Chapter M: Gerard to Arthur Lee (5)

I thought it my duty to decline accepting it, upon which his Excellency told me it was a mark of his Majesty’s esteem, and was never refused. After this it appeared to me improper to persist in the refusal, and I received it with a determination to leave it to the disposal of Congress. It is sufficient for me, that the giving it is a distinguished proof of the untruth of what has been asserted, that this Court was disgusted with me and dissatisfied at my conduct. The present itself I shall dispose of according to the pleasure of Congress. His Majesty’s portrait is graved upon my mind by the justice and virtue which constitute his character, of which gold and jewels cannot enhance the value.

Permit me from this example to remark, for the sake of the ministers, that this law should be explained so as not to leave them to the disagreeable alternative of an ungracious refusal, or an acceptance that may expose them to censure.

An expedition with ten thousand of the enemy’s best troops will take place in about two months from Ireland, and though from the profound secrecy observed, I have not yet been able to discover its destination with certainty, yet I have sufficient reason to think that Boston is the object of it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO JOHN JAY MINISTER FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AT MADRID.

L’Orient, March 17th, 1780.

Sir,

I had not the honor of receiving your favor, dated 26th of January, till this day, and at this place, from which I am to embark as soon as the Alliance is ready. Your letter had a double seal upon it, the undermost seeming to be a head, and the one above being a coat of arms, but what I cannot clearly make out. I mention this, that you may judge whether these seals were of your applying.

Give me leave Sir, to take this opportunity of expressing my concern for the dangers and sufferings, which you and your family experienced in your passage, and to congratulate you and my country on your safe arrival in Europe.

I waited some time in Paris, after I received notice of your appointment, in expectation of your arrival, that I might communicate many things to you in a personal interview, which cannot be committed to paper. It would have given me very great pleasure to obtain for you those recommendations to the confidence of some of the first persons at the Court of Madrid, that were promised me, which might have been effected by making you personally acquainted with those, who were to give them.

The copies of memoirs, and the letters, which I wrote to Congress, contained in general what you do me the honor of asking. I have reason to believe, that you will find a favorable disposition where you wish. There is no Court in Europe, at which secrecy will so much recommend a negotiator, as that to which you are destined. Insomuch, that as far as you can keep the capital parts of your negotiation entirely to your own breast, you will have reason to think it prudent. You are to negotiate with a people of honor and a Ministry of wisdom. They will propose fairly and perform faithfully. You will not be embarrassed by intrigue, at least, none of Spanish origin, nor will it be advantageous to employ any. These considerations, together with the good sense and great abilities for which you are distinguished, make me hope, Sir, that you will accomplish with facility the important purposes of your mission; to the advantage of our country and to your own honor.

The house of Gardoqui has executed what was intrusted to them with diligence, and as far as I can judge, with fidelity. They therefore deserve your confidence. There is due to them from the public 12,000 livres, which they advanced for the freight of goods sent to Congress; and which, as it was done without my knowledge, I had made no provision for, and therefore could not repay it. The part of the prize money due to the public for the prizes sent into the ports of Spain, by Captain Cunningham, was never remitted to me, nor has the account been settled to my knowledge.

Accept my thanks for your care of the letters for me. As I shall certainly have quitted Europe before they can reach me, I must beg the favor of you to enclose them to Mr Lovell with the first despatches, which you send to Congress.

If an entire stranger may be permitted to offer his homage to your lady, I beg the favor of you, Sir, to make mine acceptable to Mrs Jay.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, October 7th, 1780.

Sir,

I must trouble your Excellency to inform Congress of my arrival in this city; and that I shall obey their commands, in giving them information in my power relative to the conduct of their private affairs.

Your Excellency will permit me to deposit with you the picture of the King of France, set with diamonds, which the Minister of that monarch presented to me, as a mark of his Majesty’s esteem, upon my taking leave of the Court of Versailles. But as it was in consequence of my having been a Commissioner of Congress at that Court, I do not think it becomes me to retain this present, without the express approbation of Congress.

It is with infinite pain, that I feel myself obliged to mention to Congress, that the manner of my dismission from the service of the United States implies a censure upon my conduct abroad, and is injurious to my character. I have already laid before Congress the fullest evidence of the untruth and malice of the insinuations made against me. And as they all appear at length abandoned by those who made them, and the single assertion maintained of my having been disesteemed at the French Court, I desire to lay before Congress a copy of a letter from Count de Vergennes in direct contradiction to that assertion; with two letters from my colleague, Mr John Adams, as testimonials of my conduct, to which he was witness.[51]

Should any doubt remain in Congress, that the insinuations made against me were groundless and malicious, and that I have discharged the public trust reposed in me with zeal and fidelity, I must beg of their justice to give me a full hearing at their bar, upon the whole of the proceedings, that concern my public conduct.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S._ I have brought with me the original vouchers, to show the manner of the expenditure in public supplies, of the money intrusted to me, particularly for the public use. These vouchers I shall lay before Congress as soon as it is their pleasure to receive them.

[51] For these letters see above, p. 224, 227, and 249.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, December 7th, 1780.

Sir,

I received in due time the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor of writing me, on the 26th of October, enclosing a resolution of Congress, by which I am directed to lay before them all the information in my power, relative to their affairs in Europe.

As a citizen of the United States, I should have immediately complied with the desire of that respectable body, had I not felt myself embarrassed by the dubious light in which the manner of my dismission from the public service had placed my conduct.[52]

The information Congress requires should comprehend the conduct, character, views, and dispositions of the Courts and Ministers with which these United States are connected, and the proceedings of the servants of Congress in Europe. It is hardly to be expected, that I should commit to paper what I know and think of the former; and of the latter, the disputes which have been artfully excited and fomented, make it a painful task to speak even the truth.

In my letter of the 21st of May, 1779, I have written as far as I might of the state of Europe, and the most material alterations since, are the declaration of Spain against Great Britain, upon a distinct ground, and the league of the neutral powers, planned by the Empress of Russia, to maintain and enlarge the rights of neutral ships. But the real policy of this plan was to prevent the House of Bourbon, as well as Great Britain, from acquiring a dominion of the seas, dangerous to the liberties of the rest of Europe.

The ineffectual attempts, which have been made in Europe for obtaining money, and the disposition which I observed on that subject, satisfied me, that however essentially necessary it may be at this juncture, it will be infinitely difficult to succeed. The Court of France in particular will not, I am of opinion, assist us with any adequate sum, but from being fully impressed with the indispensable necessity of it to the maintenance of our independence, and that we are by wise and honest systems retrieving the public credit, and establishing funds, which may soon relieve them from the burthen of supplying us.

With regard to loans from the public at large in Europe, you will permit me, Sir, to repeat what I had the honor of writing to the Committee of Congress, November 6th, 1779. “I perceive by the journals, that a committee is appointed for framing a plan of a foreign loan. It is my duty to say, that there is not the least probability in the present situation of things of obtaining any adequate loan in Europe, and to beseech Congress not to let the vain expectation of that divert their attention from trying every resource at home. It is necessary, that the impressions to our discredit, which have arisen from the unsuccessful attempts, that have been already made, should wear off, and some favorable event occur, such as the enemy being obliged to draw off their troops, before it will be possible to succeed in such a plan. In the meantime the repetition of ineffectual attempts will only debase your credit more, and especially if they are accompanied with the offer of more than ordinary interest, which ever augments the suspicion of the insecurity of the principal, and that the borrowers are themselves conscious of their insufficiency.” Since the time the above was written, the successes of the enemy against us have necessarily increased the improbability of our having credit to found a foreign loan.

From the experience I have had of your foreign affairs, as well as from the example of all other States, the establishment of a Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, who may digest them into system, and conduct them with regularity, seems absolutely necessary.

There remains one object of the last importance to the most essential interest of these States, in the final settlement of the present contest, that is the Court of Petersburg. The vast power of the Russian Empire, the wisdom and extensive views of its Ministers, and the respectability of its Empress, give that Court the greatest weight among the confederate neutral powers. These certainly hold the balance in this war, and most probably will dictate the terms of a general pacification. The wisdom of Congress will, therefore, perceive, that it is of the greatest consequence, that the views and opinions of that Court in this question should be known to them, and measures taken to impress the Empress and her Council with a favorable opinion of our cause. And this more especially, as the Empress has been hitherto left entirely to English impressions, and some degree of disrespect shown her in applications to other powers. I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[52] _December 1st._ “Resolved, That Mr Lee be informed, that Congress approve of his retaining the picture; that he be further informed, in answer to his letter, that there is no particular charge against him before Congress properly supported, and that he be assured his recall was not intended to fix any kind of censure on his character or conduct abroad.”

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF WILLIAM LEE,

COMMISSIONER FROM THE UNITED STATES

TO THE COURTS OF VIENNA AND BERLIN.

William Lee was a native of Virginia, but at the commencement of the revolution he had resided several years in London as a merchant. Notwithstanding his foreign birth, he acquired so much popularity in London, that he was chosen an Alderman, which post he held at the breaking out of the war.

His high toned whig principles, and his zeal in the American cause, had made him conspicuous, and pointed him out to the Congress as a person suitable to engage in their interests abroad. At the beginning of the year 1777, the commercial concerns of the United States in France, particularly at the port of Nantes, became important. For various reasons they were not well managed in the hands of the first agent, Mr Morris, and the Committee of Secret Correspondence appointed Mr William Lee as a joint commercial agent. He was informed of this appointment in April by a letter received in London from Mr Deane. Being detained by his private affairs, he did not arrive in Paris till June 11th. Here he found no commission to act as commercial agent, nor any other notice of his appointment, than what had been communicated to Mr Deane in a letter from the Committee of Congress.

Not deeming it expedient to act upon this authority alone, he remained in Paris till August 2d, when, by the recommendation of Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, he repaired to Nantes. The disagreements between the agents there had brought the public business into disorder, which Mr Lee was desired to use his influence in correcting. He staid in Nantes two months, and then returned to Paris, not yet having received any formal commission as commercial agent.

Meantime on the 9th of May, Mr William Lee had been elected by Congress a Commissioner to the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. His commission and instructions were waiting for him in Paris on his arrival, October 6th. The commission was dated July 1st, and gave him “full power and authority to communicate and treat with his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Germany, or with such person or persons as shall be by him for such purpose authorised, of and upon a true and sincere friendship, and a firm, inviolable, and universal peace for the defence, protection, and safety of the navigation and mutual commerce of the subjects of his Imperial Majesty, and the people of the United States.” He had a separate commission to the Court of Berlin, worded in the same manner.

The state of things at that time in Europe was not such, as to warrant Mr Lee in rendering himself at either of the Courts of Vienna or Berlin. He remained nearly a year in Paris, waiting the issue of events. At length he went to Frankfort in Germany, where he took up his residence, as a point convenient for his operations, till the time should arrive for some decided step with reference to the main object of his mission. On the 4th of September, 1778, he agreed to a plan of a treaty between the Netherlands and the United States. This was done at Aix la Chapelle, where he met M. de Neufville, the Dutch agent. But as M. de Neufville acted only in his private capacity, this treaty was never ratified nor matured.

In March, 1779, Mr Lee was in Paris, endeavoring to engage the French ministry to aid him in advancing his views in Germany. Failing in this purpose, he returned again to Frankfort, where he continued to reside during the remainder of his mission. He was recalled by a resolution of Congress, dated June 9th, 1779, but not required to come to the United States. Towards the end of the year he retired to Brussels, where he continued to live with his family for some time afterwards.

It is a little remarkable, that during the whole of Mr Lee’s public agency in the service of the United States, he was still an Alderman of the city of London. He sent his resignation to the Common Council, but they declined accepting it, on account of the difficulty of finding a successor, whose principles agreed with those of the majority.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF WILLIAM LEE.

INSTRUCTIONS TO WILLIAM LEE.

Philadelphia, July 1st, 1777.

Sir,

Herewith you will receive Commissions from the Congress of the United States of North America, authorising and appointing you to represent the said Congress as their Commissioner at the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. You will proceed with all convenient expedition to those Courts; visiting that first, which, on consultation with the Commissioners at the Court of France, shall be judged most proper. You will lose no time in announcing in form to those Courts the declaration of independence made in Congress on the fourth day of July, 1776. The reasons of this act of independence are so strongly adduced in the declaration itself, that further argument is unnecessary. As it is of the greatest importance to these States, that Great Britain be effectually obstructed in the plan of sending German and Russian troops to North America, you will exert all possible address and vigor to cultivate the friendship, and procure the interference of the Emperor and of Prussia. To this end you will propose treaties of friendship and commerce with these powers, upon the same commercial principles as were the basis of the first treaties of friendship and commerce proposed to the Courts of France and Spain, by our Commissioners, and which were approved in Congress the seventeenth day of September, 1776, and not interfering with any treaties, which may have been proposed to, or concluded with, the Courts abovementioned. For your better instruction herein, the Commissioners at the Court of Versailles will be desired to furnish you, from Paris, with a copy of the treaty originally proposed to Congress, to be entered into with France, together with the subsequent alterations that have been proposed on either side.

You are to propose no treaty of commerce to be of longer duration, than the term of twelve years from the date of its ratification by the Congress of the United States. And it must never be forgotten, in these commercial treaties, that reciprocal and equal advantages to the people of both countries be firmly and plainly secured.

There being reasons to suppose, that his Prussian Majesty makes commerce an object, you will not fail to place before him, in the clearest light, the great advantages, that may result from a free trade between the Prussian dominions and North America.

You will seize the first favorable moment to solicit, with decent firmness and respect, an acknowledgment of the independence of these States, and the public reception of their Commissioner as the representative of sovereign States. The measures you may take in the premises, and the occurrences of your negotiation, you will communicate to Congress by every opportunity.

It may not be improper to observe, that these instructions, and all others, which you may receive from time to time, should be kept as secret as circumstances will admit.

JOHN HANCOCK,
_President of Congress_.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, October 7th, 1777.

Sir,

Your goodness I trust will excuse me, for requesting the favor of you to inform the honorable Congress of the United States of America, that this moment (on my arrival here from Nantes, where I have been discharging the public trust reposed in me by the Secret Committee of Congress) were put into my hands the instructions, and appointment of me as Commissioner at the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, but not having had an opportunity of a conference on the subject with the Commissioners here, it is not in my power at present to enlarge on the business, more especially as I am told, that this express is to be immediately despatched. I understand another will be sent in ten or twelve days, by which opportunity I shall write fully. I have only further to entreat, that you will assure the honorable Congress of my steady attachment to that respectable body, and to the rights of America, which I shall invariably and on all occasions endeavor to support and maintain.

I am, with the truest respect and esteem, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO CHARLES THOMSON, SECRETARY OF CONGRESS.

Paris, November 24th, 1777.

Sir,

Be so good as to inform the honorable Congress of the United States of America, that I have received the commissions, whereby they have done me the honor of appointing me their Commissioner and Representative to the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. In consequence of their instructions, I have applied to their Commissioners at the Court of Versailles for a copy of the treaty originally proposed by Congress, to be entered into with France, together with the subsequent alterations that have been proposed on either side, which I presume they will furnish me with, and in the meantime I have been taking, and shall continue to take, measures to get the best possible information, which of these Courts it will be most for the interest of the United States, that I should visit first, in order to accomplish the most urgent object of Congress, that of preventing Great Britain from obtaining more German troops to send to America. For this object, my views shall be extended to Russia, as far as the situation of affairs in Europe will admit.

Colonel Faucet, the British Agent, has been most of the year in Germany, and about two months ago, General Haldiman, who was appointed and embarked to go and succeed General Carleton as Governor of Quebec, was recalled and sent to Germany, as it is supposed to aid Colonel Faucet in obtaining more German troops. What success they will meet with, I cannot at present speak of with certainty, but you may rely on every exertion in my power to obstruct their operations, and I have some hopes of succeeding so far as to prevent their obtaining more than to make up the number, that the States of Hesse, Brunswick, and Anspach, have formerly contracted to keep in the pay and service of Great Britain in America. It would certainly add to their difficulty, and embarrass the British Ministry, if there were only an appearance of beating up for men for the United States, in some of the free towns in Germany, where all the world by custom is permitted to recruit and enlist men. Something of this sort might be attempted, sufficient to give a great alarm and create a diversion in your favor at a very little expense, if prudently managed.

I shall pay strict attention to my instructions, and embrace the first favorable opportunity of prevailing upon the Courts of Vienna and Berlin to receive the Commissioner of Congress, as the Representative of a sovereign State, which will necessarily carry along with it an acknowledgment of the Independence of the Thirteen United States of America; though in this business I apprehend the other powers of Europe will wait for France and Spain to take the lead, as they are known every where to be friendly to the American States, and to have received hitherto greater advantages from the American commerce than any other kingdoms, and still have not determined as yet to receive the American Commissioners, as the representatives of a sovereign State. I hope I shall be excused for observing, that neither my commission nor instructions authorise me to conclude any treaty with the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, even if I should find those Courts at any time disposed for such a measure. Congress will determine whether it may be prudent to enlarge those powers, when they consider the distance between the two countries, and the time it will take to write to Congress, receive their answer, return to them the treaty, and then again receive their ratification.

It occurs to me, that it will be extremely proper for me to have a cypher, to carry on my correspondence with Congress, more especially if any supplies of cordage, arms, cannon, or ammunition are purchased in the Northern Countries, where it is beyond a doubt they may be had infinitely better in quality, and very considerably cheaper, than what have been sent already, or may be sent from France or Spain; particularly iron and brass ordnance, ball, shot, fusils, woollen and linen cloth for soldiers’ clothing, and tents, sailcloth, and cordage. Ways and means may be contrived to ship any of these things from the northern ports, as easily as from the southern ones. If this idea is approved by Congress, any cypher you send me shall be used when necessary. As there is no particular mode pointed out in my instructions, how I am to correspond with Congress, I have adopted the method of addressing myself to you as their Secretary, it being the usual practice in similar cases in Europe, but if I am wrong, I shall hope to be better informed by the next despatches I receive.

I am, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO CHARLES THOMSON.

Paris, December 18th, 1777.

Sir,

Enclosed is a copy of what I did myself the honor of writing to you, by the Independence, Captain Young. Be pleased to inform the honorable Congress, that, upon application being made to his Prussian Majesty, he has prevented the Hesse and Hanau recruits, for reinforcing the British army in America, from passing through his territories on the Rhine, which has kept those troops still in Germany, who otherwise would, by this time, have been on their voyage to America, and it is now doubtful whether they will ever be permitted to go. Our friends at Court here are of opinion, that it will be better for me to visit the Court of Vienna first, as it may be of use to strengthen and unite all the branches of the family compact, in the measures they have determined to take here in our favor; therefore, as soon as the ceremony (which is a pretty essential one) of _signing_ and _sealing_ has taken place, I shall set out for Vienna, as it is thought most advisable to wait till something decisive is absolutely concluded with the Court of Versailles, because on _that_ must be grounded my operations at Vienna and Berlin.

With respect to the latter, trade must be the principal object, though the friendship of the king of Prussia will be of use to keep Russia quiet, and to prevent Great Britain from getting any material aid from that quarter in case of an European war, while she is mad enough to continue the war with America. Nothing material relative to commerce can be effected in the north till late in the spring, because their ports are all frozen up during the winter. His Prussian Majesty seems well disposed to our cause, and I trust will give us every encouragement in time that we can wish; but in a country where there is very little foreign commerce, it must be raised gradually and by experimental conviction of its benefits. To me it seems evident, that the commerce between America and the Prussian dominions must be considerable, because the natural productions of the former will come to as good a market in the latter, as almost any part of Europe; those from the latter are what we have been heretofore obliged to get from England. I shall omit no safe opportunity of informing Congress of my proceedings, and with due consideration and regard,

I am, Sir, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO CHARLES THOMSON.

Paris, January 2d, 1778.

Sir,

I had the honor of writing to you by the Independence, Captain Young, a copy of which went since.

It is with infinite pleasure, that I congratulate Congress and America on the favorable change in our affairs in Europe, since advice was received of the noble and spirited exertions of the northern army and militia, in making General Burgoyne and his army prisoners. The purport of the last and present despatches from the Commissioners at the Court of Versailles, will show how pleasing and encouraging the prospect before us is in this country at the present moment.

I must beg you to lay before Congress, that though we had received repeated assurances from the king of Prussia of his good wishes for our success, and indeed had experienced his operations in our favor, by his forbidding his officers to permit the Hesse and Hanau recruits for the British army in America to pass down the Rhine, yet, since the late advices, his prime Minister writes more decidedly than before, for he says, “I can assure you, Sir, his Majesty will not be the last power to acknowledge the independence of the Americans, but you must be sensible it is not natural for him to begin it; and that at least France, whose political and commercial interests are more immediately connected with yours, should set the example.”

From this, I conclude, that as soon as France has entered into a treaty with you, the king of Prussia will not hesitate to do the same. This shows, that my former opinion was well founded when I observed to you, that it was probable, most if not all the European powers would follow the example of France and Spain, in acknowledging the independence of America. I have so far been able to prevail with the Emperor, by negotiations with his Minister, as to get his Imperial Highness to discountenance the practice of the German princes hiring their troops to Great Britain, for the purposes of the American war. I have been waiting some time for the conclusion of certain affairs here, on which I presume the Commissioners at this Court will write fully. When they are clearly decided, signed, and sealed, I shall then immediately set out for Vienna, where it is thought my first visit will be most proper and beneficial, and then I shall proceed to Prussia, where I can venture to assure Congress, that American merchant ships will be now freely admitted for commerce.

Emden is a convenient port, where many American articles will come to a fine market, such as tobacco, furs, rice, and indigo, of that quality which is most like the St Domingo kind. The returns in woollens, linens, naval stores, arms, and ammunition, will be greatly beneficial to America. I shall, by all safe opportunities, regularly inform Congress of my proceedings, continuing to address my letters to you until I have other directions, having not received any instructions on that head as yet. It will certainly be of great use to keep me regularly advised, and as early as possible, of all the material occurrences in America. I cannot omit to mention it as my opinion, that let the events in Europe be what they will, you ought to prepare for another vigorous campaign, in which, if Great Britain is foiled, you may assuredly compute on the war being at an end. I have the pleasure to inform Congress, that from the best intelligence, I learn that Great Britain has hitherto been very unsuccessful in her attempts to hire fresh German troops for the American war, but the diligence of the Ministry is greatly increased in endeavoring, by every artifice and allurement, to raise men in England, Scotland, and among the Roman Catholics in Ireland. I am inclined to think, that even there they will find themselves a good deal disappointed; but a few weeks will show their chance of success with certainty. At all events, the troops they raise will be raw men, and not able to encounter your veterans, aided by a well disciplined and spirited militia. The plan of the next campaign is, I believe, as yet to be settled; the earliest information I can get on that head, which is to be depended on, shall be immediately transmitted to Congress.

I am, with all due regard, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, January 22d, 1778.

Sir,

Be so good as to inform Congress, that I have communicated to them, by several letters addressed to Charles Thomson their secretary, my proceedings hitherto, in consequence of their appointing me their Commissioner at the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. I am now to add, that having lately had a conference with the Imperial Ambassador at this Court, he observed immediately an imperfection in my commission, as it only authorises me to treat with the Emperor of Germany, and not with his mother, who is the reigning and sovereign Prince over all the Austrian dominions, as well in Germany and Flanders as elsewhere.

She is extremely jealous of her power and authority, not permitting her son to interfere in any manner in the government of her dominions. Her title is, “The Most Serene and Most Potent Princess Maria Theresa, Queen of Hungary and Bohemia, Arch Duchess of Austria, &c. &c.” The Emperor, her son, though heir to her dominions, is at present only Commander in Chief of his mother’s army, and as Emperor is the head of the German empire. I therefore beg leave to submit to Congress, whether it may not be proper to send another commission to treat with the Queen of Hungary, &c. since, in fact, there are two Courts to negotiate with, though they both reside in the same city, viz. with the Emperor, so far as relates to the German empire, such as obstructing Great Britain from procuring German troops to send to America; and with his mother, for the purposes of commerce with the Austrian dominions, &c. &c.

There is every reason to believe, that our affairs will be finally settled here, and the compact signed and sealed in a few days, after which I shall immediately set off for Vienna, since from that quarter we have most to apprehend, as there has been always a particular intimacy between that Court and the Court of London, at least for the present century, which has not been interrupted but during the last war with France.

Notwithstanding the promising appearance of things at present, I cannot forbear giving it as my opinion, that every possible exertion should be made to prepare for a vigorous campaign next summer.

I am with sincere esteem, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 28th, 1778.

Sir,

The unexpected return of Mr Simeon Deane gives me the opportunity of enclosing you a copy of my last, which went by an express from Spain, to which be pleased to refer. I should before this have set off for Vienna, but the Commissioners at this Court have not yet found time to examine the papers relative to the commercial concerns of Congress, taken from the private papers of the late Mr Thomas Morris, as Mr Deane’s card of this date (a copy of which is enclosed) will show. As soon as that business is finished, I shall immediately set out to execute your commands in Germany, where, I am sorry to inform you, there are now appearances of an approaching rupture between the Emperor and King of Prussia, relative to the possession of the late Elector of Bavaria’s estates. The Elector Palatine, who is the rightful heir, has agreed by treaty, signed the 12th ult. between him and the Emperor, on the division of the Bavarian estates, but the King of Prussia is not satisfied, because he has not a share; he has therefore commenced a negotiation with Great Britain, and the Princes in Germany, to support his pretensions to some parts of Germany, founded on claims of right that go several generations back. Great Britain, you may be sure, will instigate him to go on, because if war ensues, France will probably take part with the emperor, which will render their meditated attack on her more likely to succeed; but I still hope peace will be maintained by negotiation in that quarter.

The British ministry are now fairly pushed to the wall; after exerting every effort to procure men for the ensuing campaign, both at home and abroad, and finding it impracticable any where, so odious are they and their measures, they have recourse to acts of Parliament, which are so presumptuous and treacherous, that it is hardly possible to say in which they excel. You will have the two bills by this conveyance, which are too plain to be misunderstood by any one who knows the framers; therefore, I shall only observe, that by the first the _right_ of taxing you is explicitly enacted, though suspended for the present, which is going something further than the declaratory act, for by that the right of taxation was only implied. By the second bill, the Commissioners are vested with full powers to do all possible mischief to you, and no possible good, until it is confirmed by Parliament. Under these circumstances I do not well see how any treaty can be commenced, nor perhaps will it be prudent, in the moment of their weakness and distress, to agree to a cessation of hostilities by land, unless your enemies will remove all their troops to Europe.

The situation of Spain, her millions being yet on the sea, and the circumstances in Germany beforementioned, I believe induce this Court still to continue the injunctions of secrecy relative to the treaties; but if war is not declared before, I do not see how it can be avoided as soon as you publish them, which I suppose will be done as soon as they come to hand, or at least such parts as will announce the fact to the world in such a manner that it cannot be doubted.

The number of French troops that are now on the coast, in Brittany and Normandy, with the powerful naval preparations both in this country and Spain, would effectually prevent Great Britain from sending any more troops to America this year, even if she could get them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

Mr Deane presents his compliments to Mr Lee. As tomorrow is fixed by the minister for sending off the despatches, it will be impossible for him to attend the examination of Mr Morris’s papers before his brother sets off. As Mr Deane had the honor of mentioning before, it shall be his first business after the despatches are gone.

_Saturday Morning_.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 23d, 1778.

Sir,

To the enclosed copy of my last be pleased to refer. I have the pleasing satisfaction of congratulating you and my country on the independency of the thirteen United States of America being now openly acknowledged by the Court of France, which must soon put a glorious end to all our troubles. About fourteen days ago the French Minister in London formally avowed to the British Ministry the treaty, which His Most Christian Majesty had made with you, and on the 20th inst your Commissioners were, in form, introduced to the King and his Ministers at Versailles, as the representatives of a sovereign State, and on Sunday last they were introduced to the Queen and all the royal family.

The British Ministry, as usual, have blustered a good deal, but have not ventured to declare war, that we know of. If they do, our business may the sooner and better be finished. I set off tomorrow for Germany, where the prospect of a war between Austria and Prussia seems to thicken, although this Court uses all its influence to prevent one, and has explicitly declared to both parties, that she will not in any manner aid or assist either side, as she is determined to exert all her force in supporting her new alliance with the States of America. I have already claimed the King of Prussia’s promise to acknowledge our independence as soon as France has done so; his answer I shall meet in Germany, and as far as one can judge at present, there is a greater probability of my being sooner openly received at Berlin than at Vienna, but on this head, and at this critical moment, it is impossible for any man in the world to form a decisive opinion, because the issue will depend on events that are yet in the womb of time; therefore, all that is in prudence for me to do is, on the spot to seize the first opening that is made on either side in our favor; and I shall take care to give you the earliest intelligence of every thing material, that occurs in my department.

I have the honor to remain, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO WILLIAM LEE.

York, May 14th, 1778.

Sir,

Your favors of November 24th and December 18th, reached us only the 2d of this month, with the letters of our other friends at Paris, from whom we had not received a regular packet for eleven months. You will readily conceive how much we have wished to hear from you, and how very agreeable your information would have been at an earlier period. It is evident, that you were yourself in a degree of doubt as to the conduct of France, even after the conference of our Commissioners in December; you will, therefore, be naturally led to give us due credit for the resolute manner, in which we proceeded upon the two draughts of bills which the British Ministry had hurried over to America. Be assured we were unacquainted with the spirit of the French Court. The decisive part it has taken was really unexpected, judging from the accounts we had collected from travellers. The dates of the papers herewith sent will enable you to put this matter in a clear point of view.

The turn of affairs in Europe will make it needless for us to attempt the finesse of recruiting in Germany, which you hint at, and which would have a good effect in case of necessity. Mr Arthur Lee’s letters make it quite probable, that your commission will prove successful at Berlin, and there appears the best agreement between the King of Prussia and the Emperor.

The enclosed Resolve of Congress, of the 7th instant, will show their intentions with regard to your support, which was not properly attended to when your commission was made out.[53]

Other papers herewith sent will give you a general idea of our situation. You may be assured that independence is firmly adopted by the States; and the unanimity of Congress is truly emblematic of all America. Nova Scotia has long ago expressed its wishes to be adopted by us, and now afresh solicits. Canada will be greatly affected by the news of our alliance with its former parent State. In short, Sir, every thing which could be added to our own determination of being free and independent, is insured by this eclaircissement of the Court of Versailles. Our army is growing daily, so that if we are to negotiate with Britain we shall do it in a proper posture. There are some reports of her drawing away her troops, that she may with a better grace enter into parley. But this must be done without disguise, or no treaty can be held; for surely no one can suppose, that we shall now give up a point, which we had made a preliminary, before we knew what powerful friendship was secured to us in Europe.

The powers which had been given to our Commissioners in France, and our great anxiety to keep perfect faith in treaties, induced a caution with regard to the powers given in after appointments, which is now become unnecessary. Perfect equality being the basis of our present treaties, without any exclusive privileges to France, there can be no chance of discontent from the conclusion of similar treaties with other powers of Europe; therefore, we shall doubtless soon forward to you more full powers than were sent with your commission. As you seem to think it may be advantageous to have a cypher for correspondence, we would propose the same which has been mentioned to Dr Franklin formerly by Mr Lovell, and this is the rather chosen, because it may serve between the doctor and you or any number of your friends, taking a different key-word for each.

We are, with great regard, &c.

R. H. LEE,
JAMES LOVELL,
ROBERT MORRIS.

_P. S._ You are to have a plenipotentiary commission with instructions, _not_ limiting the term of the proposed treaties of amity and commerce.

[53] “_May 7th, 1778._ Resolved, that the Commissioners appointed for the Courts of Spain, Tuscany, Vienna and Berlin, should live in such style and manner, at their respective Courts, as they may find suitable and necessary to support the dignity of their public character; keeping an account of their expenses, which shall be reimbursed by the Congress of the United States of America;

“That besides the actual expenses of the Commissioners, a handsome allowance be made to each of them as a compensation for their services;

“That the Commissioners of the other Courts in Europe be empowered to draw bills of exchange from time to time for the amount of their expenses upon the Commissioners at the Court of France.”

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, September 12th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I have just arrived here from Germany, and finding the bearer of this about to set off in a few hours, I cannot omit saying a word or two, though it will be impossible to be so full as I could wish. I wrote to the President of Congress from Vienna the 30th of May last,[54] which was forwarded from hence, to which be pleased to refer; since then I have received your first and only letter, dated from Yorktown the 14th of May last, wherein you acknowledge the receipt of mine of the 24th November and the 18th of December; but I am surprised at your not receiving also two other letters from me, dated the 28th of February and 23d of March last, which were sent by Mr Simeon Deane, and addressed to the President of Congress.

Since my last of the 30th of May, when the war broke out between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, on consultation with the French Ambassador at Vienna, it was agreed to be most advisable for me to retire to Frankfort, and wait there until the several powers in Germany and the rest of Europe had taken a decided line in this war, when we might be able to direct our operations to the most advantage for America, since it was evident, that neither the Court of Vienna, nor that of Berlin could, in their critical situation, take an open part with us, for fear of throwing Hanover, with a body of thirty thousand men, into the scale of the adversary, especially too as France had declared a neutrality, on the urgent application of the House of Austria for aid, under the treaties subsisting between them and France; to which however France replies with truth, that the case does not exist as specified in the treaty, which obliges them to aid the House of Austria. The two mighty powers have been in the field opposed to each other ever since the beginning of July, when the King of Prussia entered Bohemia with his army, but no battle has yet been given, or anything material passed on either side. There have been perpetual skirmishes between the foraging parties and advanced posts, which on the whole seem rather in favor of the Prussians. In the course of the winter or spring, we hope things will take such a turn as to enable me to operate to advantage with one or the other of the parties, but at present I think you may be assured, that such measures have been taken as will effectually prevent our enemies from obtaining any further aid from any part of Europe, if they should continue the war against us another year, which I can hardly expect they will do, for I am informed, and have reason to believe my information true, that orders have been already sent to their Commissioners in America to acknowledge our independence, if nothing else will answer, in order to commence a treaty and make a peace.

After my arrival at Frankfort, finding an opportunity offered to me of negotiating a Treaty of Commerce with the United States of Holland and West Friesland, I embraced it, and have proceeded so far as to agree on the draught of a treaty, with the regular representative of the Pensionary and Burgomasters of the city of Amsterdam, of which I have not time to send you a copy by this conveyance, but I am sure you would approve of it, as it contains all the substantially advantageous articles of the commercial treaty with France, and some beneficial and agreeable additions.

So far, the business has been conducted on both sides with great secrecy, which is absolutely necessary in order to procure final success with the United States here, for though the city of Amsterdam and the States of Holland pay, it is supposed, about five sixths of the whole taxes for the support of the government, which consequently gives them very powerful weight and influence, yet they have no power, by their constitution, of entering into such a treaty, without the concurrence of the other United States, in some of which the Prince of Orange has an over due influence, and all the world knows his blood connexions with the king of England, as well as that he has the same designs against his country, that have been attempted to be carried into execution against us, and which he hopes to succeed in by the aid of his cousin of England, with whom he is in the strictest intimacy. This renders secrecy of the last importance, until the patriots in Holland have secured success, before the business is agitated in the General Assembly of the States, where it must come, to have full authority.

Here I find myself embarrassed, because I have no power to sign such a treaty, and I know not how to determine as yet about communicating it, in the present situation of things, to those who have a power to sign it in your name, because it is well known that some of the most important negotiations and proceedings here, relative to your affairs, have sometime past been very speedily communicated in England, and I have not yet been able to learn that the old channel is stopped. I shall, however, proceed in the manner, that shall on the maturest reflection appear the best to forward the wishes of Congress, and advance the prosperity of our country.

In a week or ten days I shall return to my station in Germany, and watch with careful attention over my charge there, and when any thing material occurs you shall be duly advised.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM LEE.

[54] Missing.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Frankfort, October 15th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I have the honor of forwarding to you herewith a third copy of a plan of a treaty of amity and commerce, between the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands and the United States of America, which you will perceive was settled by M. de Neufville, as the representative of Mr Van Berckel, Counsellor Pensionary of the city of Amsterdam, and myself. The Burgomasters of Amsterdam had authorised Mr Van Berckel to treat in this business in their name, and the Pensionary regularly authorised M. de Neufville, a capital merchant of Amsterdam, to treat with me. I forwarded two copies of this plan from Paris last month, where I went to communicate what had been done to the Commissioners there, as I did not think myself authorised to proceed any further alone.[55] They were fully informed by me of the state of politics in Holland, and that a great deal of management and secrecy in the present stage of the business would be requisite to complete it successfully, because the English party having the Prince of Orange at its head is very powerful, and might effectually obstruct the progress, if the negotiation comes to their knowledge before the Pensionary and Burgomasters have made sure of carrying the point in the Assembly of the States-General.

The further progress in this business your Commissioners at Paris will no doubt communicate to you. However, it appears to me of no inconsiderable importance, that I have obtained from the Pensionary an engagement, that the States-General shall not take any measures that may be injurious to the United States of America, provided America shall not take any measures injurious to Holland. This engagement the Pensionary is alone capable of complying with, because his single negative is sufficient to prevent the States-General from entering into any such measures, and consequently the States will be prevented from giving any aid to Great Britain against our good ally, France.