Chapter M: Gerard to Arthur Lee (4)

In England the discontents in the army and navy are little short of disaffection. The Ministers are pursued with unremitting acrimony, and supported by the king with proportionable perseverance. The examination of the sea and land officers before the House of Commons, in the inquiry now making into the conduct of the Howes, with the correspondence between the Ministers and Generals, prove very satisfactorily, that both the Ministers and Generals exerted their utmost in the war against us; and that it did not fail from their fault, but from the impracticability of the attempt. General Grey’s decided opinion is, that the war can never succeed. Captain Hammond spoke highly of the behavior and utility of our row gallies and fire flats. The new recruiting scheme in England is very unproductive; they have not yet raised six thousand of the fifteen thousand they expected. Their expense is enormous, and the produce of their taxes, though they are increased in number, greatly deficient. Scotland is irritated by the countenance given to the Roman Catholics, and their highland levies have twice mutinied, so that there is little probability of that country, however hostile, supplying any more troops.

Ireland is nearly in the state we were in six years ago. The people are supplying themselves with arms, meeting and exercising, and the government not venturing to interpose. They have entered into a nonimportation agreement, and their spirit is in a train towards independency, which nothing but the most wise and healing measures will stop. General Clinton has thrice demanded his recall, and Lord Cornwallis will probably command in his place.

On the contrary, there is not the smallest abatement of the hostile intentions against us in the king and his Ministers. Nor will a change, if the king should be forced to it, make any difference, but that probably those intentions would be carried into execution with more wisdom. Our alliance with France has united all parties, in the resolution of prosecuting the war against us to the last extremity. Almost the whole of the French commerce, having fallen a prey to their privateers, has really enriched the nation and rendered the war popular. Their late successes, especially in India, have given them credit for this year and resources for the next, great and unexpected; the peace in Germany will supply them with men. Lord Shelburne’s plan is, and he will make a point of it should he come in, to prevail upon Prince Ferdinand to take the command in America; trusting that his abilities, with the confidence and graciousness of his character among the British, as well as the German soldiery, will overcome all difficulties.

But what they rely upon most is the derangement of our finances, the depreciation of our paper, the divisions and discontents excited among us by the bad ambition of some, the criminal intrigues of others, and the unbounded avarice of many. They flatter themselves, that what has happened in all countries and at all times will be our fate, that public defaulters will, by the weight of their acquisitions, obtain an ascendency which will either bring us to ruin by the prevalence of the evil, or betray us to our former domination, in order to keep possession with impunity of what they have acquired. If, by these instruments, they can loosen the ties, which by knitting the people and their leaders together have hitherto rendered them invincible, and withdraw their confidence from those who originally planned and have ably conducted them through this wonderful revolution, they hope to effect what they hitherto have attempted in vain,--to subjugate those _Quos neque Tydides, nec Larissæus Achilles, non anni domuere decem, non mille carinæ_. As far as I can learn, there is no probability of this Court’s supplying any money. But of this you will be better informed by your Minister. This letter I expect will go by the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who succeeds M. Gerard. M. de la Luzerne’s family is among the best and most honorable of this country. He has been Minister to the Court of Munich, and is a gentleman of honor and ability, insomuch that the Court of Versailles seems to me in nothing to have shown its wisdom more, than in sending at this important moment a Minister, whose conduct is likely to correspond with his rank and character, and who will not descend to anything that may either dishonor himself or disturb us.

The secretary to the embassy, M. de Marbois, is also a gentleman respectable for his character and abilities.

The sums of public money, which I have received for my expenses (my two journies included) from the bankers Sollier and Grand, from the 16th of December 1776, to the 20th of April 1779, amounts to 119,018 livres, 17 den. 17 sols. I observe that Mr Deane, in a summary laid before Congress on the 12th of October 1778, lumps a sum received by the Commissioners for their expenses, &c. from Mr Grand, only to the 30th of April 1778, and states it at 244,285 livres, 15, 11. But as I have no concern with what Dr Franklin and Mr Deane received, I desire that the accounts of the bankers, and not that of Mr Deane, may answer for me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S. May 22d._ The treaty of peace in Germany was signed on the 13th. From some intelligence I have just received, though not from authority, I am inclined to believe we shall soon be satisfied with the conduct of Spain. Be pleased to enclose my letters, à Monsieur le Marquis de Malsherbe, Ministre d’Etat, Paris.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, May 31st, 1779.

Sir,

I beg the favor of your Excellency to lay my respects before Congress, with a repetition of my most earnest request to be recalled.

I should most willingly continue to sacrifice, as I have hitherto done, my private interests to the public good; but I am satisfied that the dissensions raised concerning me will be continued, by a continuance of my commission, and will be of more injury to the public than I can be of service; and as the public good was the sole motive of my accepting the commission, the same reason now induces me to desire most earnestly to resign it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO COUNT D’ARANDA.

Paris, June 7th, 1779.

Mr Lee has the honor to present his respects to his Excellency the Ambassador of Spain, and begs him to be pleased to transmit the letter accompanying this to his Court.

TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

Paris, June 6th, 1779.

Sir,

I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a Memorial, which the opportunities I have had of knowing the temper and circumstances of Great Britain make me presume to submit to your consideration.

The earnest desire I have of rendering some service to Spain, and the common interest that must subsist in the success of the war, should it happen, are the motives and I hope will be the apology for what I offer.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

MEMORIAL TO THE COURT OF SPAIN.

Paris, June 6th, 1779.

It is experience that teaches wisdom. The misfortunes of our friends carry this good with them, that they are a warning to us.

The present war between France and England has been conducted chiefly by the privateers of the latter. They have made a prey of almost the whole commerce of France. This, while it really enriched England, rendered the war popular. It has deeply wounded France in the loss of her sailors as well as of her property.

The cause of this misfortune is manifest. France permitted her trade to go on as in time of peace, as individuals pleased, and without convoy. It was thought better to employ their ships of war in cruising for the privateers, than in convoying and defending their vessels against them. It was not considered, that privateers always go single, that they are swift and small, that it is difficult to find a small and single ship at sea, and that an East or West India prize is worth fifty privateers. The consequences have been proportioned to the plan. France has captured some little privateers of England, the English the large and rich East and West India ships of the French. This is a misfortune, from which I would wish to warn and guard Spain.

The English have greater expectations of rich and numerous prizes in a Spanish than in a French war. If they are disappointed in this, such a war would soon become unpopular and unmaintainable. Now the means of disappointing their expectations are, as I conceive, these. To lay an embargo on all the merchant vessels of Spain, both in Europe and America, at the commencement of hostilities. Not to suffer their merchantmen or galleons, which are the great objects of English avidity, to go out of their ports but with strong convoys. So secured, they could not be captured but by a fleet or strong squadron of the enemy. But fleets and large squadrons hardly ever make prizes; nor from their nature and circumstances can they do it. Privateers, frigates, and single ships of force, are those only which cruise with effect against merchantmen. Defended from these, the commerce of Spain will go safe and secure, the hopes of the enemy will be disappointed, they will sustain all the burthen of the war without reaping any of its expected benefits.

Such a war must soon become unpopular; and the wisest Ministers in the best of times cannot long sustain an unpopular war in England, much less can it be sustained in times of great and manifest difficulty and distress, and by Ministers who have not given the most distinguished proofs of their wisdom. There is no human event more sure than that Spain, if she secures her commerce from the depredations of the enemy, must soon reduce Great Britain to whatever equitable terms she pleases. Add to this, that if while the fleet of France keeps that of England in check in the channel and in the bay, the fleet of Spain should completely block up the Mediterranean, so as to intercept all communication with Gibraltar and Minorca, these strong holds must inevitably surrender in a few months.

I may, therefore, be now permitted to repeat with more confidence than ever, that it is in the power of Spain to clip the wings of Great Britain, and pinion her for ever.

ARTHUR LEE.

JOHN ADAMS TO ARTHUR LEE.

L’Orient, June 10th, 1779.

Dear Sir,

I have the honor of your letter from Paris, of the 5th of this month, in which you inform me, that by advices from America your enemies are determined to impeach your attachment to our country and her cause, and in which you request my opinion on that point, from the knowledge I have had of your conduct, while we acted together in commission.

At the same time, that I lament the necessity of giving my testimony to a point, that ought to be so well established in every part of the world, I have great pleasure in declaring, that from my first knowledge of your fame to this hour, I have never entertained one moment’s suspicion of your attachment to our country and her cause, but on the contrary through the whole course of that period, which I think is more than ten years, I have seen frequent proofs of your fidelity and zeal in it, oftentimes at a great expense of labor and care at least, and at great hazard; and particularly through the space of time I had the honor to serve with you in commission, I never saw or heard anything which gave me the least suspicion of the sincerity, fidelity, or zeal of your devotion to the sovereignty of the United States, but on the contrary, constant evidence of a warm affection for their honor, dignity, and prosperity.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 21st, 1779.

Sir,

I have the honor to inform Congress, that Spain has declared against Great Britain, and that their respective Ambassadors are recalled. A part of the Spanish fleet has joined that of France, which makes it outnumber that of England, amounting to thirtythree sail of the line, under Admiral Sir Charles Hardy, so that it is not very probable the latter will long hold the dominion of the sea.

Two motions in the House of Commons, one for offering us peace, the other for withdrawing all their force from America to withstand the House of Bourbon, have been negatived since the Spanish declaration was known to the Ministry of England. The ministerial arguments were, that neither they nor any other Ministry could consent to the independence of America, nor to the withdrawing their troops, without previous offers on our part. That the number of Americans in the King’s service was equal to General Washington’s army, with seven thousand of our sailors volunteers in his service. Lord George Germain said he knew, from undoubted intelligence, that Congress was divided into parties, and that it was only the fear of the army, that withheld a part of Congress from immediately offering terms to Great Britain. He added, that as the prohibitory act empowered the Crown to receive bodies, or individuals of America into the King’s protection, and to grant pardons, this was sufficient. The majority of the House received this with acclamations of applause.

Parliament is to be prorogued on the 24th, having voted another million for this year’s service.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

Paris, June 27th, 1779.

Sir,

Your Excellency will permit me to lay before you, a statement of the late proceedings of the English in the southern parts of the United States of America, which, in their consequences, may be as injurious to his Catholic Majesty’s possessions in that quarter as to those of the States. Should the measure proposed to prevent their success appear to your Excellency to be advisable, it cannot be executed too soon; because every day gives the enemy new strength in their stations, and enables them to do additional mischief by destroying whatever they can approach.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

MEMORIAL TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

Paris, June 27th, 1779.

The English, having taken possession of Savannah in Georgia, are extending themselves in that State so as to form a connexion with, and establish an influence over, the Indian nations that border all that country. They design also to possess themselves of Port Royal in South Carolina, and if possible, of Charleston.

These acquisitions, if they are suffered, with their contiguous possessions, will give them such a command upon that coast and in the Gulf, as well as such means of exciting the savages, and seconding their enterprises against the neighboring territories of Spain, as may be difficult to resist if they are not prevented.

What renders it impracticable for the Americans to repel the enemy, is their superiority at sea, which, at the same time that it supports their posts on land, enables them to make diversions in various quarters so as to keep up a general alarm, and prevent our force from being united in any one point. With this view, they have very lately invaded the State of Virginia, in the Bay of Chesapeake, to withhold the aid which that State would send to South Carolina and Georgia.

In this situation it is in his Majesty’s power to give very effectual assistance to the invaded States, and prevent the enemy from making such dangerous establishments and such an augmentation of their power. The naval force of the English in Georgia and South Carolina will consist of a fifty gun ship, the Experiment, lately sailed, and three frigates. In the Bay of Chesapeake, there are a sixtyfour and a fortyfour gun ship, with some armed tenders.

A small squadron, therefore, of three or four large ships and a few frigates, sent from the Havanna, would destroy the enemy’s ships in Georgia, South Carolina, and Chesapeake Bay, and deliver their troops into the hands of the Americans.

The state of the enemy’s fleets in Europe and the West Indies, will not permit them to augment their force on the coast of America. The squadron, actually sailed under Admiral Arbuthnot to New York, consists of four ships of the line and one frigate, viz. the Robust seventyfour, the Russel seventyfour, the Europe sixtyfour, the Defiance sixtyfour, and the Guadaloupe twentyeight. As this squadron must support the operations of their main army, and protect Halifax, Rhode Island, and New York, it is not probable they will detach any additional force from thence to the southward, so that their armament there, if not withdrawn, must necessarily fall a sacrifice to the Spanish squadron.[47]

ARTHUR LEE.

[47] On the 25th of June, Mr Lee wrote to the Count de Florida Blanca, as follows.

“I do not press your Excellency about my coming to Madrid. I know your Excellency’s wisdom, and the maturity of judgment with which his Majesty’s councils are conducted. I therefore trust, that when such a step is thought to be proper, you will have the goodness to signify it to me through his Majesty’s Minister at this Court.”

I have the honor, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.

Philadelphia, July 16th, 1779.

Sir,

Two days ago several of your letters came to hand, the latest being of April 6th; it is much to be regretted that this one in particular did not earlier arrive. The copy of its contents was sent immediately to Governor Trumbull, but alas, too late. Fairfield had been destroyed by the fire of the enemy. We are mistaken, however, if that enemy does not shortly find the unprofitableness of this kind of warfare towards their main purpose. America must be dead indeed to all proper spirit, if such doings will not render her both as vigilant and active as in the beginning of the contest. It is matter of much conjecture, why you have not been able, for some months back, to give us interesting accounts from Spain. All we know is through M. Gerard. We have sent so many sets of the journals of Congress, that you will doubtless get one. They are chiefly directed to Dr Franklin. You will find the parts in which you are personally interested to be under the following dates, viz.; April 6, 15, 20, 21, 22, 26, 28, 30; May 3, 22, 24, 25, 27; June 8.

We shall speedily write again; in the meantime be assured that we are with much regard,

Your humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.

_P. S._ _September 16th._ It is probable, that all the papers sent by you, up to May 21st, have come safe, either in originals, duplicates or triplicates.

COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Madrid, August 6th, 1779.

Sir,

I duly received the two letters, which you were so kind as to write to me, dated the 7th and 25th of June last, in which you detail the critical circumstances of the affairs of England, and the system which you think suitable for the powers at war with her, and on this occasion you likewise mention some points relating to the present situation of the United Provinces of America.

I can assure you, Sir, that I read with the greatest pleasure your very wise and prudent reflections, of which I shall make a suitable use.

I avail myself of this opportunity to assure you of the perfect respect, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, August 10th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

Not being permitted to know whether there is any certain opportunity of writing, I must send you by every probable way an account of the present situation of affairs, which is extremely interesting.

After a long delay through unfavorable winds, the Spanish and French fleets joined off Cape Finisterre the 26th of last month. On the 6th of this, they were off Ushant, making for the English channel. A courier that arrived yesterday left them in the same position, with the wind contrary on the 7th. The combined fleet consists of fifty ships of the line, with thirty odd frigates, bombs, and fire ships, under the command of the Count d’Orvilliers. The Spanish and French ships are mixed together, the former twenty and the latter thirty. Don Cardova commands a separate fleet of sixteen Spanish ships of the line, which attends the grand combined fleet as a _corps de réserve_. Don Ulloa cruises off the Canaries with four of the line, and six more block up the Bay of Gibraltar, while a Spanish army invests the town by land.

Between thirty and forty thousand French troops are ready to embark at Havre de Grace and at St Malo to invade England, the moment the combined fleet appears to protect them. Besides this, large corps of troops are assembled at Brest and Dunkirk, and transports preparing for them, so that they may be ready to support the others, according to the exigency of events and the place where they land.

The West India fleet, and that from the Baltic, got safe into the English ports to the amount of three hundred sail, the first of this month. This may enable them in a few weeks to add ten sail to their grand fleet, which at present consists of thirtyfive sail under Sir Charles Hardy, and is retiring up the channel. But it is to be hoped, they will feel some decisive blow before that augmentation.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Paris, August 14th, 1779.

Sir,

A decent time having now elapsed since the Declaration of his Catholic Majesty against the King of Great Britain, it seems proper to apply to the Spanish Court to know whether they are inclined to enter into the alliance, which Congress have agreed to. At the same time, it appears to me that to ask Count de Vergennes’ opinion of such a step, before I take it, would be an agreeable and useful mark of confidence in this Court. But as I think such an application cannot with propriety be made to his Excellency, by any one but you as minister here, I must beg you to take the trouble of consulting Count de Vergennes, both upon the propriety and manner of my applying upon this subject to the Court of Spain; and that you will have the goodness to communicate to me his opinion. I would very willingly apply myself, were I not persuaded that it would be a trespass against the deference due to your situation, and that the observance of this order in our proceedings will contribute to the attainment of the public object I have in view.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, August 24th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I had the honor of writing you on the 10th, to inform Congress of the junction of the fleets of France and Spain, the disposition of the troops and ships of the latter for the blockade of Gibraltar, and the security of their commerce, with the preparations here for invading England. Since that, adverse winds have continually kept the combined fleet from entering the channel, and of course the embarkation for the invasion waits its approach and protection.

I am informed and believe, that the Empress of Russia has offered her mediation between the belligerent powers in Europe. Her partiality for England is certain, and it is to be feared, that from a partial mediatrix she may become a powerful ally, and draw with her perhaps Sweden and Denmark, with whom she is upon good terms, and who may not think it their interest to let the naval power of the House of Bourbon acquire such an ascendency, by the destruction of that of Great Britain, as will destroy the balance and rivalship in Europe, so as to set up an unquestioned sovereign of the seas.

Our enemies are so much pressed and kept in check at present, that I do not see a possibility of their sending any further force against you for the next campaign, nor a probability of their being able to continue that which is already at New York and Rhode Island. But as the interposition of other powers is an event always to be kept in view, and that interposition will not only render the issue of the war uncertain, but place the day of peace far distant, I cannot help signifying my most earnest hope, that the wisdom of Congress will employ that respite in so arranging and reforming the administration of the public finances, and strengthening the country both by sea and land, as to be able to maintain the sovereignty and independence of the United States, in spite of any European combination, that may be formed against it.

The English papers tell us, that the _Count d’Estaing_ of ten guns and fourteen swivels, with despatches from Congress, was taken the 14th of July off Cape Finisterre, and that the despatches fell into their hands.

The uncertainty of what will be the final resolution of Congress regarding me upon the review of foreign affairs, and after all the licentious means, that I perceive have been employed to injure my character, has determined me to wait their ultimate commands at this place. These will either save me from an ineffectual journey to Madrid, or fortify me with full instructions and a reassurance of that confidence, which it has been the endeavor of my enemies to withdraw from me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S. August 26th._ The combined fleet was as far up the channel as Plymouth on the 18th, and had taken the Ardent of sixtyfour guns. This being a proper time of the moon for the embarkation of the troops, it is probably executing at this moment, and our enemies will soon taste of those miseries, which they have so wantonly visited upon us.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, September 10th, 1779.

Sir,

I have seen in the Journals of Congress, transmitted to me by the Committee of Foreign Affairs, that Mr Paca, Mr W. H. Drayton, and Mr Carmichael have been permitted to lay before you intelligence and information concerning me,[48] and that at a moment in which Congress were to decide without hearing me, on what materially concerned my honor and reputation, both in America and Europe.

I may venture to say, Sir, without fear of contradiction, that this is a new mode of judicial proceeding in a country contending for liberty and justice; a mode of which every man in or out of Congress would complain if applied to himself; and under which it is impossible that any man’s character can be safe from the attempts of malice and falsehood.

Congress will permit me to request, that they will order copies of that intelligence and information to be transmitted to me, that I may be able to do myself, though late, the justice of answering them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[48] Journal of Congress, April 30th and May 3d, 1779.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, September 19th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 16th of July, with the Journals of Congress, in which I see with sorrow the proceedings with regard to those, who in no moment of their lives ever neglected to do the utmost in their power for the public good.[49]

For myself I trust, that time and maturer consideration will alter the opinion of those gentlemen, who appeared desirous of fixing upon me a most public mark of suspicion and censure, with some little precipitation, they will permit me to say, as it was before I had been heard. Among those gentlemen there are some, whose education and profession should, in a peculiar manner, have taught them, that it is laid down as a fundamental maxim of justice, that he who gives judgment, the one party being heard and the other not, though he should happen to be right in his decision, commits an act of injustice.

I should have expected, that not only Congress but every member of it, my accusers excepted, would have been my advocates, because your records are filled with proofs of my early and unremitting endeavors to serve the public. Congress will bear with me while I express my surprise, that the delicacy observed in wording Mr Deane’s recall was reversed in the proceedings against Mr Izard, my brother, and myself; unless it were intended to hold us up to the world as persons, who had been proved guilty of offences against their country; which, if it were, may God in his infinite mercy forgive.

I am fully persuaded, that time and riper information will show you, that as nothing could have given a deeper wound to the honor and interests of the United States, than harmony among your Commissioners in doing ill, there were use and merit in the suspicions and dissensions, that arose among them. In any event, they who consider, that suspicions and dissensions may and have existed among the best of men, will mix some moderation with the judgment they pass upon them. They who know with what long suffering and frequent forgiveness I endeavored to prevent them, will not impute the blame to me.

I will trouble Congress no more upon this vexed and unworthy business. Sensible as I was of the honor of your confidence, I was equally sensible of the sacrifice I made of my private affairs to the public service. I received your commission therefore not as a favor; I do not retain it as a favor; I will do my duty while I keep it, and resign it when it is your pleasure, without a moment’s regret. When times less critical will admit of less reserve, it will be my duty to prove to my country and to the world, as I have done to you, that your confidence in me was not misplaced. This I trust I shall be able to do by evidence, that will carry conviction to all, and confusion to many.

Congress will permit me to hope, that long before this, they have honored me with full instructions relative to the additional articles, and the boundary between the territories of Spain and the United States, on which I asked their commands as long ago as February and April, 1778. It is fortunate, that I have not yet been called upon on that subject. But it is impossible to say how long it will be delayed; and no heavier misfortune could befall me, than to be left uninstructed in a business of such moment.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[49] Journal of Congress, June 10th, 1779.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.

Passy, September 30th, 1779.

Sir,

I received but yesterday morning, just as I was going out of town, the letter you did me the honor of writing to me, dated the 26th instant, respecting my supplying you with money for your support in Spain. As I cannot furnish that expense, and there is not, in my opinion, any likelihood at present of your being received at that Court, I think your resolution of returning forthwith to America is both wise and honest.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, October 13th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I have certain intelligence, that Admiral Rodney is to sail immediately from England, with five sail of the line, to take the command of the fleet in the West Indies. I am well informed, that the plan he proposed was by dividing his fleet into three divisions, with some landed forces on board of each, to block up and harass continually the whole of our coast. It is probable they have adopted his plan with him. His abilities and activity are great. Count d’Estaing is expected here in the winter with twelve ships, which will leave the enemy a decided and dangerous superiority. Our hope is, that by some mortal blow on New York before his departure he will in a great measure frustrate their intentions.

The combined fleet is ordered into the British channel, and the troops to prepare for the invasion of England. Upon the issue of this will depend the continuance of the war.

I have not yet received any instructions from Congress relative to Spain, nor any answer from that Court relative to my reception there. The public funds, which were in my hands, being nearly exhausted, and Dr Franklin having positively declined supplying my expenses at that Court, I must beg Congress to take some immediate order in this business, so that it may not remain in the power of any individual to counteract their intentions, and drive gentlemen away from Europe, who are so unfortunate as not to be in his good graces.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.

Philadelphia, October 13th, 1779.

Sir,

This is officially to convey to you the knowledge of the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary, in lieu of a Commissioner, at the Court of Spain, and also a Resolve of Congress of this day, upon the reading of your letter of the 31st of May.[50]

Mr Jay will probably be in a short time in Europe, to execute his commission.

I am, Sir, your most humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee for Foreign Affairs_.

[50] “_In Congress, October 13th, 1779._ A letter of the 31st of May last, from A. Lee, was read, whereupon,

“_Resolved_, That Mr A. Lee be informed of Mr Jay’s appointment to the Court of Spain, and that, agreeably to his request, he is at liberty to return to America.”

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, October 21st, 1779.

Gentlemen,

It may be material for Congress to know, that all disposition in the Court of England towards peace seems at present to be removed. The appointment of Lord Bute’s son upon an extraordinary embassy some time since, to the Court of Turin, announced a desire in the English cabinet to engage mediators; and the late Ambassador from Spain to the Court of London had taken up his residence here, apparently to embrace the more readily the opportunity of negotiating, which that mediator might offer. But the embassy of Lord Mountstewart is talked of no more, and Count d’Almadovar has within these few days quitted this place entirely, and returned to Madrid.

It is no new alliance, as far as is known, that has inspired this confidence and hardiness into the British Ministry. Probably they flatter themselves, that as this campaign has passed away without their suffering much from the great superiority of the combined fleet, and the land armaments prepared against them, they will continue to be equally fortunate. I compute, that with the supplies for the next campaign their debt must amount fully to 200,000,000.

The siege of Gibraltar goes on in form, both by sea and land, nor does there seem any probability of their saving that important place.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, November 6th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

The campaign in Europe seems to be concluded, and the resolution of the enemy unabated. The siege of Gibraltar continues.

I am yet without any instructions for Spain, or overtures from that Court relative to the conclusion of a treaty. I am satisfied that the same means have been employed, and by the same persons, to injure me there as here. With what success, my inquiries have not yet been able to discover. By the advice of those, in whose knowledge and integrity I can most confide, among whom is the late Ambassador from this Court, now a Minister, I have not entered into any vindication of myself to the Spanish Minister.

Disagreeable as it is to me to remain here, after what has passed, it is, in my best judgment, more proper than going thither without definite instructions, and without new credentials to show that the calumnies of my enemies have not withdrawn from me the confidence of Congress, which by no means appears from my _only being not recalled_. I must therefore entreat Congress to decide distinctly upon the accusations, that have been brought against me, and either declare them unjust, or commit the public business to a fitter person, and give me leave and leisure to vindicate my character to my country and to the world.

Unless a demand on the part of the Spanish Court should make it necessary, I will not hazard the public interest and my own honor, in undertaking the negotiation, uninstructed, unvindicated, and unsupported. Is it possible that any one gentleman in Congress can help feeling the unexampled cruelty of leaving me in such a situation?

Uncertain as the decisions of all public bodies are, yet conscious that there was not any colorable pretence for impeaching my conduct, I could not but flatter myself, that the last despatches would have brought an explicit censure of Congress against the indecent attempts, that have been made to injure it. Insomuch that I thought it my duty to consult this Court through your Minister here, upon the propriety of my moving the Court of Spain on the negotiation with which I was intrusted, so that I might avoid giving offence to that Court by my silence and inactivity, and yet receive in time your final instructions, and a renewed assurance of your confidence.

Though I have constantly transmitted to Congress triplicate copies of the invoices and bills of lading, which account for the expenditure of the small sum of public money that was in my hands, yet as the order of the 6th of August is general, I have had triplicate copies made out of the whole, which, when there is a proper person to authenticate them, will show how the money has been expended. With regard to the funds, with which I was jointly intrusted with Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, my absence in Spain and Germany, with the orders for the application of a great part, which my colleagues thought proper to give without consulting me, disenables me from furnishing any further vouchers than the accounts of the banker and of Mr Williams, which I have also transmitted to Congress.

I perceive by the journals, that a Committee is appointed for framing a plan of a foreign loan. It is my duty to say, that there is not the least probability, in the present situation of things, of obtaining any adequate loan in Europe, and to beseech Congress not to let the vain expectation of that divert their attention from trying every resource at home. It is necessary, that the impressions to our discredit, which have arisen from the unsuccessful attempts that have been already made, should be allowed to wear off, and some favorable event occur, such as the enemy being obliged to draw off their troops, before it will be possible to succeed in such a plan. In the meantime, the repetition of ineffectual attempts will only debase your credit more, and especially, if they are accompanied with the offer of more than ordinary interest, which ever augments the suspicion of the insecurity of the principal, and that the borrowers are themselves conscious of their insufficiency.

It gives me pain to mention what regards myself so often; but Congress will permit me to repeat, that if it should not please them to recall me, it is absolutely necessary that some provision should be made for the support of my mission, independent of Dr Franklin. If, in the meantime, the State of Virginia should reimburse me what I have advanced for them, that will be a fund, and I will immediately give Congress advice of it. I must also beg, that Congress will fix a sum for my expenses, both that I may not exceed what is thought reasonable, nor have my time and attention employed in keeping accurate accounts of expenses, which I never did do, nor ever shall to my own satisfaction, or I believe to that of any one else. So that if this is expected, it will expose me to censure, which I wish to avoid.

The little time that remains from daily attention to public business, and in collecting and digesting what relates to it, I wish to devote to private correspondence and reading. I have, therefore, thought it always sufficient to proportion my expenses in general to my situation and means, without a minute attention to them in detail. Whatever Congress fixes as reasonable will be the rule of my conduct, and it will spare both them and myself a great deal of, as I conceive, unnecessary trouble.

I cannot learn with any certainty, what probability there is of any other powers entering next year into the present war. On that subject, your Minister here, as his situation gives him the means, will furnish you with earlier and surer information than it is possible for me to obtain. But the following are nearly the plans of the French and British cabinets for the next campaign. Fourteen ships of seventyfour guns, and 8000 troops, are to be sent from hence to the West Indies. The twelve expected home with Count d’Estaing, being refitted with eight new ones, added to the sixteen remaining of those which form the present fleet, and fifteen Spanish ships, will make fiftyone sail, which are to convoy fifty thousand troops from Brest, where they are all to be collected, to whatever part of the coast of England is fixed upon for a descent. By this disposition of the fleet and army, it is expected that the delay and disappointments which render this campaign abortive will be avoided. The bulk of the Spanish fleet is to secure the Mediterranean and press Gibraltar, while the army continues its approaches by land.

The English cabinet are resolved to send all the troops they can possibly collect, which they say will amount to 8 or 10,000 against you, and stand upon the defensive at home. Their situation, however, is not a little embarrassing. The Irish nation are so generally determined upon having a free trade, that the Court was obliged to allow it to be inserted in the address of both Houses, that a free trade is their right and they must have it. To support this, there are, besides the unanimous voice of the people, upwards of 15,000 men, in volunteer companies actually in arms, without the permission or control of government. To delay or refuse the granting of free trade, will endanger a general and most formidable insurrection in that kingdom. To grant it, will produce commotions of no less magnitude in England, of which they have already had some fearful examples in and about Manchester. These insurrections, whenever they happen, will be exasperated by great and real distress. For the fact is, that if it be refused to Ireland, that country will be undone, and if it be granted, the woollen and other manufactures of England will be ruined. In such a situation, it is difficult to imagine a medium by which the violences will be prevented, that must otherwise call for the troops at home, which they have destined for us.

In Scotland the discontent is such, that a highland regiment actually seized the castle of Edinburgh, and shut the gates against their officers. This mutiny has been quelled, but the spirit that produced it is not altered.

The inactivity of this campaign has left their credit unimpaired, and their fleets have generally got in safe from all quarters. They will, therefore, find money for the next campaign, but it is not probable, that with all their efforts they will be able to equip a fleet equal to that which will go against them. Without some accident, therefore, they must either suffer the French army to land, or hazard an unequal combat, which, if they are overcome, will leave their coast at the mercy of invaders. To add to their counsels, already enfeebled by the death of the only man of ability and business among them, Lord Suffolk, they have put Lord Stormont, the most insufficient man in the kingdom, into his place. Such is the present situation and prospect of things in Europe.

Congress will, I hope, consider, that various events may change or delay the plans above stated, and not let it impeach the veracity of the intelligence, that they are not executed. Much, for example, will depend upon Count d’Estaing’s movements and success, which were not foreseen when these plans were formed. His expedition is entirely of his own planning, and, therefore, could not be taken into consideration here.

I enclose a copy of the Spanish ultimatum, which by mistake was omitted being sent sometime ago. The following passage in the manifesto, published by the Court of Great Britain, in answer to that of France, seems to me a proof how little she herself expects from the war with us.

“Two years have not passed since the day the rebels
declared their criminal resolution of shaking off the
yoke of the mother country, and this term has been
filled with the events of a bloody and obstinate war.
Success has been balanced, but the army of the king,
which occupies the most important maritime cities,
has continued to menace the interior provinces. The
English flag predominates in all the American seas.”

When all they can boast of, as the fruit of two years’ bloody and obstinate war, in which, though they do not choose to say it, all Europe knows they have expended forty millions of treasure, and sixty thousand lives, is a balanced success, and the possession of a few maritime towns, from whence they threaten us, it is plain enough, that they themselves have not a hope of success. Their war, therefore, is a war of desperate vengeance, which nothing can justify.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, November 30th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

Since my last, of the 6th and 25th, some material changes have taken place in the British Ministry. Lord Bathurst is made Lord President of the Council; Lord Hillsborough Secretary of State; and Lord Carlisle first Lord of Trade. Lord Gower and Lord Weymouth are out.

I communicate this change to you, because it marks the entire ascendency of that influence which began this war, and which will assuredly continue it to every extremity. The two ex-ministers are chiefs of the Bedford party, which of late has been for peace with us.

I know they are using every means with Russia and the German Princes, to procure troops against you; but I cannot learn that they have succeeded. It is impossible to say, what changes in the politics of those powers the very unexpected inefficacy of this campaign may produce. One thing is sure; that as it confirms their credit, it will supply them with money, and enable them to continue the war in a manner that appeared impossible six months ago. New York and Charleston, if they can compass the possession of this latter, are the strong holds from whence they purpose carrying continual desolation and distress through all the States. The driving them from New York is, therefore, an object of the last importance to the welfare of our country.

It is certain that Holland will remain neuter, and under that neutrality furnish us supplies, and, I hope, free from that unexampled extortion in price, and imposition in quality, to which we have been subjected from other quarters.

I still wait here for instructions, and must repeat to Congress, that the refusal of Dr Franklin to furnish any money for my expenses should I go to Spain, makes it necessary, if I am to serve, that some other means of supplying me should be adopted; and I beg it may be with a sum fixed, that future discussions and disputes may be avoided.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, December 8th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I have the honor of transmitting to you the King of England’s speech to his Parliament, and a memorial from his Ambassador at the Hague, demanding assistance from the United Provinces. It is not probable he will obtain it.

The speech shows, what I before wrote you was resolved in the British Cabinet, a determination to continue the war. His total silence about alliances seems as if he had not formed any, which I believe to be the fact.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

Paris, December 16th, 1779.

Sir,

Your Excellency will have the goodness to permit my recalling to your consideration what I have already had the honor of stating to you, relative to the plan of the common enemy to establish themselves in Georgia and South Carolina, in order to carry on more effectually the war against the possessions of Spain in America, and against the United States. I have most undoubted intelligence, that they are more and more determined on pursuing this plan. The good intentions of Count d’Estaing to drive them from Georgia having unfortunately failed, and the departure of the French fleet having left them again a decided superiority on our coast, must give them fresh encouragement to prosecute their enterprise, and will render the assistance of his Catholic Majesty’s squadron at the Havanna absolutely necessary to prevent its succeeding. Suffer me, therefore, to entreat most earnestly your Excellency’s attention to this, if other more near and important objects of the war should have hitherto diverted it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, December 25th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I this day had the honor of receiving yours of the 13th of October, notifying me, by the Resolve of Congress of the same date, of Mr Jay’s appointment and my recall. As Mr Jay is not yet arrived, I suppose it my duty to wait his coming, that I may communicate to him what is in my knowledge, that concerns the public in his department. It does not appear that it has pleased Congress to give any orders about the immediate return of the Confederacy, and taking me on board, without which it may be many months before I can find a passage in any other manner. Mr Izard has been waiting at Amsterdam for two months to get even to St Eustatia on his way home.

The plans of the enemy, of which I advised you in mine of the 13th of October and the 6th of November, are going into execution with vigor.

Admiral Rodney has probably sailed by this time. The ministry appear to be tottering, but unfortunately for us if they do go out they will give place to men by far more formidable to us in wisdom, economy, popularity, and confidence, both foreign and domestic. I feel it, therefore, in the strongest manner my duty to conjure Congress to prepare for a campaign which, in all human probability, will be urged with the utmost vigor, and to call forth every resource at home for the support of the public credit, without any reliance on foreign assistance. Such assistance is too precarious to hazard our cause on, and strong exertions on our part will give it, should it exist, a surer and more speedy effect. Congress may rely upon it, that on no terms whatsoever will our independence be acknowledged at present by Great Britain.

There are granted, for the service of the ensuing year, 178,950 men, including 4200 militia, and it is supposed that 97000 will be employed in America and the Islands. The removal of all restrictions on the export of wool, woollens, and glass ware from Ireland to Asia, Africa, and America, the United States excepted, it is probable will prevent any immediate commotions in that kingdom, and it is certain that the British Court have not such apprehensions from that quarter, as to prevent them from pursuing their operations against you in their utmost extent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, January 19th, 1780.

Gentlemen,

Having signified to the Count de Vergennes the resolution of Congress, assenting to my return, his Excellency proposed my taking leave of the King in form, and upon my doing so, that minister presented me his Majesty’s picture set in diamonds.