were prepared for the two Americas. I am going to acquaint M. de Sartine of the one that is about sailing from Cork.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, January 15th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

Our enemies are in as much confusion and disorder as possible. Admiral Keppel’s trial, which is considered as an assassination, has revolted all men’s minds. Those of Sir Hugh Palliser and the Howes are soon to follow. The demon of discord has lighted among them his most destructive torch. They have made some attempts on the landed property in Wales, which is likely to raise that principality against them if they persist; and the king is not remarkable for the wisdom of retracting from what he has once commenced. It is at present by no means improbable, that they will have intestine commotions to employ them in the course of this year, and their possessions are every where so ill provided, that many of them must fall an easy prey to our ally. The parting proclamation and manifesto of their Commissioners has disgraced them much in Europe; and the counter manifesto of Congress is generally approved.

A large West India fleet and transport, victuallers of two hundred sail, with twentyfive sail of men of war to convoy them, were lately dispersed by a terrible storm in the channel. A most valuable East Indiaman was sunk to the bottom by the Russel, a 74 gun ship, which was greatly damaged. Many of their transports were forced into the harbors of France and captured. The loss, damage, and delay, are very considerable, and the more distressing to them, as they are with great reason under infinite apprehensions for the fate of their Islands. It is supposed, that only five of the men of war are to continue with them quite to the West Indies.

There are many doubts of their being able to raise the loan they want, and it certainly will not be procured but on most ruinous terms. In short, their distress begins to be proportioned to their deserts, and is only exceeded by the folly of their councils.

There is not yet any appearance of a pacification in Germany; and the city of Amsterdam is exerting its utmost to preserve the States-General in their neutrality.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

DR PRICE TO ARTHUR LEE.

Newington-Green, January 18th, 1779.

Dear Sir,

Your most kind and excellent letter, together with the letter conveying the resolution of Congress, has made the deepest impression on my mind. I entreat you to accept yourself, and to deliver to Doctor Franklin and Mr Adams, my best acknowledgments. Though I cannot hesitate about the reply addressed to the honorable Commissioners, and through them to Congress, which accompanies this letter, yet so flattering a testimony of the regard of an assembly, which I consider as the most respectable and important in the world, cannot but give me the highest pleasure, and I shall always reckon it among the first honors of my life.

There is an indolence growing upon me as I grow older, which will probably prevent me forever from undertaking any public employment. When I am in my study and among my books, and have nothing to encumber me, I am happy; but so weak are my spirits, that the smallest hurry and even the consciousness of having anything to do which _must_ be done, will sometimes distress and overpower me. What I have written on the subject of finances has been chiefly an amusement, which I have pursued at my leisure, with some _hope_ indeed, but very little _expectation_ of its being useful. Nothing can be more melancholy than to see so many great European States depressed and crippled by having debts, which have been the growth of ages, and which in the end must ruin them, but which a small appropriation, faithfully applied, might have always kept within the bounds of safety. This is particularly true of this country. Here our debts must soon produce a shocking catastrophe. The new world will, I hope, take warning, and profit by the follies, corruptions, and miseries of the old.

My pamphlets on the principles of Government and the American war, were extorted from me by my judgment and my feelings. They have brought upon me a great deal of abuse; but abundant amends have been made me by the approbation of many of the best men here and abroad, and particularly by that vote of Congress, to which I suppose they may have contributed. When you write to any of the members of that assembly, be so good as to represent me as a zealous friend to liberty, who is anxiously attentive to the great struggle in which they are engaged, and who wishes earnestly, for the sake of the world, that British America may preserve its liberty, set an example of moderation and magnanimity, and establish such forms of government, as may render it an _asylum_ for the virtuous and oppressed in other countries.

Tell Dr Franklin that he is one of the friends in whom, while in this country, I always delighted, and for whom I must ever retain the greatest esteem and affection. We are now separated from one another, never probably to meet again on this side the grave. My connexions and state of health and spirits are such, that I must stay in this country and wait its fate. I do this with a painful concern for the infatuation, that has brought it into its present danger, but at the same time, with indifference as far as my own personal interest is concerned, and a perfect complacency in the consciousness of having endeavored to act the part of a good citizen, and to serve the best of all causes. Will you further mention me particularly to Mr Adams, and inform him, that I greatly respect his character.

Some good friends of yours and mine are well, but I differ from them at present in opinion.

Under a grateful sense of your friendship, and with regard and wishes of all possible happiness,

I am, dear Sir, &c.

RICHARD PRICE.

JOHN ADAMS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, February 11th, 1779.

Sir,

As your Excellency reads English perfectly well, my first request is, that you would do me the favor to read this without a translation, after which I submit it to your Excellency to make what use of it you shall think proper.

I have hitherto avoided in my single capacity giving your Excellency any trouble by letter or conversation; but the present emergency demands that I should ask the favor to explain my sentiments, either by letter or in person. If you will permit a personal interview, I am persuaded I can make myself understood. If you prefer a correspondence, I will lay open my heart in writing, before your Excellency.

It is the address to the people in America under the name of Mr Silas Deane, that has occasioned this boldness in me. It is to me the most unexpected and unforeseen event that has happened. I hope your Excellency will not conclude from thence, that I despair of the Commonwealth. Far otherwise. I know that the body of the people in the United States stand immovable against Great Britain; and I hope that this address of Mr Deane’s (although it will occasion much trouble to individuals) will produce no final detriment to the common cause; but on the contrary, that it will occasion so thorough an investigation of several things as will correct many abuses.

It is my indispensable duty upon this occasion to inform your Excellency, without consulting either of my colleagues, that the honorable Arthur Lee was as long ago as 1770 appointed by the House of Representatives of the Massachusetts Bay, of which I had then the honor to be a member, their agent at the Court of London in case of the death or absence of Dr Franklin. This honorable testimony was given to Mr Lee by an assembly in which he had no natural interest, on account of his inflexible attachment to the American cause, and of the abilities of which he had given many proofs in its defence. From that time to the year 1774 he held a constant correspondence with several of those gentlemen, who stood foremost in the Massachusetts Bay against the innovations and illegal encroachments of Great Britain. This correspondence I had an opportunity of seeing, and I assure your Excellency from my own knowledge, that it breathed the most inflexible attachment, and the most ardent zeal in the cause of his country. From September 1774 to November 1777, I had the honor to be in Congress, and the opportunity to see his letters to Congress, to their committees, and to several of their individual members. Through the whole of both these periods, he communicated the most constant and certain intelligence, which was received from any individual within my knowledge, and since I have had the honor to be joined with him here, I have ever found in him the same fidelity and zeal; and have not a glimmering of suspicion, that he ever maintained an improper correspondence in England, or held any conference or negotiation with any body from thence, without communicating it to your Excellency and to his colleagues. I am confident, therefore, that every insinuation and suspicion against him of infidelity to the United States, or to their engagements with his Majesty, is false and groundless, and will assuredly be proved to be so.

The two honorable brothers of Mr Lee, who are members of Congress, I have long and intimately known; and of my own knowledge I can say, that no men have discovered more zeal in support of the sovereignty of the United States, and in promoting from the beginning a friendship and alliance with France, and there is nothing of which I am more firmly persuaded, than that every insinuation that is thrown out to the disadvantage of the two Mr Lees in Congress is groundless. It would be too tedious to enter at present into a more particular consideration of that address. I shall therefore conclude this letter, already too long, by assuring your Excellency, that I am, with the most entire consideration, your most, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, February 13th, 1779.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor of writing to me the 11th instant, and agreeable to your desire I have not submitted its contents to the inspection of a translator. I am no less concerned than yourself, Sir, at the appeal, which Mr Silas Deane has made to the people of America. It does not belong to me to qualify this step; your respective sovereigns must judge of the measure, and decide the differences which have arisen between their Commissioners. The manner in which you have been treated here, conjointly and separately, must have convinced you, that if we had been informed of your disputes we should have paid no regard to them, and the personal esteem which we have endeavored to show each of the Commissioners is a proof, that we have not adopted the prejudices with which it seems it has been endeavored to inspire America, and the foundation of which is unknown to us.

Although this disagreeable disunion is foreign to us, and it becomes us by all means to refrain from taking part therein, I shall not be the less pleased to see you, Sir, and whatever day you fix will be agreeable to me. I only request you to acquaint me beforehand with the time you shall choose.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.[41]

[41] When Mr Deane’s address reached Paris, Mr Lee ascertained that it was intended to be published in the _Courier de l’Europe_, and he wrote to Count de Vergennes requesting him to order it to be suppressed. The following answer was returned.

Versailles, February 9th, 1779.

Sir,

I received the letter, which you did me the honor of writing to me the 7th instant. I had no knowledge of the writing it mentioned, and yesterday I was about taking measures that it should not be inserted in the Courier de l’Europe, just as that paper was sent to me, wherein I found the writing in question, so that it was out of my power to second your wishes. Do not doubt, Sir, of the regret I experience on account of this disappointment.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Versailles, February 15th, 1779.

The Count de Vergennes has the honor to present his compliments to Mr Lee, and to inform him, that if he will take the trouble of coming to Versailles on Wednesday or Thursday next, as shall be most convenient to him, he will be very glad to converse with him.

_Note by Mr Lee._

Went next day to Count de Vergennes, showed him my books concerning the treaties, and the French and English propositions. It was agreed, that I should have the passages translated for him to lay before the King and Council. He said, that Mr Deane’s charges were inapt, that it was surprising he should bring them into his personal dispute, that he had much wished Mr François to go as Minister to America. Upon my saying, the cause of Mr Deane’s recall was his having sent over so many officers, he said it was what he always disapproved of, because he knew that multitudes of those who were applying were neither officers nor any thing else.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.

Passy, February 18th, 1779.

Sir,

I have the honor to communicate to you herewith copies of resolutions of Congress, of September the 11th and 14th, and October the 22d. I shall endeavor strictly to comply on my part with the commands of Congress contained in the latter, which are at the same time perfectly agreeable to my inclinations.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Chaillot, February 18th, 1779.

Sir,

I this moment had the honor of receiving yours of this date, containing copies of the resolutions of Congress of September the 11th and 14th, and October the 22d. I shall do myself the honor of paying my compliments to you on your appointment tomorrow about 12 o’clock.

Nothing can be more agreeable to me than your intention of cultivating the harmony recommended in the last resolve, because I always lamented the interruption of it as detrimental to the public, and dishonorable to ourselves.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.

Passy, February 18th, 1779.

Sir,

I beg you will be pleased to send me by the bearer all the public papers in your hands belonging to this department.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Chaillot, February 21st, 1779.

Sir,

Your grandson delivered to me, between 10 and 12 o’clock on the 19th, your letter dated the 18th, in which you desire I “will send, by the bearer all the papers belonging to this department.”

I have no papers belonging to the department of Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles. But if you mean, Sir, the papers relating to the transactions of our late joint Commission, I am yet to learn, and cannot conceive on what reason or authority any one of those who were formerly in that commission can alone claim or demand possession of all the papers evidencing their transactions, in which, if they should appear to have been equally concerned, they are equally responsible.

Of these papers Mr Deane, by his own account, took and secured such as he chose. The rest, a very few excepted, you have. Many of these I have never even seen, but have been favored with copies. Of the few originals in my possession, there are, I know, duplicates of the most part at Passy, because it was for that reason only that I took them. The rest are necessary evidence to answer Mr Deane’s accusations.

If it were indeed agreed, that all the papers belonging to our late commission should be brought together, numbered, docketed, and deposited where the late Commissioners, and they only, might have access to them, I would very readily contribute the few I have. But on no other terms can I part with them, and must therefore desire you to command me in some other service.

Still, however, I am in the judgment of Congress, and if upon our mutual representations, should you think it worth troubling them with, they should be of a different opinion, I shall abide by their decision, and obey their orders.

I hope your gout is better, and have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, February 25th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I received the remarks of Mr Deane, dated the 12th of October, 1778, on my letter of the 1st of June, 1778.[42]

Mr Deane endeavors to mislead Congress from the real point of my information, which is, that from the papers he left, no satisfactory account could be obtained of the millions that had been expended, to that of the banker’s accounts, the fairness and validity of which, as far as they go, I never questioned.

The banker’s account proves what I said, _that millions have been expended_; but it does not prove what I wanted to be satisfied of, that the value of this expenditure has been received by the Agents of Congress in Europe. Neither their receipts nor the bills of lading appeared among the papers he left at Passy. Upon a scrap of paper Mr Deane had left notes, that such and such sums were paid in general for such and such purposes. This was a manner of accounting equally mercantile and satisfactory. It was not even so explicit as the summary of the banker’s account he has subjoined to the remarks I am answering. It never specified the quantity, and not often the quality, of what the sums were paid for. It was not accompanied with accounts and receipts from the persons, to whom the money was said to have been paid; nor the receipts of our agent, to whom the things must be supposed to have been delivered. It is manifest why the agent, Mr Williams, did not and will not to this moment give receipts, specifying the quantity and quality of what he received for the public use, because such receipts would make him responsible to the public for their contents; which now he is not.

This then is distinctly the subject of my complaint, that Mr Deane, who assumed to himself the management of those affairs, left them in such confusion, that neither was there any usual or satisfactory evidence of the thing said to have been delivered, nor were there any means left of knowing how to settle the accounts that remained unpaid, so as to do justice to the public. There were no books of accounts; nothing but a confused mass of motley refuse papers, without order, reference, or effect. I do not, nor ever did say, that Mr Deane has not these regular, responsible accounts and vouchers, but I said, and still say, he did not leave them with us. Perhaps they are among those he informs the public he had _placed in safety_; that is, in fitter hands than those of the Commissioners appointed by Congress.

Mr Deane informs us, that there are but two sides of an account; but he ought to know, that there also ought to be to every mercantile account, receipts, invoices, and bills of lading. Had he ever taken the pains to procure these and left them for our satisfaction, he would have saved himself much discredit, and me much trouble; the public would have been secured and satisfied.

Mr Deane lumps 244,285 livres, as had and expended in common by the Commissioners. But this is not the fact. I had nothing to do with what the other Commissioners received. What I took for my expenses I gave separate and distinct receipts for. By misstating what I say of my expenses, he would induce Congress to suppose, that I had half of that sum. This too is not a fact, as my receipts will show. When I said, that from my experience I judged a public minister could not live on less than three thousand a year, I did not mean that I had actually spent that sum; but that, as the expenses of a public Minister must be greater than those of a Commissioner, I could judge from my experience of the expense of the latter, what would be necessary for the former. I had not been a public Minister, and therefore could not speak from experience in that, or from any other judgment.[43]

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[42] See Silas Deane’s Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 139, 148.

[43] Mr Lee wrote a very long letter to the President of Congress, dated February 10th, vindicating himself against statements of Silas Deane. This letter, somewhat altered, was published under the title of “_Extracts from a Letter written to the President of Congress, by the Honorable Arthur Lee, in Answer to a Libel published in the Pennsylvania Gazette, of the 5th of December, 1778, by Silas Deane; in which every Charge or Insinuation against him in that Libel is fully and clearly refuted. Philadelphia, 1780._”

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Nantes, March 7th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I had not the honor of receiving yours of the 29th of October until the 13th of February. The two pieces it enclosed from Mr Deane, I suppose it is expected I should answer. And I shall do it probably by the next opportunity.

I hope it will not be expected of me to continue answering the assertions of Mr Deane. If he produces any evidence to support his assertions, they may be worth attention, but it is an endless as well as fruitless and unbecoming business, to be refuting all that such a man is capable of inventing.

On the 18th of February I received from Dr Franklin a copy of the resolution of Congress, appointing him Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, accompanied with an assurance, that the resolution of Congress recommending harmony and confidence among the Commissioners was agreeable to him.[44] I returned an assurance of my sentiments being the same. The next day I received a letter from him dated also the 18th, and demanding of me the immediate delivery of all the public papers in my possession. I replied, that as the papers belonging to the late Commissioners were, or ought to be, vouchers of their joint transactions, they should be equally accessible to them all; but that Mr Deane, by his own confession, had taken and secured to himself all that he chose, that most of what remained were in his (Dr Franklin’s) possession, and of the very few that were in mine most of them were duplicates, and the remainder necessary for my defence against Mr Deane’s accusation. But, however, I was in the judgment of Congress whether I ought to give them up, and should obey their orders.

I think it proper to inform you, that Dr Franklin, immediately upon the receipt of the resolution of Congress appointing him Minister Plenipotentiary, took into his sole management what was before under the Commissioners, without showing us any authority for so doing, or any revocation of our joint commission. To this we submitted without the least question, supposing it probable, that such was the intention of Congress, and believing that any dispute about it would destroy all possibility of harmony, and do more injury to the public than any possible good that could be derived from the contest.

It is supposed that peace is certain in Germany, and it has been procured chiefly by the mediation of this Court.

Our enemies have derived considerable credit from their late success in the West Indies, and their superiority there, which gives expectation of much greater. This has happened in a favorable moment for effecting their loan with great facility and success. The consequence will be their carrying on the war with new vigor; and you must therefore prepare for another, and perhaps another campaign. With regard to the rest of Europe, it remains as when I wrote you last.

It is probable, that the establishment of peace in Germany will produce some movements among them. But, at present, it is not possible to say with precision what they will be.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[44] In a letter to Mr Lovell, one of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, dated June 2d, 1779, Dr Franklin writes as follows.

“I have never meddled with the dispute between
him (Mr Deane) and Mr Lee, but the suspicion
of having a good will to him has drawn upon me
a great deal of ill will from his antagonist.
The Congress have wisely enjoined the Ministers
in Europe to agree with one another. I had
always resolved to have no quarrel, and have,
therefore, made it a constant rule to answer no
angry, affronting, or abusive letters, of which
I have received many and long ones from Mr Lee
and Mr Izard, who, I understand, and see by the
papers, have been writing liberally, or rather
illiberally, against me, to prevent, as one
of them says here, any impressions my writing
against them might occasion to their prejudice.
But I have never before mentioned them in any of
my letters.”

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.

Passy, March 13th, 1779.

Sir,

A severe fit of the gout, with too much business at the same time necessary to be done, has prevented till now my answering yours of the 21st past.

I did not imagine there would be any difference of sentiment between us concerning the propriety of returning to me the papers, which you have at various times taken from this house. When several persons joined in the same commission are to act upon papers, it seems necessary that they should be lodged in one place, where all the parties may be sure of finding them, and under the care of one person, who should be accountable for them; and if there were not some particular reasons to influence another choice, I should suppose the first person named in the commission might with great propriety take charge of them; I am sure that if you had been that person I should have made no objection to it. Mr Adams having a room more convenient and more private than mine, and in which he lodged, I approved of his having the papers. He has voluntarily returned me all he had without asking, and I thought asking was only necessary to obtain the rest from you; for the whole business, which before was transacted by us jointly, being now devolved on me, and as there must be frequent occasion to look back on letters received, memorials delivered, and accounts given in, contracts made, &c. &c. which, if I cannot have the opportunity of doing, I must be frequently at a loss in future transactions, I did not imagine I should have any difficulty in obtaining them, nor had I the least idea that my asking for them would occasion any dispute.

I suppose that the papers Mr Deane mentions to have taken and secured were those only, that related to his separate commercial transactions for the public, before his appointment with us in the political commission. If he took away any of the papers we were jointly concerned in, I conceive he was wrong in doing so, and that his doing wrong would not justify the rest of us in following his example. I can have no desire to deprive you of any paper, that may be of use to you in answering Mr Deane’s accusations, having no concern in them, nor interest in supporting them. On the contrary, if any papers remaining in my hands can be of such use to you, you are welcome to have authenticated copies of them (which shall on request be made out for you) as well as of any others “evidencing our joint transactions,” which you may desire. On the whole, it seems to me that this matter may be reasonably settled by your keeping, if you please, all those originals of which there are duplicates at Passy, retaining for a time such of the rest as you desire to copy, which copies being compared by us with the originals, may be authenticated by our joint signatures, and returning immediately all the others docketed and catalogued as you please, so as that you may know what and where they are, and call for a copy of any of them you may hereafter have occasion for, which shall always be given you. If these propositions are agreed to, the affair may soon be settled; if not, I must wait the orders of Congress, and in the mean time do as well as I can with their business, which I think must often suffer by my want of the knowledge these papers might occasionally furnish me with.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

ARTHUR LEE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Paris, March 19th, 1779.

Sir,

I received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 13th, relative to the few papers of our late joint commission remaining in my hands; they are confounded among a multitude of other papers. I will examine them soon, and if I find any that relate to public accounts remaining unpaid (which I do not believe I shall find) I will inform you of it, that copies may be taken of them.

You are pleased to say, that Mr Adams gave you the papers unasked. Mr Adams gave you the general papers, which no way related to him in particular, on your promise that you would have them arranged and kept in order. Mr Adams was not a calumniated person, nor were the papers he delivered to you necessary to justify him and prove the wickedness of his accuser. In circumstances so totally different I cannot imagine, Sir, that you can think we should act the same. Your pressing so earnestly to get from me a few original papers, which you only conjecture may be in some shape or other useful to you, after I have informed you that they are absolutely necessary to my vindication from an impeachment, that touches even my life and honor, gives me great uneasiness. Whether you are concerned or not in the accusations, it is equally necessary for me to refute them, and I am sure, Sir, you know that originals are better evidence than copies, however authenticated. On the contrary, copies are as adequate to the purposes you mention as originals, and I am most ready to give you copies sealed and authenticated of all, or any of the papers in my hands, as you may command. I beg, Sir, that you will have the goodness to believe, that when I give my reasons for my conduct, I do not mean to enter into or occasion a dispute.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, April 22d, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I enclose you copies[45] of a note and letter from me to the Marquis de la Fayette, to show the terms on which it seems to me we are most likely to obtain a loan from either France or Spain. If Congress approve of them, I should be glad of some instructions in conformity to them; if they are not approved of, I should wish to know it, that I may not repeat the proposal.

I cannot learn that England means to send out any considerable augmentation of their army with you. They have lately received despatches relative to the proceedings in Georgia, but it does not appear yet whether they will send a reinforcement thither from Great Britain, though I think it probable they will.

I have not had a line from you since October last. The peace is not yet signed in Germany. The news of the taking of Pondicherry and other French settlements in India, by the English, together with their advantageous situation in the West Indies, has raised their funds, their credit, and their spirits.[46]

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[45] Missing.

[46] This letter was accompanied by another, dated April 23d, and entitled “_A Memorial respecting the Conduct of Mr Williams_,” which was afterwards printed under the title of “Observations on certain Commercial Transactions in France, laid before Congress. By Arthur Lee. Philadelphia, 1780.” To these observations is prefixed a preface, which is not attached to the Memorial first transmitted to Congress.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, April 26th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

Since I had the honor of writing you last, on the 22d of April, nothing material has happened. An account of the signing of the peace in Germany is expected here daily.

The reinforcements sent and sending out to the army against you, amount to about 8000 in new Scotch levies, and British and German recruits. It is the plan of the British ministry, as far as I can learn, to make great exertions in this campaign, both against the United States and the French Islands. Their war against you will in all probability be in expeditions against different parts.

This will be delivered to you by Mr Hezekiah Ford, who has served me faithfully for eight months as Secretary. He will give you the best information in his power of the state of affairs here.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, May 21st, 1779.

Gentlemen,

It is now more than six months since I was honored with a line from you. I wrote you last on the 26th of April; since that time a solemn treaty of peace has been concluded, by the mediation of France, between the Porte and the Court of Petersburg. Though this may appear to leave Russia at liberty to assist Great Britain, I do not think you have anything in reality to apprehend from that quarter.

It is probable the German powers will soon be at peace, though it is not yet signed at Teschin. The effect of this will be to furnish Great Britain with a number of German troops, such as the free companies which are levied by different leaders in all German wars, and are dismissed when they end. These having once pursued the military life will the more readily engage, especially when tempted with good pay and promises of plunder. The King of Prussia and the Elector of Saxony are from interest inclined to our cause; but there are so many intermediate considerations, which retard an open declaration, that it is not possible to say when that will take place.

The House of Austria is in its politics inclined to England, and the Empress is personally so. The Emperor I think has different sentiments, but he is not the Sovereign. The Grand Duke, though much our friend, must follow the steps of his mother.

Spain, Portugal, and Naples are in perfect harmony. The first is more able to reduce Great Britain to terms of peace, by a full acknowledgment of our independency and sovereignty, than any power in Europe. Her ministers are able, her credit great, her treasury well supplied, her finances well administered, her commerce increasing, her fleet amounting to fifty sail of the line, and a proportionable number of frigates, fit for immediate service. In a word she is in a state to begin at a moment’s warning a powerful war, and continue it for three years without borrowing a sol. She has made a noble motion to conclude what is stipulated in the treaty of alliance, and as I have not received one word of answer to my letters to Congress of the 10th of February, and 4th of April 1778, it is not easy for me to know how to act. I wish always to receive the instructions of my constituents, that I may pursue them to the best of my ability.

The States-General have at length resolved to grant convoys to their merchant ships, and support their commerce against the pretensions of England. Sweden and Denmark have determined the same; and all these governments are augmenting their naval force, so as to support these resolutions. I imagine this will, by degrees, let in the commerce of America, to which these powers will give every protection they can, short of open hostilities, and Great Britain will be obliged to wink at it.